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HISTORY 


OF  THK 


NORTH  MEXICAN  STATES. 


WORKS 


OF 


HENRY   L.  OAK 


VOL.  I. 


ANNALS 


OF   THE 


SPANISH  NORTHWEST 


NOETH  MEXICAN  STATES 


(Vol.  X.  of  the  Bancroft  History  of  the  Pacific  States. 


AUTHOR'S     COPY 

1884 


PREFACE. 


THIS  collection  of  my  historical  writings  is  not,  in  its  pres 
ent  form,  published,  offered  for  sale  or  criticism,  or  even 
printed  for  private  distribution.  The  volumes,  purchased  from 
the  publishers  for  the  purpose,  are  bound  in  this  form  for 
preservation  as  a  family  relic. 

These  works  originally  formed  a  part  of  the  series  in  thirty- 
nine  volumes,  published  under  the  titles  of  Bancroft's  Works, 
or  Bancroft' s  Native  Races  and  History  of  the  Pacific  Spates. 
Eight  volumes  as  they  stand  here  are  complete  in  the  original 
form,  with  no  change  except  in  the  title-pages  and  binding. 
Two  volumes  are  made  up  of  fragments  in  the  form  of  com 
plete  chapters  ;  and  one  volume,  containing  only  one  such 
chapter,  includes  a  duplication  of  the  Pioneer  Register  from 
Vols.  II— V  of  the  History  of  California,  several  chapters  on  the 
Annals  of  Nueva  Galicia,  originally  written  by  me  for  the 
North  Mexican  States,  but  transferred  to  the  Mexico,  and  used 
as  material,  with  considerable  change,  by  another  writer,  so 
that  I  make  no  claim  to  the  authorship  ;  and,  finally,  an  un 
published  statement,  entitled  Literary  Industries  in  a  New 
Light. 

My  part  of  the  original  series  was  almost  exactly  ten  vol 
umes  in  the  aggregate.  This  collection  does  not  include  quite 
all  of  the  matter  written  by  me,  lacking  many  fragments  of 
chapters,  including  nearly  one  hundred  pages  in  Vol.  II  of 
the  Native  Races,  which  could  not  be  conveniently  bound  in 
this  form,  or,  at  least,  were  not  among  the  portions  purchased 
by  me  for  preservation. 

Respecting  the  authorship,  and  various  relevant  matters,  I 
have  much  to  say  elsewhere,  and  a  few  words  will  suffice  here. 
Of  the  ten  volumes  I  was  the  legitimate  and  sole  author.  The 
plan  of  treatment  in  each  topic,  the  study  of  authorities,  the 
conclusions  reached,  and  the  language  in  which  they  were  ex 
pressed,  were  entirely  mine.  There  is  no  editorial  re  vision  by 
me  of  others'  work,  and  no  revision  of  my  work  by  others. 
Nearly  all  of  my  manuscript  after  completion  was  read  by  Mr. 
Bancroft ;  but  his  reading  was  hasty,  and  his  penciled  sug 
gestions  were  few  and  superficial.  Moreover,  in  nearly  every 
instance  the  manuscript  was  returned  to  me,  and  the  final 
revision  in  manuscript  or  proof  was  my  own. 


True,  my  work,  like  that  of  all  my  associates,  was  founded 
largely  on  index  notes  and  references  made  by  many  other 
men,  and  representing  the  labor  of  many  years.  But  these 
notes  were  used  by  me  as  guides  to  the  sources,  and  they  sim 
ply  enabled  me  to  accomplish  in  ten  years — the  portion  of  my 
eighteen  years'  labor  devoted  directly  to  the  writing  of  these 
volumes — what  in  the  ordinary  way  I  could  not  have  accom 
plished,  even  much  less  thoroughly,  in  thirty  years. 

As  this  collection  is  not  for  the  public  or  the  critic,  my  pre 
face  is  directed  solely  to  the  few  relatives  and  friends  who  may 
see  it  ;  and  to  them  I  offer  no  apology  for  preserving  my 
writings  in  this  form.  In  my  view,  it  is  a  natural  and  par 
donable  egotism  on  the  part  of  a  writer,  to  be  not  ashamed  but 
proud  of  his  life-work. 

The  Bancroft  series  in  late  years  rests  under  a  cloud  of  dis 
approval  and  distrust ;  and,  of  course,  the  cloud  covers  all  its 
parts,  since  the  public  is  ignorant  in  detail  of  possible  grounds 
for  discrimination.  Condemnation,  however,  is  not  founded  to 
any  great  extent  on  the  intrinsic  qualities  of  the  work  as  a 
whole,  but  rather  on  those  of  a  certain  small  portion,  and 
mainly  on  certain  deservedly  unpopular  characteristics  and 
methods  of  the  publisher. 

So  far  as  my  Annals  of  the  Spanish  Northwest  is  concerned 
directly,  no  critic  of  presumable  competency  has  attempted  to 
controvert  any  record  or  conclusion  ;  several  of  high  authority 
have  commended  the  work  heartily  ;  and  the  only  unfavorable 
criticism — the  well-founded  one  that,  by  reason  of  its  bulk, 
excess  of  detail,  and  mechanical  arrangement,  it  is  unreadable, 
except  by  topics  and  sections — might,  perhaps,  not  have  been 
urged  had  the  work  been  published  separately  for  just  what 
the  author  intended  it  to  be — a  reference  book  of  provincial, 
local,  and  personal  records. 

Therefore,  in  the  distant  future,  when  current  prejudices 
shall  have  died  out,  I  have  some  faith  that  my  conscientious 
labor  of  many  years,  with  an  exceptional  wealth  of  document 
ary  resources,  may  be  decided  to  have  produced  creditable 
results  of  some  real  value,  as  a  fairly  accurate,  comprehensive, 
and  impartial  record  of  the  beginnings  in  a  broad  and  impor 
tant  section  of  our  country. 

HENRY  L.  OAK. 
SEIGLER  SPRINGS,  May,  1893. 


PREFACE. 


THE  territorial  basis  of  the  present  work,  fourth  in 
the  completed  series,  and  entitled  HISTORY  OF  THE 
NORTH  MEXICAN  STATES,  corresponds  to  the  modern 
Texas,  Coahuila,  Durango,  Chihuahua,  New  Mexico, 
Sinaloa,  Sonora,  Arizona,  and  the  two  Californias; 
but  the  history  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and  Upper 
California  is  here  given  only  in  the  briefest  outline, 
because  fully  treated  in  separate  works.  To  the 
eastern  provinces  of  Texas  and  Coahuila  much  less 
space  proportionately  is  devoted  than  to  regions  fur 
ther  west;  somewhat  more  to  Chihuahua  and  Sonora 
than  to  Durango  and  Sinaloa  in  the  south;  and  Baja 
California,  by  reason  not  only  of  its  geographic  posi 
tion  but  of  its  historic  importance,  receives  more 
attention  than  its  rank  in  modern  times  alone  would 
justify.  These  provinces  are  variously  grouped  at 
successive  epochs  as  is  required  for  clearness  arid  con 
venience  of  presentment;  but  of  each  it  is  the  author's 
aim  to  portray  in  all  desirable  detail  the  earliest  annals 
of  discovery,  exploration,  conquest,  and  conversion; 
while  later  periods  of  routine  development  are  not 
neglected,  though  treated  on  a  different  scale.  Maps 
are  introduced  somewhat  more  plentifully  than  else 
where  to  show  the  advance  of  Spanish  dominion  north 
ward;  and  as  usual  a  large  amount  of  statistical,  de- 


(v) 


vi  PREFACE. 

scriptive,  bibliographic,  and  explanator}^  matter  is 
added  to  the  references  in  foot-notes.  The  work  con 
sists  of  two  volumes,  of  which  the  first  brings  the 

'  O 

record  down  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

This  territory  has  been  treated  on  a  general  scale, 
as  part  of  a  great  nation,  in  a  preceding  work  of  the 
series;  but  the  plan  requires  a  more  minute  treat 
ment  of  the  northern  regions ;  and  it  is  deemed  better 
to  add  two  volumes  of  provincial  annals  than  to  cor 
respondingly  increase  the  bulk  of  such  matter  in  a 
national  HISTORY  OP  MEXICO.  It  is  not,  however, 
solely  to  meet  the  requirements  of  an  arbitrary  plan 
that  the  north  receives  more  attention  than  the  south. 
The  history  of  the  former  is  not  only  more  interesting 
and  important,  but  it  has  left  records  much  more 
complete.  And  so  nearly  in  parallel  grooves  ran  the 
current  of  affairs  in  different  Hispano- American  com 
munities  that  southern  provincial  history,  unrecorded 
for  the  most  part,  may  in  many  phases  be  studied  in 
directly  yet  with  profit  in  that  of  the  north.  Even 
here  it  is  not  possible  to  form  an  uninterrupted  chain 
of  events  in  each  province  and  for  each  period;  nor  is 
it  desirable,  for  such  a  record  would  be  bulky,  weari 
some,  and  unprofitable — an  almost  endless  repetition 
of  similar  petty  happenings  under  like  conditions. 
But  the  i riter-provincial  likeness  noted,  while  it  ex 
cuses  the  historian  from  following  the  thread  of  minor 
occurrences  in  all  the  provinces,  also  suggests  the  de 
sirability  of  such  minute  treatment  in  one  of  them  at 
least,  in  order  that  the  record  of  one  may  reflect  that 
of  the  rest,  just  as  northern  history  in  a  sense  throws 
light  upon  the  south.  The  suggestion  is  followed, 
but  for  this  purpose  a  country  still  farther  north  is 


PREFACE.  vii 

chosen,  Upper  California,  for  which  original  data  are 
beyond  all  comparison  most  copious,  and  whose  his 
tory  will  be  extensively  supplemented  by  local  annals. 
Thus  it  is  intended  that  the  subdivisions  of  the  his 
torical  series  shall  not  only  be  complete  each  in  its 
own  sphere,  but  that  each  shall  be  so  connected  with 
the  others  as  to  make  of  all  a  symmetrical  whole. 

From  the  beginning  these  regions  attracted  special 
attention  from  the  Spaniards.  Thence  came  to  eager 
ears  never-ceasing  reports  of  great  cities,  civilized 
peoples,  inexhaustible  wealth,  interoceanic  straits,  and 
all  the  marvels  of  the  Northern  Mystery.  Thither 
stretched  the  broadest  field  for  exploration  and  ad 
venture;  and  here  were  found  the  richest  deposits  of 
natural  treasure.  It  was  a  country  of  bitter  warfare 
and  bloody  revolts;  but  there  were  tribes  that  made 
an  enviable  record  for  honor  and  good  faith  as  well  as 
for  bravery;  and  even  the  conquerors  in  most  parts 
marked  their  advance  with  atrocities  somewhat  less 
fiendish  than  in  the  south.  This  was  preeminently 
the  mission  field  of  America,  where  the  Jesuits  and 
Franciscans  made  their  grandest  efforts  with  the  best 
results,  and  where  their  system  may  be  studied  under 
the  most  favorable  conditions.  The  deeds  of  explorer, 
soldier,  and  missionary  advancing  side  by  side  against 
a  receding  frontier  of  barbarism  furnish  material  for 
a  story  of  rare  interest.  And  the  fascination  of  the 
topic  to  Anglo-Saxon  readers  is  enhanced  by  the  con 
tiguity  of  the  region  under  consideration  to  the  great 
northern  republic,  from  which  a  new  industrial  and 
peaceful  conquest  is.  being  pushed  southward  on  iron 
routes.  That  the  international  bonds  may  be  drawn 
closer  for  mutual  benefit  without  taint  of  unreasoning 


viii  PREFACE. 

prejudice  on  one  side,  or  of  filibustering  encroachment 
on  the  other,  should  be  the  desire  of  every  good  citi 
zen  of  the  two  republics. 

The  author's  resources  for  writing  this  part  of  the 
history  are  exceptionally  ample,  as  is  shown  by  the 
list  of  authorities  prefixed  to  this  volume.  His  Library 
contains  all  the  standard  missionary  chronicles  on 
which  foundation  the  general  structure  must  rest, 
together  with  a  very  complete  collection  of  govern 
ment  reports,  Spanish  and  Mexican,  and  practically 
all  the  general  and  special  works  relating  to  the  ter 
ritory  that  have  been  printed  in  any  language.  There 
is  moreover  hardly  an  epoch  in  the  annals  of  any  North 
Mexican  State  for  which  important  information  has 
not  been  drawn  from  original  manuscripts  never  be 
fore  consulted.  The  field  is  also  in  all  essential  respects 
a  new  one;  for  while  certain  limited  periods  in  the 
annals  of  several  parts  of  the  territory  have  been 
worthily  presented  in  print,  there  is  no  work  extant 
in  any  language  which  includes  the  entire  history  of 
any  one  of  the  seven  provinces;  much  less  a  compre 
hensive  history  of  the  whole  country.  That  the  con 
ception  of  the  work  and  its  introduction  here  as  a 
connecting  link  between  the  national  history  of  the 
south  and  local  annals  of  the  farther  north  will  be 
approved  is  the  hope  and  belief  of  the  author. 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CORTES  OX  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

1521-1530. 

PAGE 

Motive  of  North -western  Discovery — Cosmographical  Theories  of  the 
Early  Spaniards — Secret  of  the  Strait — Ideas  of  Hernan  Corte"s — 
Extracts  from  his  Letters — Resume"  of  Events  Following  the  Con 
quest — Panuco  and  the  Gulf  Coast — Rival  Conquistadores — The 
Chichimec  Country — Conquest  of  Michoacan— Subjection  of  Colima 
and  Chimalhuacan — Expeditions  of  Alvarez  Chico,  Avalos,  and  Fran 
cisco  Cortes — Exploration  to  Tepic — Northern  Wonders — A  Town 
and  Ship-yard  at  Zacatula — Cortes  on  the  Pacific  Coast — His  Projects 
of  South  Sea  Discovery — His  Letters  to  the  Emperor — Delays  and 
Obstacles— Down  the  Coast,  Northward — Identity  of  Vessels — Lo- 
aisa,  Guevara,  and  Saavedra — First  Voyage  up  the  Coast  to  Colima — 
New  Vessels— New  Persecutions — Discouragement 1 


CHAPTER  H. 

NUNO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 

1530-1531. 

Guzman's  Plans  and  Motives— A  Grand  Army— Names  of  Officers — 
Murder  of  a  King — March  through  Michoacan  and  Jalisco — Crossing 
•the  Rio  Grande — Mayor  Espana — At  Omitlan  and  Aztatlan — Au 
thorities — Advance  to  Chametla — Map — Quezala  Province — Piastla — 
Ciguatan,  Province  of  Women — On  to  Culiacan — Town  of  Colombo — ' 
Local  Explorations — Samaniego  Reaches  the  Petatlan— Search  for 
the  Seven  Cities — Lopez  Crosses  the  Sierra  to  Durango— Founding 
of  the  Villa  de  San  Miguel  de  Culiacan — Site  and  Transfers — List  of 
Pobladores — Guzman's  Return  to  Jalisco — Founding  of  Chametla — • 
Nueva  Galicia — Compostela  the  Capital — Guzman  Governor — His 

Downfall > 26 

fix) 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE   III. 

CORTES,    GUZMAN,    AND    CABEZA -DE    VACA. 

1532-1536. 

PAGE 

Voyage  of  Hurtado  de  Mendoza^Instructions  and  Mishaps — Guzman's 
Version — A  New  Fleet — Voyage  of  Becerra  and  Grijalva — Mutiny 
of  Jimenez— Discoveries — Expedition  of  Hernan  Cortes — March 
through  Nueva  Galicia — Colony  at  Santa  Cruz — Failure — Events  at 
San  Miguel  de  Culiacan — Vaguely  Recorded  Explorations — Onate 
and  Angulo — Expedition  of  Diego  de  Guzman — To  the  Rio  Yaqui — 
Indian  Troubles  at  San  Miguel — Raids  for  Plunder  and  Slaves — 
Spaniards  Found  in  the  North — Narvaez  in  Florida — Cabeza  de  Vaca 
in  Texas — Wanderings  across  the  Continent — Route — Did  not  Reach 
New  Mexico — Arrival  on  the  Yaqui  and  at  San  Miguel — Subsequent 
Career 40 

CHAPTEE  IV. 

NIZA,   ULLOA,    CORONADO,    AND  ALARCON. 

1537-1542. 

Governors  Torre  and  Coronado  in  New  Galicia — Mendoza  a  Rival  of 
Cortes — Expedition  of  Marcos  de  Niza — Discovery  of  Cfbola — Fact 
and  Fiction — Cortes  Again  in  the  Field — Rival  Claims — Voyage  of 
Francisco  de  Ulloa — California — Castillo's  Map — Expedition  of  Fran 
cisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado — Through  Sonora — To  Zuni,  Moqui,  Colo 
rado  Canon,  New  Mexico,  and  Quivira — Failure  and  Return — Settle 
ment  in  Sonora — San  Ger<5nimo  de  los  Corazones — Melchor  Diaz 
Crosses  the  Rio  del  Tizon — His  Death — Indian  Hostilities— San 
Ger6nimo  Abandoned — Voyage  of  Hernando  de  Alarcon  to  Head  of 
the  Gulf — Up  the  Buena  Guia  in  Boats — Cortes  Gives  Up  the 
Struggle — Pedro  de  Alvarado  on  the  Coast — Mixton  War — New 
Galicia  to  End  of  the  Century 71 

CHAPTEE  V. 

ANNALS   Off  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

1554-1600. 

Zacatecas  Mines— Mercado's  Silver  Mountain — Ibarra's  Private  Explora 
tions — Mendoza  and  the  Franciscans — Ibarra  as  Governor — Province 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya— Expedition — At  San  Juan— Founding  of  Nombre 
de  Dios  and  Durango — To  Copala  or  Topia — Grand  Reports — Inde" 
and  Santa  Barbara  Mines — March  to  Sinaloa— Villa  of  San  Juan- 
Tour  in  the  Far  North — City  of  Pagme — San  Sebastian  de  Cha- 
metla — Death  of  Ibarra — Progress  in  Durango — List  of  Governors — 
Annals  of  Sinaloa — Murder  of  Friars — Villa  Abandoned — Montoya's 
Expedition — Bazan's  Entrada — San  Felipe  de  Sinaloa — Franciscan 
Convents — Four  Martyrs — Arlegui's  Chronicle— Jesuit  Annals — In 
Sinaloa— The  Anuas— Martyrdom  of  Father  Tapia— In  Topia  — Tepe- 
huane  Missions— Santa  Maria  de  Parras— Exploration  and  Conquest 
of  New  Mexico 99 


CONTEXTS.  xi 

CHAPTER  VI. 

VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

1540-1600. 

PAGE 

Introductory  Remarks — Maritime  Annals — Voyage  of  Juan  Rodriguez 
Cabrillo  and  Bartolome"  Ferrelo — Death  of  Cabrillo — Discovery  of 
Alta  California — Results — Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos  Discovers  the 
Philippines — Legaspi  Crosses  the  Pacific — Padre  Andre's  Urdaneta 
Opens  the  Northern  Route — Arellano's  Trip  from  the  "West — The 
Manila  Galleons — Piratical  Cruise  of  Francis  Drake  in  the  Mar  del 
Sur — Voyage  of  Francisco  de  Gali — Cruise  of  Thomas  Cavendish — 
Capture  of  the  Galleon  'Santa  Ana' — Apocryphal  Expeditions  to  -„ 
Strait  of  Anian  by  Lorenzo  Ferrer  Maldonado  and  Juan  de  Fuca — 
Cermeilon's  Voyage — The  'San  Agustin'  in  San  Francisco  Bay — 
Sebastian  Vizcaino  Explores  the  Gulf — Unsuccessful  Attempt  to 
Settle  California — A  Battle  and  a  Romance — Old  Maps 130 

CHAPTER  VII. 

MARITIME   EXPLORATIONS. 

1601-1636. 

Vizcaino's  Second  Expedition — Outer  Peninsula  Coast — Up  to  Latitude 
43° — Later  Projects — California  an  Island — Interest  in  the  North 
west — Vizcaino's  Third  Voyage — Onate  at  the  Head  of  the  Gulf — 
Cardona's  Contract  and  Voyages — Juan  de  Iturbe — Pichilingues  on 
the  Coast— Spilberg's  Cruise — Memorial  of  Padre  Ascension— Dutch 
Map — Arellano's  Claim — Private  Pearl  Voyages — Melchor  de  Le- 
zama — Petition  of  Bastan — Views  of  Salmeron — Three  Expeditions 
by  Francisco  de  Ortega — Third  Colony  at  La  Paz — Original  Records — 
First  of  the  Jesuits — EsteVan  Carbonel  in  the  Gulf — D'Avity's 
Map 153 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

1636-1769. 

Porter  y  Casanate  and  Botello  y  Serrano — Memorials  and  Contracts — 
Pretended  Discoveries  of  Fonte— Cestin  de  Canas— Casanate's  Efforts 
and  Misfortunes — Two  Trips  to  California— Piuadero's  Pearl-fishing 
Expedition — Lucenilla  in  the  Gulf — Royal  Enthusiasm — A  New 
Contract — Settlement  of  California  by  Otondo  and  the  Jesuits — 
Fourth  Failure  at  La  Paz — Colony  at  San  Bruno — Buccaneers  and 
Privateers— Swan  and  Townley — Dampier — Woocles  Rogers,  Court 
ney,  and  Cooke — Victory  and  Defeat — Frondac's  Voyage,- -Shel- 
vocke  at  the  Cape — Ansou's  Voyage 177 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE  IX. 

ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND   SONORA. 

1600-1650. 

PAGE 

Coast  Provinces — Chametla,  Copala,  Culiacan,  Sinaloa,  Ostimuri,  Sonora, 
and  Pimeria — Villas  of  San  Sebastian  and  San  Miguel — San  Juan  de 
Mazatlan — San  Felipe  de  Sinaloa — Commandants  or  Governors — 
The  Jesuit  Annas — Captain  Hurdaide's  Rule — The  Guazaves — Defeat 
of  the  Suaquis — Chiefs  Hanged — Expedition  to  Chinipa — Sinaloas 
Put  to  Death — Tehueco  Campaign — Ocoroni  Revolt — Conversions — 
Fuerte  de  Montesclaros — Spaniards  Defeated  by  the  Yaquis — Treaty 
of  Peace — Bishop's  Visit — Tepahue  Campaign — Mayo  Missions — Con 
version  of  the  Yaquis — Chinipa  Missions — District  of  San  Ignacio — 
Distribution  of  Padres — Death  of  Hurdaide — Perea  in  Command — 
Murder  of  Padres  Pascual  and  Martinez — Sonora  Valley — District  of 
San  Francisco  Javier — Division  of  Province — Nueva  Andalucia — 
Jesuits  versus  Franciscans — Padres  and  Statistics — Ribas'  Triumphs 
of  the  Faith— Condition  of  the  Missions 202 

CHAPTER  X. 

ANNALS  OF  SONOEA  AND  SINALOA. 

1650-1700. 

Kulers  in  Sinaloa — Coast  Events — Tajo  Mine — Spanish  Settlements — 
Missionary  Annals  in_  the  South— Minor  Items,  Statistics,  and 
Names  of  Jesuits — The  Old  Sonora  Districts — The  Name  Sonora — 
Tables  of  1658,  1678,  and  1688— Troubles  with  the  Bishop— Chinipas 
District— Labors  of  Salvatierra— Revolts  of  1690  and  1697— Map- 
Conquest  of  Pimeria  Alta — Father  Kino  and  his  Labors — At  Bac 
and  Caborca,  1692-3— Jironza  in  Command — Mange's  Diaries— Kino 
on  the  Gulf  Coast,  1694— Boat-building— Trip  to  the  Gila,  1694— 
Revolt,  Murder  of  Father  Saeta,  and  Massacre  of  Pimas — Kino  in 
Mexico — Second,  Third,  Fourth,  and  Fifth  Entradas  to  the  Rio 
Gila,  1697-1700 — Vain  Efforts  to  Obtain  Missionaries  for  the  Far 
North — Missions  of  Dolores,  San  Ignacio,  Caborca,  Tubutama,  and 
Cocuspera — Military  Operations  in  Apacheria — Don  Pablo's  Revolt — 
Pimas  Defeat  the  Apaches — Seris  and  Tepocas 237 

CHAPTER  XI. 

JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

1697-1700. 

Discouragement  from  Past  Failures — Kino's  Efforts— Salvatierra  En 
listed — Brighter  Prospects  at  Last — Begging  Alms — Foundation  of 
the  Pious  Fund — License  from  the  Viceroy — Full  Control  in  Jesuit 
Hands — Venegas,  Clavigero,  and  their  Followers — Salvatierra's  Jour 
ney  to  the  North — Voyage  across  the  Gulf — Casting  Lots — At  San 
Dionisio — Founding  of  Loreto  Conch6 — Linguistic  Studies — The  Por- 


CONTEXTS.  xiii 

PAGE 

ridge  Question  Leads  to  Hostilities — A  Battle — Coming  of  Piccolo — 
Salvatierra's  Letters — A  New  Fort — New  Church  for  Christmas — 
The  New  Year — Movements  of  Vessels — The  Native  Priests  Make 
Trouble — A  Second  Fight — A  New  Ship — Pearl-fishery — A  Miracle — 
Expedition  to  Londo — Vigge  Biaundo — Mendoza  Succeeds  Tortolero 
as  Captain — View  of  the  Pacific — Indian  Policy — New  Mission  of 
San  Javier — Misfortunes — Loss  of  the  '  San  Fermin ' — Salvatierra 
Visits  the  Main — Vain  Appeals  to  Government  for  Aid — Distrust  of 
the  Jesuits — Mendoza  and  the  Garrison-  Discharged — Salvatierra 
Again  Crosses  the  Gulf 276 

CHAPTER  XII. 

ANNALS   OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

1GOO-1G40. 

Government — List  of  Rulers— See  of  Guadiana — Bishops — Geographical 
Lines  and  Districts  —  Progress  in  the  South-east  —  Superstition, 
Famine,  and  Righteousness  at  Parras — Acaxee  Missions  of  Topia — 
Revolt — The  Sabaibo  Bishop — Conversion  and  Revolt  of  the  Xixi- 
mes — Governor's  Campaigns — The  Tepehuane  District — Revolt  of 
1G1G-17 — Massacre  of  Ten  Missionaries  and  Two  Hundred  Span 
iards — Peace  Restored — Humes  and  Hinas — Vfrgen  del  Hachazo — 
Chihuahua  Districts — Jesuit  Beginnings  in  Tarahumara  Baja — Fran 
ciscan  Establishments — Report  of  1622 — Concho  Mission — Parral 
Founded— Coahuila .... 305 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

1641-1700. 

List  of  Governors  and  Bishops — Southern  Districts — A  Tierra  de  Paz — 
Topia — Zapata's  Visita — Laguna  Region — Secularization  and  De 
struction — Tepehuane  Missions  — Tarahumara  —  Map — Franciscan 
Territory — Toboso  Raids — Concho  Revolt — Murder  of  Friars — Cerro 
Gordo — Taralmmare  Revolt — Campaigns  of  Carrion,  Barraza,  and 
Fajardo — Villa  de  Aguilar — New  Rebellion — Martyrdom  of  Godinez 
and  Basilio — Spanish  Reverses — Peace — Third  Outbreak — Extension 
of  Jesuit  Missions — Franciscan  Progress — Casas  Grandes — Junta  de 
los  Rios — El  Paso  del  Norte — Jesuits  versus  Franciscans—  Statistics 
of  1678 — Presidios— Border  Warfare — Tarahumare  Revolt  of  1690 — 
Martyrdom  of  Padres  Forouda  and  Sanchez 337 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

NEW  MEXICO,  COAHUILA,  AND  TEXAS. 
1600-1700. 

Annals  of  New  Mexico — Prosperity,  Revolt,  and  Reconquest — Coahuila 
— Entries  of  Salduendo  and  Larios — The  Earliest  Missions — Found- 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

ing  of  Monclova — Hulers — Franciscans  from  Quere*taro  and  Jalisco — 
Mission  Changes — Texas — Resume"  for  Sixteenth  Century — Expedi 
tions  from  New  Mexico — Ofiate  in  Quivira — The  Jumanas — Rio 
Nueces — Captain  Vaca — Martin  and  Castillo — Country  of  the  Tejas — 
Penalosa's  Pretended  Entrada — Efforts  of  Lopez  and  Mendoza — 
Father  Paredes'  Report  —  North-eastern  Geography — The  Name 
Texas — French  Projects — Peiialosa  Again — La  Salle's  Expedition — 
Fort  St  Louis — Disastrous  Fate  of  the  Colony — Pestilence  and 
Murder — Spanish  Efforts — Barroto's  Voyages — Leon's  Expedition — 
Second  Entrada — Father  Masanet  and  his  Friars — Missions  Founded 
— Expedition  of  Governor  Teran  de  los  Rios — Nueva  Montana  de 
Santander  y  Santillana — Abandonment  of  Texas 373 

CHAPTEE  XV. 

ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

1701-1717. 

Salvatierra's  Return — Coming  of  Ugarte — Change  of  Captains — Progress 
at  San  Javier — Hard  Times  at  Loreto — Piccolo's  Efforts  in  Mexico — 
Padres  Basaldua  and  Minutili — Minor  Explorations — Revolt — Basal- 
dua  in  Mexico — Royal  Promises — No  Results — Pedro  Ugarte — Liv 
ing  on  Roots — Salvatierra  Called  to  Mexico — And  Made  Provincial — 
No  Government  Aid — Troubles  with  the  Garrison — The  Provincial 
in  California — Jaime  Bravo — Founding  of  San  Juan  Bautista  de 
Ligui — Santa  Rosalia  de  Mulege" — Explorations — A  Miracle — Salva 
tierra  Returns — A  Lady  at  Loreto — Padre  Mayorga — Founding  of 
San  Jose"  de  Comondii — Padre  Peralta — Ravages  of  Small-pox — Mari 
time  Disasters — Drowning  of  Padre  Guisi — Arrival  of  Padre  Gu- 
»  Illen — Favors  from  the  New  Viceroy — Piccolo's  Tour — Padre  Tama- 
ral — Salvatierra  Summoned  to  Mexico — His  Death  at  Guadalajara — 
The  Jesuit  Mission  System— The  Pious  Fund 407 

CHAPTEE  XVI. 

JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

1717-1750. 

Interest  at  Court — A  Junta  in  Mexico— Bra vo's  Efforts— Ugarte  Rector — 
A  Storm — Founding  of  Purisima— '  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz ' — Guillen's 
Exploration— Founding  of  Pilar  de  la  Paz — Helen  Founds  Guada- 
lupe — Ugarte's  Voyage  to  Head  of  the  Gulf — Sistiaga  on  the  West 
Coast — Guillen  Founds  Dolores — Napoli  Founds  Santiago — Locusts 
and  Epidemic — Luyando  Founds  San  Ignacio — Death  of  Piccolo — 
Visit  of  Echeverria — Founding  of  San  Jose"  del  Cabo — Death  of 
Ugarte — Taraval  Explores  the  North-west — Founding  of  Santa 
Rosa — Touching  of  the  Manila  Ship — Revolt  in  the  South — Martyr- 
clom  of  Fathers  Carranco  and  Tamaral— Yaqui  Reinforcements— 
Governor  Huidrobo's  Campaign — A  Presidio  at  the  Cape — Reoccur 


CONTEXTS.  xv 

PAGE 

pation  of  the  Missions — A  Decade  of  Troubles — Epidemic — Death  of 
Captain  Este"van  Lorenzo — Changes  in  Padres — Consag's  Exploration 
of  the  Gulf — Map— Royal  Orders— No  Results — End  of  Venega's 
Record 435 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA — JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

1750-1769. 

Revival  of  Industries — Calumnies — Meagre  Records — Consag  on  the 
Pacific — Founding  of  Santa  Gertrudis — Rivera  y  Moncada  Com 
mandant — Coast  Exploration — Hurricane — Venegas'  Map — Found 
ing  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja — Changes  in  Missionaries — Link's 
Explorations — Founding  of  Santa  Maria — Troubles  in  the  South — 
Demand  for  Women  and  Secularization — Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits — 
Arrival  of  Governor  Portola — Works  of  Baegert  and  Ducrue — Map — 
Parting  Scenes — List  of  Jesuit  Missionaries — Coming  of  the  Fran 
ciscans — Observantes  and  Fernandinos — Names  of  the  Sixteen — 
Distribution  of  the  Friars — A  New  System — Coming  of  Visitador 
General  Galvez — Reforms  Introduced — Mission  Changes — Towns 
and  Colonization — Regulations — Mining — Trade — Preparations  for 
the  Occupation  of  Alta  California— The  Four  Expeditions— Secu 
larization  of  Santiago  and  San  Josd — Founding  of  San  Fernando  de 
Velicata— The  Old  must  Support  the  New 467 

CHAPTER    XYIII. 

SONORA     AND      SINALOA. 

1701-1730. 

Kino's  Labors  in  Pimeria — Exploring  Tour  with  Salvatierra — Map — Sixth 
Trip  to  the  Gila  and  across  the  Colorado — Last  Tour  in  the  North — 
Final  Efforts  and  Disappointments — Death  of  Kino — Explorations 
by  Campos — Ugarte  on  the  Coast — Moqui  Projects — Seris  and  Te- 
pocas — Mission  Decline — Statistics — Jesuits  versus  Settlers— Polit 
ical  and  Military  Affairs — Rule  of  Saldana  and  Tuiion — Sinaloa 
Provinces — Conquest  of  Nayarit 492 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

ANNALS   OF  SONORA  AND   SINALOA. 

1731-1751. 

Coast  Provinces  Detached  from  Nueva  Vizcaya — Huidrobo  as  Governor — 
Revolt  of  Yaquis  and  Mayos — A  Decade  in  Pimeria  Alta — Keller 
and  Sedelmair — Bolas  de  Plata,  or  Arizonac — Vildosola's  Rule — 
Letters  and  Quarrels — Gallardo  as  Visitador  General — Proposed  Re 
forms — Parrilla  Appointed  Governor — Presidio  Changes — Seri  War — 
Moqui  Scheme  Revived — Expeditions  to  the  Gila — Sedelmair's  Ex- 


xvi  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

plorations — Royal  Orders — Salvador's  Consultas  —  Secularization, 
Penal  Colony,  Colonization — Jesuit  Catalogue  of  1750 — Pima  Revolt 
— Martyrdom  of  Rhuen  and  Tello — Items  on  the  Sinaloa  Provinces.  520 

CHAPTER  XX. 

LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONOfcA. 

1752-1767. 

A  War  on  Paper — Jesuits  versus  Governor — Investigations — Disculpa- 
tion  of  the  Missionaries — Rule  of  Governors  Arce  and  Mendoza — 
War  with  the  Seris — Mendoza  Killed — Apache  Warfare — Raids  of 
Savages  and  Soldiers — Missions  of  Pimeria  Alta  in  the  Last  Years — 
No  Progress— Padres,  New  and  Old — Final  Statistics — Rule  of 
Cuervo  and  Pineda — From  Bad  to  Worse — Campaigns — Recom 
mended  Reforms — Various  Reports — Captain  Cancio  and  his  Let 
ters — Elizondo's  Expedition  Coming — Resume1  of  Correspondence 
and  Events — A  Period  of  Suspense — Mission  Statistics,  17GO-7 — 
Expulsion  of  Jesuits — List  of  Jesuits  Who  Served  in  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora 548 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

.NUEVA  VIZCAYA,    OR  DURANGO  AND  CHIHUAHUA. 

1701-1767. 

Government  and  List  of  Rulers — Presidios  and  Indian  Warfare — Rivera's 
Tour — Berrotaran's  Report — Presidial  Changes — Mission .  Annals — 
Repartimientos — The  Jesuit  College — Secularization  of  the  Durango 
Missions — Statistics — Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits — List  of  Mission 
aries — The  Franciscans — Secularization — Custody  of  Parral — Mis 
sions  at  Junta  de  los  Rios — Ecclesiastical  Affairs  and  List  of 
Bishops — Tamaron's  Visita  and  Report — Statistics  of  Population — 
Local  Items  in  the  South  and  North— San  Felipe  el  Real  de  Chihua 
hua  and  Mines  of  Santa  Eulalia 581 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

TEXAS,    COAHUILA,   AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

1701-1800. 

A  Glance  at  New  Mexico — Coahuila  or  Nueva  Estremadura — Government 
and  Rulers — General  Progress  and  Statistics — Local  Items — Chrono 
logical  Record — Military  and  Mission  Affairs— Texas,  or  Nuevas 
Filipinas — Operations  of  St  Denis — Ramon's  Expedition — Missions 
Refounded — Governor  Alarcon — Founding  of  Bt'jar  and  San  An 
tonio — French  Invasion — Expedition  of  Governor  San  Miguel  de 
Aguayo — Villa  of  San  Fernando — Reduction  of  Military  Force — • 


CONTEXTS.  xvii 

PAGE 

Quere"taro  Friars  Transfer  their  Missions— French  Boundary  Ques 
tion — Succession  of  Governors — Apache  Warfare — Penitent  Lipanes 
— Troubles  of  the  Friars — Missions  of  San  Javier — Rabago's  Ex 
cesses — Contraband  Trade — San  Saba  Presidio  and  Mission — Zeal  of 
Conde  de  Regla — A  Massacre — Parrillajs  Campaign — Rule  of  Oconor 
and  Ripperda — Northern  Establishments  Abandoned — Bucareli  and 
Nacodoches — Quare"taro  Friars  Retire — Efforts  of  Mezieres — Morfi's 
Work— Local  Affairs — Condition  of  the  Province— Last  Decades  of 
the  Century G02 

CHAPTEK  XXIII. 

NUEVA  VIZCAYA,  PROVINCIAS  INTERNAS,  INTENDENCIA   OF    DURANGO.      j« 

1768-1800. 

Government — Organization  of  Provincias  Internas — Caballero  de  Croix — 
Neve,  Rengel,  and  Ugarte  in  Command — Viceregal  Jurisdiction — 
Division  of  the  Provincias — The  East  and  West — General  Pedro  de 
Nava — Reunion  and  Independence — Governors  of  Nueva  Vizcaya — 
Intendencia  of  Durango — Rule  of  Intendentes  and  Subdelegados — 
Indian  Affairs — Reglamento  de  Presidios — Changes  in  Sites — In 
structions  of  Galvez — A  New  Policy — Results — See  of  Durango — • 
List  of  Bishops — Division  of  the  Diocese — Controversies — Bishop 
versus  General — Missions — Under  Franciscans  and  Secular  Clergy — 
Condition  of  the  Establishments — Local  Items — Reports  of  Guardian, 
Provincial,  and  Viceroy — Annals  of  Chihuahua — Annals  of  Durango 
— Pestilence — War  on  the  Scorpions , 636 

CHAPTEE  XXIV. 

SONORA      AND      SINALOA. 
17G8-1800. 

Elizondo's  Military  Expedition — Nueva  Andalucia — Noticia  Breve — 
Original  Correspondence — Unsuccessful  Movements  on  the  Cerro 
Prieto — Depredations  of  the  Savages — Arrival  of  Galvez — Pardon 
Offered — Revolt  on  the  Rio  Fuerte — New  Advance  on  the  Rebel 
Seris — Change  of  Policy — Final  Success  of  Negotiations — The  Coun 
try  at  Peace — Discovery  of  Gold  Mines — New  Presidio  Regulations 
— Mission  Annals — Secularization — Franciscans  of  Quere"taro  and 
Jalisco — Fate  of  the  Establishments — Garce"s  on  the  Gila— Murder 
of  President  Gil — Reyes'  Report  of  177*2 — List  of  Governors — Pro 
vincias  Internas — Arizpe  the  Capital — Bishopric — List  of  Bishops — 
Apache  Warfare — Peace  at  Last — More  Revolt — Destruction  of 
Magdalena — Anza's  Expeditions  to  California — The  Colorado  River 
Missions — Transfer  of  Sonora  Missions — Custodia  de  San  Carlos — 
Arricivita's  Chronicle — Local  Items,  List  of  Padres,  and  Statistics . .  660 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STAIES,  VOL.  I.  2 


CONTENTS. 
CHAPTER  XXV. 

FRANCISCANS  AND   DOMINICANS   IN   THE   PENINSULA. 

1769-1774.      * 

PAGE 

The  Visitador's  Plans  for  Loreto — Departure  and  Report  of  Galvez — 
Chappe  d'Auteroche — Governor  Armona — Gc*izalez  and  Toledo — 
Epidemics — Dissatisfaction — Ramos  Sent  to  Sonora — News  from 
Monterey — Moreno  in  Command — Basterra's  Memorial — New  Friars 
— Governor  Barri — A  Bitter  Feud — Palou  Appeals  to  Guardian  and 
Viceroy — The  Dominican  Claim — Iriarte's  Efforts — Royal  Orders — 
Guardian  and  Vicar-general — Amicable  Agreement — Franciscans  Sur 
render  the  Peninsula — Motives  of  the  Two  Orders — More  Trouble 
with  Barri — Arrival  of  the  Dominicans — Departure  of  the  Fernan- 
dinos — Palou's  Final  Preparations — Troubles  with  President  Mora — 
Reglamento  of  Presidios — Barri  Succeeded  by  Felipe  de  Neve— In 
structions — Arrival 692 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

ANNALS    OF    BAJA     CALIFORN  A. 

1775-1800. 

Neve's  Rule — Reforms — Troubles  with  Padres — Rosario  and  Santo  Do 
mingo — Rivera  y  Moncada  in  Command — Indian  Troubles — Domin 
ican  Records — San  Vicente— Small-pox — Hidalgo  President — Neve's 
Reglamento— Rivera's  Death— Custodias  Threatened — Fages  Gov 
ernor — Hard  Times — Arrillaga  in  Command — Explorations — San  Mi 
guel — Mission  Reports — Padre  Sales'  Noticias — Governor  Romeu — 
President  Gomez— Santo  Tomas — New  Friars— San  Pedro  Martyr — 
Borica— Official  Changes — Arrillaga 's  Tour — Santa  Catalina — War 
with  England — President  Belda — A  British  Fleet — Governor  Arri 
llaga — Financial  Items — List  of  Dominicans — Local  Affairs 714 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

OCCUPATION   OF  ALTA   CALIFORNIA. 

1 709-1800. 

-Discovery  and  Coast  Exploration — Knowledge  of  California  in  1769 — 
Motives  for  the  Conquest — Portola's  Expedition — At  San  Diego: — To 
Monterey  and  San  Francisco  by  Land — Founding  of  Missions — Juni- 
pero  Serra  as  President — Results  in  1773 — Fages,  Rivera,  and 
Anza — Disaster  at  San  Diego — San  Francisco  Mission  and  Presidio — 
Governor  Neve  at  Monterey — Statistics  for  the  First  Decade — 
Trouble  on  the  Colorado — Governor  Fages — Pueblos— Lasuen  as 
President — La  Perouse — New  Foundations— A  Decade  of  Prosperity 
— Romeu,  Arrillaga,  and  Borica — Vancouver — Yankee  Craft — Fears 
of  Foreign  Aggression — End  of  the  Century — Elements  of  Progress . .  743 


AUTHOEITIES  QUOTED 

IN   THE 

HISTORY  OF  THE  NOETH  MEXICAN 
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Acosta  (Josef),  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Yndias.  Sevilla,  1530;  De 
Natvra  Novi  Orbis.  Salman  ticse,  1589. 

Adams  (John  Quincy),  To  the  Hon.  J.  Q.  Adams  and  the  other  twenty  mem 
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Akademie  der  Wissenschaf  ten,  Sitzungsberichte,  Abhandlungen.  Berlin,  1859 
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Alaman  (Lucas),  Disertaciones.     Mexico,  1844-9.  3  vols. 

Alarcon  (Hernando),  Relatione  della  Navigatione.  In  Ramusio,  iii.  363; 
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Alarcon  (Hernando),  and  Ulloa,  Relacion  del  Armada.  In  Col.  Doc.  Ined., 
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Alarcon  (Martin),  Directorioo  Instrucciones.    MS.    In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.  291. 

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Almada  (Bartolom6  E. ),  Esposicion  que  eleva  al  Supremo  Gobierno  sobre  loa 
liltimos  acontecimientos  de  Sonora.  Mexico,  1856. 

Almanacs.  A  great  variety  of  Almanacs  and  Calendarios  cited  by  name  and 
date. 

Almanza  (Miguel  Javier),  Cartas  del  Visitador  1724.  In  Sonora,  Mat.  820; 
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Almonte  (Juan  N.),  Noticia  estadistica  sobre  Tejas.   .  Mexico,  1835. 

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Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  351;  xvi.  342. 
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1875.  5  vols. 
Alzamiento  de  los  Tarahumaras,  1646.     In  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  iii.  172;  also 

MS. 
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American  Antiquarian  Society,  Proceedings.     Worcester,  1820  et  seq. 
American  Ethnological  Society,  Transactions.     1845  et  seq. 
American  Quarterly  Review.     Philadelphia,  1827  et  seq. 
American  State  Papers.     Boston,  1817  et  seq. 
Anderson  (Alex.   D.),  The  Silver  Country,  or  the  Great  Southwest.     New 

York,  1877. 

Annals  of  Congress.     [1st  to  18th  Congress.]    Washington,  1834-56.  42  vols. 
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iv.  48-59. 
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Barreiro  (Antonio),  Ojcada  sobre  Nuevo  Mexico.     Puebla,  1832. 
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Bernal  (Cristobal  Martin),  Relacion  del  Estado  de  la  Pimeria,  1697.     In  So- 

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Blagdon  (Francis  Wm.),  The  Modern  Geographer.     London,  n.d.  5  vols. 
Blake  (William  P.),  Description  of  the  Various  Silver  Ores  and  Minerals. 

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Bloomfield  (E.),  A  General  View  of  the  World.     Bungay,  1807.  4to.  2  vols. 
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Braman  (D.  E.  E.),  Information  about  Texas.     Philadelphia,  1858. 
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Acapulco.     Mexico,  1842. 

Brooks  (N.  C. ),  A  Complete  History  of  the  Mexican  War.    Philadelphia,  1849. 
Browne  (J.  Ross),  Adventures  in  the  Apache  Country,  etc.     New  York,  1869. 
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Bucarcli  (virey),  Instruccion  de  30  de  Sept.  1774.     MS. 
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Boletin.     3d  ep.  i. 

Buffrnn  (E.  Gould),  Six  Months  in  the  Gold  Mines.     Philadelphia,  1850. 
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Polo  Artico  de  la  America  [Oajaca].     Mexico,  1674.  4to.  2  vols. 
Burkart  (Joseph),  Aufenthalt  uud  Reisenin  Mexico  1825  bis  1834.     Stuttgart, 

1833.  2  vols. 
Burney  (James),  Chronological  History  of  Discovery.     London,  1803-7.  4to. 

5  vols. 
Bushell  and  Saint  Louis  Gold  and  Silver  Mining  Companies,  Prospectus  and 

Reports.     San  Francisco,  1878. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Materiales  para  la  Continuacion  del  Cuadro  His 
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Caballero  (Jose"  de),  Estadistica  del  Estado  Libro  de  Sonora  y  Sinaloa.     MS. 
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Cabcza  de  Vaca  (Alvar  Nunez),  Relation.     Washington,  1851;  also  in  Ra- 

inusio,  Viaggi,  iii.  310;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  torn.  vii. 
Caborca  (Purfsima  Concepcion),  Libro  de  Misiou,  1820-0.     MS.     In  Pinart, 

Col.  Pirn.  Alt. 

Cabrera  Bueno,  Navegacion  Especvlativa.     Manila,  1734.  folio. 
Cabrillo  (Rodriguez),  Relacion  6  diario  de  la  navegacion  quo  hizo,  etc.     In 

Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  i. ;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  xiv. 
Calculo  Prudencial  de  la  poblacion  de  las  misiones  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus 

en  N.  Vizcaya.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  torn.  iv. 
California,  por  'D.  P.  E.  P.'     In  Viagero  Univ.,  xxvi.  1-189. 
California,  Establecimiento  y  Progresos  de  las  Misiones  de  la  Antigua  Cali 
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Mexico,  1804. 
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London,  1850. 
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Calif ornias,  Noticias  de  la  Provincia  de,  en  tres  cartas.     Valencia,  1794. 
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Calif ornie,  Histoire  Chre"tienne.     Plancy,  1851. 
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las  Indias  Occidentales.     n.  pi.,  1046. 
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Paris,  etc.,  1S64-7.  5  vols. 

Calvo  (Charles),  Recueil  Complet  des  Traitds.     Paris,  18G2-7.   16  vols. 
Cumargo  (Domingo  M.),  Histoire  de  la  R^publique  de  Tlaxcallan.     In  Nouv. 

Aunales  des  Voy.,  xcix.  129. 
Camino  de  Acapulco.     Al  Publico,  Exposicion  Documentada  de  la  Junta 

Directiva.     Mexico,  1845. 

Campaign  in  Northern  Mexico.     New  York,  1853. 
Campbell,  A  Concise  History  of  Spanish  America.     London,  1741. 
Campe,  Historia  del  Descubrimiento  y  Conquista  de  America.     Madrid,  1803. 

3  vols.;  Mexico,  1854;  Madrid,  1845. 
Camp's  Year- Book,  1869. 

Caiicelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Ruina  de  la  Nucva  Espaiia.     Cadiz,  1811.  4to. 
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Sacados  de  los  Autos,  1706.     In  Sonora  Mat.,  i.  145-82;  also  MS. 
Candisch,  Scheeps-Togten.     In  Aa,  torn.  xx. 
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Carbajal  Espinosa  ( Francisco),  Historia  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1862.  2  vols. 
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and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  ix.  42;  Relacion  del  Descubrimiento  del 

Reino  de  la  California.     In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  ix.  30-42. 
Caro  (Ramon  Martinez),  Verdadera  idea  de  la  Primera  Campana  de  Tejas. 

Mexico,  .1837. 

Carpenter  (W.  W.),  Travels  and  Adventures  in  Mexico.     New  York,  1851. 
Carranza  (Pedro  de),  Relacion  sobre  la  Jornada  que  hizo  Nuno  de  Guzman. 

In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.  xiv.  347. 
Carreon  (Rafael),  Vindication.     Mazatlan,  1803. 
Carreri  (Gemelli),  Viaggio,  etc. 

Carreri  (Gemelli),  Voyage  de.     In  Berenger,  Col.  Voy.,  torn.  ii. 
Carriedo  (Juan  B.),  Estudios  Historicos  y  Estadisticos.    Oaxaca,  1850.  2  vols. 
C'arta  de  un  Padre  ex-jesuita,  1786.     In  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.     MS.,  540-52. 
Cartas  de  Indias.     Madrid,  1877.  folio. 
Cartas  Edificantes  y  Curiosas  de  las  Misiones  Estrangeras.     Madrid,  1753-5. 

10  vols. 


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Cartography  of  the  Pacific  States.     San  Francisco,  1873.  MS.  3  vols. 
Casanate  (Pedro  Porter),  Carta  relacion,  24  de  Enero  de  1449.     In  Pacheco 

and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  ix.  5. 
Casanate  (Pedro  Porter),  Memorial  al  Rey  recomendando  una  nueva  espedi- 

cion  a  la  Caliornia.     In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  ix.  19. 
Casati  (Jose  Maria),  Dictamen  del  P.  Provincial,  1750.     In  1ST.  Vizcaya,  Doc. 

Hist.,  iv.  63-72. 
Castaiiares  (Manuel),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  relativos  al  departamento  de 

Calif  oriiias.     Mexico,  1845. 
Castafieda  (P6dro  de),  Relation  du  Voyage  cle  Cibola.     In  Ternaux-Compans, 

Voy.,  1st  ser.,  torn.  ix. 
Castanos  (Jose  Maria),  Atentados  contra  la  Constitucion  cometidos  en  Topic. 

Guadalajara,  1845. 

Castilla  (Miguel  de),  Espejo  de  Exemplares  Obispos.     Mexico,  1098.  MS. 
Castle  (William),  A  Short  Discovery  of  Coast  and  Continent  of  America.     In 

Voyages,  Col.  (Churchill),  vol.  viii. 

Castro  (Jose"  Manuel),  Diario.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.  torn.  iv. 
Castro  (Manuel),  Documentos  para  la  Hist,  do  Cal.  MS.  3  vols. 
Catalogus  Personarum  et  Domiciliorum  Societatis  Jesu.     Mcxici,  1751. 
Catlin  (George),  Illustrations  of  the  Manners,  Customs,  and  Condition  of  the 

North  American  Indians.     London,  1806.  2  vols. 
Cavo  (Andre's),  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1830-8.  3  vols.;  Mexico, 

1852;  Jalapa,  1860. 

Cedulario.     A  Collection  mostly  MSS.  folio.  3  vols. 
Cepeda  (Nicolas),  Relacion  de  lo  sucedido  en  este  reino  de  N.  Vizcaya,.  1644-5. 

In  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iii.  130-72. 
Certificacion  de  las  Mercedes.     MS. 
Channing  (Guillermo  E.),  Carta  al  Hon.  Hen.  Clay  sobre  la  agregacion  de 

Tejas  a  los  Estados-Unidos.     Mexico,  1837. 
Charming  (Wm.   E.),  A  Letter  to  Hon.  H.  Clay  on  annexation  of  Texas. 

Boston,  1837;  Thoughts  on  the  Evils  of  a  Spirit  of  Conquest.     London, 

1837. 

Chappe  d'Auteroche,  Voyage  en  Californie.     Paris,  1772.  4to. 
Chateaubriand,  Voyages  eiTAme'rique.     Paris,  ii.d. 
Chaudon  (L.  M.),  and  F.  A.  Delandine,  Nouveau  Dictionnaire  Historique. 

Lyon,  1804.   13  vols. 
Cherry,  Cummings,  and  James.     Report  of  the  San  Juan  del  Rio  Ranche* 

Cincinnati,  1866. 
Chevalier  (Michel),  Des  mines  d'argent  et  d'or  du  Nouveau-Monde.     Paris, 

1846. 
Chihuahua,  Informe  del  Gobernador  al  Virey  de  Nueva  Espana.    MS.;  Maui- 

fiesto  del  Gobernador  al  Publico.     Chihuahua,   1833;    Memoria  que  el 

Secretario  del  Despacho  de  Hacienda,  23  de  Marzo  de  1850.     Mex.,  1850; 

Memoria  que  el  Secretario  del  Gobierno  en  el  Despacho  de  la  Guerra. 

Mex.,    1850;  Nota  que  se  remite  por  el  Gobernador  del  Estado.  n.pl. 

[1826];  Representacioii  contra  la  iniciativa  de  la  Asamblea  de  Chihuahua, 

dated  Marzo  27,  1845.  n.pl.,  n.d. ;  Representacioii  que  dirijen  los  Veci- 

nos  del  Partido  de  Allende.     Durango,  1840. 

Cliipman  (C.),  Mineral  Resources  of  Northern  Mexico.     New  York,  1S68. 
Chipman  (U.),  Report  to  the  members  of  Chihuahua  and  Sinaloa  Gold  and 

Silver  Mining  Association.     New  York,  n.d. 

Cibola,  Relation  du  voyage  de.     In  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdric  i.,  torn.  ix. 
Cincinnatus,  Travels  on  the  Western  Slope  of  the  Mexican  Cordillera.     San 

Francisco,  1857. 

Clamor  Publico  (El).     Culiacan,  1872. 
Clarke  (Charles  E.),  Speech  on  Bill  establishing  Boundary  between  Texas  and 

New  Mexico,  August  30,  1850.     Washington,  1850. 
Clavigero  (Francisco  Saverio),  Historia  de  la  Antigua  6  Baja  California,  etc. 

Mexico,  1852. 
Clavigero  (Francisco  Saverio),  History  of  Mexico.    London,  1787.  4to.  2  vols. 


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Clavigero  (Francisco  Savcrio),  Lower  California.     San  Francisco,  n.d. 
Clavigero  (Francesco  Saverio),  Storia  Antica  del  Messico.     Cesena,  1780.  4to. 

4  vols. 

Clavigero  (Francesco  Saverio),  Storia della California.     Venezia,  1789.  2 vols. 
Coahuila,  Iniciativade  la  Junta  so'urc  rcformas.     Mex.,  1845;  Iniciativasobre 

reformaa  constitutional.     Mex.,  1843;  Memoria  que  el  Exino  Seiior  Vice 

Gobernador  2  de  Enero  de  1852.     Saltillo,  1852;  Rapida  Ojeada  sobre  la 

campaaa  que  liizo  cl  General  Santa- Anna.     Mex.,  1847;  Segunda  parte 

de  la  Rapida  Ojeada.     Mex.,  1847. 
Cobbctt's  Register.     London,  1802-34.  07  vols. 

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Alta, 
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Aduana  Maritima  de  Guaymas.     Mexico,  1839. 
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la  Rcsidencia.     Mexico,  1743.  folio. 
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Diario  de  su  Eutrada  1751.     In  Apost.  Afanes,  391. 
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Compans,  Voy.,  seYie  i.  torn.  ix. 
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nmsio,  Viaggi,  torn,  iii.;  Hakluyt's  Voy.,  vol.  iii. 
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Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  i. ;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  xiv. 
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Correo  del  Pacifico  (El).     Mazatlan,  18C8  et  seq. 
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Cortes  (Hernan),  Auto  de  Posesiou.     3  de  Mayo   1535.     In  Navarrete,  Col. 

Viajcs,  iv.  ICO;  Aventuras  y  Conquistas  de  Hernan  Cortes  en  Mejico. 
Barcelona,  1846;  Mexico,  1853;  Brieven.  Amsterdam,  1780-1;  Cartas  y 
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xxvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

respondance.  [Edited  by  Flavigny.]  Paris,  1778;  Despatches  of  Her- 
nando  Cortas.  New  York,  1843;  Escritos  Sueltos.  Mexico,  1871;  His- 
toria  de  Mejico.  Nueva  York,  1828;  Historia  de  Nueva  Espaiia.  [Edited 
by  Lorenzana.]  Mexico,  1770;  Letters  and  Reports  by  Cortes  and  other 
Officers  to  the  Emperor  and  Council.  In  Doc.  Ine'd.,  torn.  i. ;  torn.  iv. 
torn,  xxii.;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  toms.  v.,  xii.,  xiii.,  xiv. ; 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  torn,  i.;  Barcia,  Hist.  Prim.,  torn,  i.;  Ramusio, 
torn.  iii. ;  Ribadeneyras,  Biblioteca,  torn,  xxii.;  Na^arrete,  Col.  de  Via- 
ges;  Kingsborough's  Mex.  Antiq. ;  Alaman,  Disert. :  Cortes,  Escritos 
Sueltos;  Memorial  al  Emperador,  1539.  In  Cortes,  Escritos,  299;  Peti- 
cion  contra  Mendoza.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  G2;  Residencia. 
Archivo  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1852. 

C6rtes  de  Espana,  Coleccion  de  Decretos  y  Ordenes.  Mexico,  1829;  Diario  de 
las  Discusiones  y  Actas  de  las.  Cadiz,  1811-13.  24  vols. 

Covarrubias  (Jose  Maria),  Apuntes  estadisticos  de  la  municipalidad  de  Tena- 
mastlan  en  el  Estado  Jalisco.  In  Mex.  Soc.  Geog. ,  Boletin.  2<la  ep.  iii. 

Crespo  (Benito),  Memorial  Ajustado.     Madrid,  1738. 

Creuzbaur  (Robert),  Route  from  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  California.  New  York, 
1849. 

Croix  (virey),  Cartas,  1769.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  1-27;  Instruc- 
ciones,  1769-72.  In  Sonora,  Materiales,  iv.  708-23;  also  MS. 

Culiacan,  Esposicion  que  la  junta  de  Fomento  de.     Mexico,  1843. 

Curatos,  Las  razones  6  inconvenientes  que  los  religiosos  de  las  ordenes  mendi- 
cantes  Sancto  Domingo,  etc. .  de  las  Provincias  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  Mex 
ico,  Guatemala  y  Jalisco.  MS.  folio. 

Dalrymple  (Alexander),  An  Historical  Collection  of  the  several  voyages  and 
discoveries  in  the  South  Pacific  Ocean.  London,  1770-1.  4to.  2  vols. 

Dam  pier  (Wm.),  A  New  Voyage  round  the  World.  London,  1G99-1709. 
3  vols. 

Datos  Biograficos.     In  Cartas  de  Indias. 

Davidson  (George),  Directory  of  the  Pacific  Coast  of  the  United  States. 
Washington,  1858.  4to. 

Da vila  ( Agustin),  Continuacion  de  la  Cronica  del  Orden  de  Predicadores.  MS. 

Davila  (Gil  Gonzalez),  Teatro  Eclesiastico  de  la  Primitiva  Iglesia  de  las  In 
dias  Occidentales.  Madrid,  1049-55.  2  vols.  folio. 

Davis  (W.  H.),  El  Gringo.  New  York,  1856;  Spanish  Conquest  of  New  Mex 
ico.  Doylestown,  1869. 

De  Courcy  (Henry),  The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States.  New  York, 
1857. 

Decreto  de  24  de  Octubre  de  1842  sobre  el  fondo  piadoso  de  Calif ornias.     MS. 

De  Kay  (Drake),  Documents  relating  to  the  occurrences  at  Magdalena  Bay. 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

Delaporte,  Le  Voyageur  Francois,  ou  la  connoissance  de  1'Ancien  et  du  Nou- 
veau  Monde.  Paris,  1767-72.  42  vols. 

Delgado  (P.  Carlos),  Informe  que  hizo  sobre  las  execrables  hostilidades  y 
tiraniasde  los  Gobernadores  de  New  Mexico,  1750.  MS.  folio. 

Del  Mar  (Alexander),  A  History  of  the  Precious  Metals.     London,  1880. 

Democrata  (El).     Alamos,  1878  et  seq. 

Democratic  Review.     Washington,  etc.,  1832  et  seq. 

Derby,  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  communicating,  etc.,  a  reconnois- 
sance  of  the  Gulf  of  California,  etc.  Washington,  1852. 

Desbordeliers,  Moral  militar.     Matamoros,  1870. 

Descripcion  Topografica  de  las  Misiones  de  la  Sierra  Madre  (1780).  In  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  torn.  iv.  91-131. 

Dewees  (W.  B.),  Letters  from  an  Early  Settler  of  Texas.     Louisville,  1852. 

Diario  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1805-10.   13  vols. 

Diario  Mercantil  de  Vera  Cruz.     Vera  Cruz,  1807  et  seq. 

Diaz  del  Castillo  (Bernal),  Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Nueva- 
Espana.  Madrid,  1632.  4to.  Paris,  1837;  4  vols.;  Memoirs  on  Conquest 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxvii 

of  Mexico.  London,  1844.  2  vols.;  The  True  History  of  the  Conquest  of 
Mexico.  London,  1800;  Salem,  1803.  2  vols.;  Vdridique  Histoire  de  la 
Conquete  do  la  Nouvelle-Espagne.  Paris,  1878-9.  2  vols. 

Dicciouario  Universal  de  Historia  y  cle  Geografia.  Mexico,  1853-56.  4to.  10 
vols.;  Madrid,  1840-50.  4to.  8  vols. 

Dickinson  (John  R.),  Speeches,  Correspondence,  etc.    New  York,  1867.  2  vols. 

Diez  de  la  Calle  (Juan).     See  Calle. 

Diezmos  de  Indias.     A  collection. 

Dillon  (A.),  Beautds  de  1'Histoire  du  Mexique.     Paris,  1822. 

Dilworth,  Conquest  of  Mexico  by  Hernan  Corte"s.     n.pl.,  n.d. 

Disposieiones  Varias.     A  Collection  of  Documents,  MSS.  and  print.  6  vols. 

Dobbs  (Arthur),  Account  of  the  Countries  adjoining  to  Hudson's  Bay.  Lon 
don,  1744. 

Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1853-7.  20  vols.  4  series. 
3d  ser.,  in  folio,  and  in  four  parts. 

Documeutos  para  la  Historia  de  Nucva  Galicia. 

Documentos  sobre  Mexico.     A  collection. 

Domdnech  (Emmanuel),  Journal  d'un  Missionaire  au  Texas  et  au  Mexique. 
Paris,  1857. 

Domdnech  (Emmanuel),  Missionary  Adventures  in  Texas  and  Mexico.  Lon 
don,  1858. 

Domdnech  (Emmanuel),  Seven  Years'  Residence.     London,  1860.  2  vols. 

Doyle  (John  T.),  Brief  History  of  the  "Pious  Fund."     n.p.,  n.d. 

Drake  (Francis),  World  Encompassed.     London,  1S54  [Hakl.  Soc.  ed.] 

Duarte  (Martin),  Testimonio  Juridico,  Serranos  Acaches,  1600.  In  N.  Viz- 
caya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv.  173-267;  also  MS. 

Dufey  (P.  J.  S.),  Resume"  de  L'Histoire  des  Revolutions  de  LAmerique 
Meridionale.  Paris,  1826.  2  vols. 

Duhaut-Cilly  (A.),  Viaggio  Intorno  al  Globo,  1823-29.    Torino,  1841.  2  vols. 

Duran  (Fray  Diego),  Historia  de  las  Indias  de  Nueva  Espaiia.  Mexico,  1585. 
MS.  folio.  3  vols.;  Mexico,  1867. 

Durango,  Arancel  do  los  honorarios  y  derechos  judiciales.  Mexico,  1840; 
Documentos  Hist6ricos.  MS.,  1554-1831;  Esposicion  que  el  Gobierno  y 
Junta  Departamental.  Mex.,  1837;  Infonne  cientifico  sobre  el  Cerro  de 
Mercado.  n.pl.,  n.d. ;  Iniciativra  que  la  Asamblea  sobre  reformas.  Dur., 
1845;  Iniciativa  que  la  Junta  de  Durango  eleva  al  Congreso.  Dur.,  1839; 
Memoriade  los  Ramos  a  cargo  del  gobierno.  Dur.,  1827;  Memoriaque  el 
gobcrnador  prcsento  2  Agosto  1831.  Dur.,  1831.  4to;  Misiones,  informe 
del  Obispo  del  10  de  Marzo  de  1789.  MS.;  Ocurso  del  Prelado  y  cabildo 
eclesiastico  al  Sup.  Gob.  Dur.,  1843;  Oposicion  del  Dean.  MS.  1768. 

Eco  de  Occidente.     Guaymas,  1878. 

Eco  del  Pueblo.     Mazatlan,  1869. 

Edinburgh  Review.     Edinburgh,  1802  et  seq. 

Edwards  (David  B.),  The  History  of  Texas.     Cincinnati,  183ft. 

Enriquez  (Martin),  Carta  al  Rey.     In  Cartas  de  Indias.' 

Era  Nueva.     Hermosillo,  1877,  et  seq. 

Escalante  (Silvestre  V.),  Carta,  1778.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  torn.  iv. 

114  et  seq. 

Escosura  (Patricio  de  la),  Conjuracion  de  Mejico.     Madrid,  1850-51.  5  vols. 
Escoveda  (C.  J.  Joaquin  F.),  Apuntes  Historicos  sobre  la  conquista  de  la 

Provincia  de  Xayarit.     In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  torn.  vii.  1-40. 
Escudero  (Jose"  Agustin  de),  Memorias  del  Diputado  de  Chihuahua.     Mex., 

1848;  Noticias  Estadisticas  de  Chihuahua.    Mex.,  1834;  Noticias  Esta- 

disticas   de   Durango.     Mex.,   1849;  Noticias   Estadisticas  de  Sonora  y 

Sinaloa.    Mex.,  1849;  Observaciones  sobre  Chihuahua.     Mex.,  1839. 
Espejo  (Antonio),  Relacion.     Li  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xv.  100 

et  seq. 
Espinosa   (Isidro  Felis),    Cronica  Apostolica.   n.pl.,  1746.    2  vols.     Nuevaa 

empressas  del  peregrino  America  septentrional.     Mexico,  1747. 


xxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Esquivel  (Jose"),  Sermon  Eucaristico.     Mexico,  1799. 

Estados-Unidos  del  Norte,  Las  Noticias  muy  importantes  y  recientes  de. 

Queretaro,  1847. 
Esteva  ( Jos6  Maria),  Memoria  sobre  la  Pesca  de  la  Perla  en  la  Baja  California, 

1857.     In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  torn.  x.  G73. 
Estudillo  (Josd  M.),  Datos  Historicos.     MS. 
Evans  (Richard  S.)and  H.  \V.  Heushaw,  Translation,  Voyage  of  Cabrillo. 

In  U.  S.  Geog.  Surv. ,  Wheeler,  vii.  Arch.  293. 
Expedicion  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1503.  MS.     (Aztec  and  Spanish.)     In  Du- 

rango,  Doc.  Hist.,  15-28. 

F.  (G.),  L'Eferoine  du  Texas  ou  Voyage  de  Madame.     Paris,  1819. 

Falconer  (Thomas),  On  the  Discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  etc.     London,  1S44. 

Farnham  (Thomas  J. ),  Life  and  Adventures  in  California.     New  York,  184(3; 

New  York,  1857. 

Farnham  (Thomas  J.),  Mexico.     New  York,  1846;  New  York,  n.d. 
Federacion  y  Tcjas.     Mexico,  1845. 

Feclix  (P.  A.),  L'0re"gon  et  les  cotes  de  1'Ocdan  Pacifique.     Paris,  1846. 
Ferreria  de  Durango.     In  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  334. 
Ferrocarril  de  Sonora,  Proyectado.     Mexico,  1872. 
Figueroa  (Gcr6nimo),  Puntos  de  Anna,  1G52-GS.     In  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist., 

iii.  217-30. 

Figueroa  (Francisco  Ant.  de  la  Rosa),  Vindicias  de  la  Verdad.     MS. 
Filisola  (Vicente),  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  la  Guerra  de  Tejas.     Mexico, 

1849.  2vols.;  Mexico,  1848.  2  vols. 
Filisola  (Vicente),  Representacion  dirigida  al  Supremo  Gobierno  en  defensa 

de  su  honor.     Mexico,  1836. 
Findlay  (Alex.  G.),  A  Directory  for  the  Navigation  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

London,  1851.  2  vols. 
Florencia  (Francisco  de),  Historia  de  la  Provincia  de  la  Conipania  de  Jesus  de 

Nueva  Espaiia.     Mex.,  1694;  La Estrella de  el  Norte  de  Mexico.     Mex., 

1741. 

Flores  (virey),  Instrucciones.     MS.     In  Linares,  Instrucciones. 
Fiorez  (Victor  M.),  Estaclistica  de  la  seccion  Ecca  de  Tapalapa  auo  de  1839 

enviada  al  Govierno  Departamental  en  10  Abril  del  mismo  ana.     MS. 
Fondo  Piadoso  do  Californias,  Ley  y  Reglamento  aprobado  de  la  Junta  Direc- 

tiva  y  Econ6miea.     Mexico,  1833. 
Fonte  (Bartholomew),  Letter  from,  in  Monthly  Miscellany,  or  Memoirs  for 

the  Carious,  April- June  1708. 

Foote  (Henry  Stuart),  Texas  and  the  Texans.     Philadelphia,  1841.  2  vols. 
Foote  (Henry  Stuart),  The  War  with  Mexicor  Speech  iii'U.  S.  Senate,  Jan. 

19,  20,  1848.     Washington  [1848]. 
Forbes  (Alex.),  California.     London,  1839. 

Forster  ( John  Reinhold),  History  of  Voyages.     London,  1786.  4to. 
Foster  (G.  G.),  The  Gold  Mines  of  California.     New  York,  1850. 
Fournel  (Henri),  Coup  d'ceil  sur  le  Texas.     Paris,  1841. 
Free  American.     Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq. 
Frejes  (Francisco),  Historia  breve  de  la  conquista  de  los  estados  independi- 

entes  del  Imperio  Mejicano.     Mexico,  1839. 

French  (B.  F. ),  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana.     Philadelphia,  1850. 
Freytas  (Nicolas),  Relacion  del  Descubrimiento  de  Quivira.     In  Shea's  Exped. 
Frignet  (Ernest),  La  Calif ornie.     Paris,  1867. 

Frcebel  (Julius),  Seven  Years'  Travel  in  Central  America.     London,  1859. 
Frost  (John),  History  of  California.     Auburn,  1853;  New  York,  1859.     In 
dian  Wars  of  the  U.  S.     Auburn,  1852.     Pictorial  History  of  Mexico, 

etc.     Philadelphia,  1862.     The  Mexican  War  and  its  \Varriors.     New 

Haven,  etc.,  1850. 

Frost  (Thomas),  Half- Hours  with  the  Early  Explorers.     London,  etc.,  1876. 
Fry  (J.  Reese),  Life  of  General  Zachary  Taylor,  etc.     Philadelphia,  1847. 
Fuunell  (Wrm.j,  A  Voyage  round  the  World.     London,  1707. 


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Furber  (George  C.),  History  of  Mexico.     Cincinnati,  1850. 
Furber  (George  C.),  The  12  Months'  Volunteer.     Cincinnati,  1850. 

Gaceta  de  Gobierno  cle  Mexico,  1722,  1728-9,  1784-1821,  1823  et  seq. 

Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1821-3. 

Galeria  tie  Vireyes.     In  Liceo  Mex.,  i.  214. 

Gallardo  (Jose"),  Instrucciones  al  Gobernador  de  Sonora,  1749.  In  Sonora, 
Materiales,  iv.  SGO-920;  also  MS. 

Gallardo  Fernandez  (Francisco),  Origeii  Progresos  y  Estado  de  las  Rentas  de 
la  Corona  de  Espafia.  Madrid,  li05-S.  7  vols. 

Gallatin  (Albert),  Sur  1'ancienne  civilization  du  Nouveau  Mexique,  des  borda 
da  Rio  Gila  et  des  contrees  voisines.  In  Xouvelles  Annales  des  Voy 
ages,  torn,  cxxxi.  237. 

Gallo  (Eduardo  L. ),  Hombres  Illustres  Mexicanos.     Mexico,  1874. 

Galvano  (Antonio),  Discoveries  of  .the  World.     London,  1631;  also,  18G2. 

Galvez  (Antonio),  Memorias  para  la  Continuacion  de  la  Cronica  deZacateca». 
In  Arlegui,  Chron.  Mex.,  1851. 

Galvez  (Jos<5),  Cartas  Ordenes,  1709.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  28-70; 
Decreto  de  Colonizacion  en  Baja  Cal.,  1708.  MS.  In  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov. 
St.  P.,  i.  Gl-G;  Inform e  General,  1771.  Mexico,  18G7;  Instrucciones. . . 
Repartimiento  de  Tierras,  17G9.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  70S; 
Scgunda  Instruccion,  1771.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  713. 

Gandara's  Misrule.     A  los  Mexicanos,  losemigrados  de  Sonora.     Chich.  1839. 

Garce"s  (Francisco),  Diario  y  derrutero  desde  Octubre  do  1775  hasta  17  de 
Setiembre  de  1770  al  Rio  Colorado.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.  i.  226. 

Garcia  (Joso  David),  Informe  del  30  de  Marzo  de  1780  acerca  de  las  misiones 
de  Rio  Grande.  MS. 

Garcia  (Lorenzo  Garcia),  Carta.     In  Son.,  Mat.,  104-20;  also  MS. 

Garcia  (Jose  D.),  Informe  acerca  de  las  Misiones  del  Rio  Grande.  MS.  In 
Piuart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  37. 

Garcia  Conde  (Pedro),  Ensayo  Estadfstico  sobre  el  Estado  de  Chihuahua.  In 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  v.  1GG  et  seq. 

Garza  (Pedro  J.  de  la),  Siiplica  que  hace  al  Publico  Mejicano.  Matamoros, 
1839. 

Gayarre  (Charles),  History  of  Louisiana.     Xew  York,  18GG.  4  vols. 

Geiger(John  L.),  A  Peep  at  Mexico.     London,  1874. 

Giddings  (Geo.  H.),  The  Case  of.     Washington,  18GO. 

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Gleeson  (W.),  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  California.  San  Francisco, 
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Boston,  1844;  Boston,  1845;  London,  1844.    Boston,  1847;  Memoir,  His 
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Helps  (Arthur),  Life  of  Hernando  Cortds.     New  York,  1871.  2  vols. 
Helps  (Arthur),  The  Life  of  Las  Casas.     Philadelphia,  1868. 
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Herrera  (Antonio  de),  Descripcion  de  las  Indias  Occiden.    Madrid,  1730.    fol. 
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Herrera  (Antonio  de),  Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en 

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Hidalgo  (Miguel),  Informe  al  Virey  tocante  a  las  misiones  de  la  Baja  Califor 
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Hines  (Gustavus),  Voyage  round  the  World.     Buffalo,  1850. 
Hiuton  (Richard  J.),  Handbook  of  Arizona.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
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Hittell  (John  S.),  History  of  San  Francisco.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
Hobbs  (James),  Wild  Life  in  the  Far  West.     Hartford,  1875. 
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Holmes  (Abiel),  Annals  of  America.     Cambridge,  1829.  2  vols. 
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Hughes  (Elizabeth),  The  California  of  the  Padres.     San  Francisco,  1875. 
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Pirn.  Alta, 
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Icazbalceta  (Joaquin  Garcia),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
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Imperio  de  Mexico.     A  collection  relating  to  Maximilian's  Empire. 

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Ingersoll  (C.  J.),  View  of  the  Texas  Question.     Washington,  1844. 

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Ives  (J.  C.),  Report  upon  the  Colorado  River  [30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex. 
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Jaramillo  (Juan),  Relacion.  In  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  154;'  Pacheco  and  Car 
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Jellett  (J.  H.),  Pacific  Coast  Laws.     San  Francisco,  1876. 

Jenkins  (John  S.),  History  of  Mexican  War.    Auburn,  1851;  New  York,  1859. 

Jesuitas,  Cartas  escritas  por  el  Rey  al  Papa,  extermino  de  los  jesuitas.  MS., 
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Jollivet,  Documents  Ame"ricains,  Annexation  du  Texas.     Paris,  1845. 

Jones  (Anson),  Republic  of  Texas,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Joutel  (M.  de),  Journal  Historique  de  l'6tablissement  des  Fran^ais  d  la 
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Keler  (Ignacio  Javier),  Consulta  sobre  Alzamiento  de  la  Pimeria,  1752.  In 
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Kendall  (Geo.  Wilkins),  Narrative  of  Texan  Santa  F<5  expedition.  New  York, 
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Kennedy  (John  P.),  Speech  on  annexation  of  Texas,  January  11,  1845.  Wash 
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Kennedy  ( vViUiam),  Texas.     London,  1841;  New  York,  1844. 

Kerr  (Robort),  A  General  History  and  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels. 
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Kino  (Eusebio  Francisco),  Breve  Relacion  de  la  Insigne  Victoria,  1693.  In 
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Las  Casas  (Bartolome"  de),  Historia  de  Indias.  MS.  folio.  4  vols.;  Madrid, 
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Las  Cruces,  Borderer.     Las  Graces,  187-  et  seq. 

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Le  Clercq  (Chresticn),  Histoire  des  Colonies  Francaises.     Paris,  1G02. 
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Maxinriliano.     Historia  do  la  Intervention.     Bruselas,  etc.,  1809.  2vols. 
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Doc.,  25;   Derrotero  de  la  Jornada  que  liizo  al  descub*0  de  la  bah  fa  del 

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Maritima  de  Mazatlan.     Mexico,  1 849. 

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Letfcres  e'diflantes  et  Curieuses.     Lyon,  1819.   14  vols. 
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Vizcaya.     In  Sonora,  Materiales,  iv.  683-702;  also  MS. 
Lockman,  Travels  of  the  Jesuits.     London,  1743.  2  vols. 
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Mange  (Juan  Mateo),  Historia  de  la  Pimeria.  MS.;  also  print  in  Doc.  Hist. 
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Mansfield  (Edward  D.),  The  Mexican  War.     New  York,  1849. 

March  y  Labores  (Jostf),  Historia  de  la  Marina  Heal  Espanola.  Madrid,  1854. 
4to.  2  yols.  and  atlas. 

Marcha,  Rapport  address6  &  1'empereur  Charles  V.  sur  le  royaume  de  la  Nou- 
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Marchand  (Etienne),  Voyage  au tour  du  Monde,  1700-93.     Paris,  n.d.  Gvols. 

Margil  de  Jesus  (Ant.),  Notizie  della  Vita.     Roma,  183G. 

Mariana  (Juan  de),  Historia  General  de  Espaiia.  Madrid,  1780.  folio.  2vols. ; 
Madrid,  1794.  10  vols. 

Marmier  (Xavier),  Les  voyageurs  nouveaux.     Paris.,  n.d.  3  vols. 

Marquina  Instruccion  &  Iturrigay,  1803.     In  Instruccion  Vireyes. 

Martinez  (Damian),  Carta  del  Padre  al  P.  Morfi,  1792.  MS.  In  N.  Mex., 
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Martinez  (Antonio  Fernando),  Estado  Actual  de  Misiones  1789.     MS. 

Martinez  (Francisco),  Diario  del  Viaje  1091.   MS.    In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  149. 

Martyr  (Peter),  De  Orbe  Decades.    Alcala,  151G. 

Masanet  (Damian),  Diario  que  hicieron  los  Padres  1691.  MS.  In  Texas, 
Doc.  Hist.,  124. 

Mascar6  (Manuel),  Diario  del  Ingeniero.     1779.     MS. 

Maurelle  (Francisco  Antonio),  Journal  of  a  voyage  in  1775,  etc.  n.pl.,  n.d.  4to. 

Mavor  (William),  Universal  History.     New  York,  1803-5.  25  vols. 

Mayer  (Brantz),  History  of  the  Mexican  War.     New  York,  etc.,  1848. 

Mayer  (Brantz),  Mexico  as  it  was  and  as  it  is.  New  York,  1844;  Baltimore, 
1846;  Philadelphia,  1847. 

Mayer  (Brantz),  Mexico.  Aztec,  Spanish,  and  Republican.  Hartford,  1853. 
2  vols. 

Mayer,  MSS.     [A  Collection  of  Thirty  Copies  from  Mexican  Archives.] 

Mazatlan,  Cosmopolitan.     Mazatlan,  1863etseq. 

Mazatlan,  El  Correo.     Mazatlau,  1865  et  seq. 

Mazatlan,  Datos  Estadisticos.     In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.  Bol.,  2da  ep.  iv.  65. 

Mazatlan,  Informe  a  la  Nacion.    Mexico,  1845. 

Mazatlan,  Occidental.     Mazatlan,  1870  et  seq. 

Mazatlan,  Peticiones  que  sobre  el  Proyecto  de  Aranzel  de  Aduanas  Maritimas 
y  Fronterizas.  Mazatlan,  1870. 

Mazatlan,  Times.     Mazatlan,  1866  et  seq. 

Medina  (Balthassar  de),  Chronica  de  la  Santa  Provincia  de  San  Diego  de  Mex 
ico.  Mexico,  1682.  folio. 

Meline  (James  F.),  2,000  miles  on  Horseback.     New  York,  1867. 

M^moires  ge~ographiques,  physiques  et  historiques,  etc.     Paris,  1767.  4  vols. 

Mendieta  (Geronimo  de),  Historia  Eclesiastica  Indiana.     Mexico,  1870. 

Mendoza  (Virey),  Instruccion  d  Juan  de  Aguilar,  etc.,  acerca  del  descubri- 
miento  de  las  siete  ciudades  de  Poniente.  In  Florida,  Col.  Doc.  7 ;  Instruc 
cion  que  debia  observar  el  capitan  Alarcon  en  la  expedicion  a  la  Califor 
nia.  In  Florida,  Col.  Doc.  1;  Visita.  In  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  110. 

Mendoza  (Giovanni),  Dell  Historia  della  China.    Venetia,  1586. 

Merrick,  Speech  on  Annexation  of  Texas,  Feb.  21,  1845.     Washington,  1845. 

Mexican  Ocean  Mail  and  Inland  Company  Reports.     New  York,  1853  et  seq. 

Mexican  Pamphlets.     A  Collection.  5  vols. 

Mexican  Trade  Journal.     Mexico,  1878  et  seq. 

Mexican  War.  A  collection  of  U.  S.  Government  Documents,  Scraps,  Pam 
phlets,  etc.  12  vols. 

Mexican  War,  Complete  History  of  the  late — By  an  eye-witness.  New  York, 
1850. 

Mexican  War,  Messages  of  the  President  (30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  House  Ex., 
60;  30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Senate  Ex.,  i).  Washington,  1847-8.  2  vols. 

Mexican  War,  Pamphlets.     A  Collection  of  30  pamphlets. 

Mexican  War  (The)  and  its  Heroes,  etc.  Philadelphia,  1850;  Philadelphia, 
1860. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxxv 

Mexico.  San  Francisco,  1SG1;  Actas  del  Congreso  Constituyente  Mexicano. 
Mexico,  1822-5.  10  vols;  Mexico,  1824-5.  4  vols;  Arancel  general 
do  Aduanas  Maritimas  y  Fronterizas.  Mexico,  1842  et  seq.;  Archive 
Mexicano,  Coleccioii  de  Leyes,  Decretos,  etc.  Mexico,  1856-63.  7  vols; 
Archivo  Mexicano  Documentos  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1852;  Bat 
tles  of.  New  York,  1847;  New  York,  1848;  Coleccion  de  las  Leyes,  De 
cretos  y  Ordenes,  1850-51,  1852-5.  Mexico,  1850-5.  8  vols;  Coleccioii 
de  Leyes  y  Decretos,  1839-41,  1844-8,  1850.  Mexico,  1851-2.  6  vols.; 
Coleccion  de  Leyes,  Decretos,  y  Circulares,  1863-67.  Mexico,  1867.  3 
vols;  Cuestion  Penal,  Mazatlan,  1871 ;  Decreto  [A  very  large  number 
quoted  by  date,  subject,  or  authority];  Diario  del  Gobierno  de  la  Re- 
publica  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1840  et  seq. ;  Diario  del  Irnperio.  Mexico, 
1865  et  seq.;  Diario  Oficial.  Mexico,  1870  et  seq;  Dictamen  [Several 
hundred  Reports  of  Committees  of  State  and  National  Government 
cited  by  date  and  topic]  ;•  Doeumentos  Eclesiasticos.  MS.  folio.  5  vols; 
en  1847.  Mexico,  1847;  Encarnacion  prisoners.  Louisville,  1848;  Ex* 
posicion  [Several  hundred  by  various  commissions  and  individuals  on 
cliffei-ent  topics];  Hostilities  by.  (29th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
196.)  Washington,  1846;  Indemnities,  Convention  of  Jan.  30,  1843. 
(28th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc.,  81.)  Washington,  1845;  Informs  de  la 
Comision.  Pezquisidora.  Mexico,  1874;  Informe  [A  very  large  number  of 
reports  by  various  commissions,  corporations,  and  individuals  on  differeii- 
topics,  and  of  different  dates];  Memorias  [Regular  reports  of  the  differ, 
ent  government  departments.  Agricultura,  Fomento,  Guerra,  Haciendat 
Interior,  Justicia,  Marina,  Relaciones  Exteriores,  etc.,  from  1822  to  latest 
date — a  complete  set  cited  by  elates];  Observations  on  the  origin  and 
conduct  of  the  war  with.  New  York,  1847;  Ordenanza  general  de  Adu 
anas  maritimas  y  fronterizas.  Mexico,  1856;  Pamphlets.  A  Collection; 
Reglamento  de  Aduanas  Maritimas.  Mexico,  1829.  4to;  Reglamento  de 
la  Direccion  de  Colonization.  Mexico,  1846;  Reglamento  6  instruccioii 
para  los  presidios.  Mexico,  1834.  folio;  Reglamento  para  el  corso  de 
particulars  en  la  presente  guerra.  Mexico,  1846;  Relacion  del  estado 
en  que  el  Marque's  de  Gelues  hallo  los  Reynos  de  la  Nueva  Espana.  Ma 
drid,  162S;  Relacion  particular  y  desci'ipcion  de  tod  a  la  provincia  del 
Santo  Evangelic.  MS.  folio;  Relacion  Svmaria  y  Puntual  del  Tumulto 
en  Mexico  15  Enero,  1624.  n.pl.,  n.d.  4to;  Reports  and  Despatches  ex 
hibiting  operations  of  the  U.  S.  naval  forces  during  the  War  with  Mexico. 
Washington,  1849;  Silver  mines  in  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d.;  The  Country, 
Historv,  and  People.  London,  1863;  The  West  Coast  of.  Washington, 
1880. 

Mexico  and  the  United  States,  An  American  View  of  the  Mexican  Question. 
San  Francisco,  1866. 

Mexico  and  the  United  States,  Treaties  of  1832,  1848,  1849,  1862.     Mexico, 
etc.,  1832-62.   11  vols. 

Mexico  and  the  United  States  Boundary,  Message  of  the  President,  October 
2,  1837.     Washington,  1837. 

Mexico  y  sus  Disturbios.     MS.  2  vols. 

Mexico,  Texas,  and  Canada.     Message  of  the  President.     Jan.  8,  1838  (25th 
Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  74).     Washington,  1838. 

Mexique,  Documents  sur  le  Commerce.     Paris,  1847. 

Mexique,  Commission  Scientifique,  Archives.     Paris,  1865-9.  3  vols. 

Mezicres  (Atanasio),  Cartas,   1778-9.     MS.     In  Texas,   Doc.   Hist.,  639-89; 
Expediciou  y  Oficios.     MS.     In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  689-716. 

Michoacan,  Historia  de  la  Prov.  de  San  Nicolas  Tolentino,  see  Basalen- 
que. 

Milam,  Texas:  Sketches  of  Character;  Moral  and  Political  Condition;  etc. 
Philadelphia.  1839. 

Mills  (Nicholas),  History  of  Mexico.     London,  1824. 

Minerva  (La).  Mexico,  1845  et  seq. 

Mining  Magazine.     New  York,  1853  et  seq. 


xxxvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Miranda,  Relation  sobre  la  tierre  y  poblacion  que  hay  desde  las  minas  de  San 

Martin  hasta  las  de  Sta  Barbara  1575.     In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 

Doc.,  xvi.  5G3-70. 
Miscellany.     A  Collection.  10  vols. 
Modern   Traveller  (The),    Mexico  and  Guatemala.     London,   1825.  2  vols; 

Boston,  1830.  2  vols. 
Mofras  (Duflot  du),  Exploration  du  Territoire  de  1'Oregon,  des  Californies, 

etc.     Paris,  1844.  2  vols.     Atlas  in  folio. 
Molina  (Alonso  de),  Vocabulario  en  lengua  Castellana  y  Mexicana.     Mexico, 

1571.  folio. 
Molina  (Miguel),  Relacion  que  hizo  sobre  los  mucrtes  de  los  padres  en  San 

Saba  1758.     MS.     In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  555-06. 
Mollhausen  (Balduin),  Diary  of  a  Journey  from  the  Mississippi.     London, 

1858.  2  vols;   Reiseii  in    die  Felsengebirge   Nord-Amerikas.     Leipzig, 

1SG1.  2  vols. 
Monette  (John  W.),  History,  Discovery,  and  Settlement  of  the  Mississippi 

Valley.     New  York,  1848.  2  vols. 

Monglave  (Eugene  de),  Resume"  de  I'liistoire  du  Mexique.     Paris,  1826. 
Montanus   (Arnoldus),    De   Nieuwe  en   Onbekende    VVeereld.     Amsterdam, 

1G71.  folio. 
Montanus  (Arnoldus),  Die  Unbekannte  Neue  Welt.     [Translated  by  Dapper.] 

Amsterdam,  1G73. 
Montemayor  y  Cordova  de  Cuenca  (Juan  Francisco),  Svmarios  de  las  Cedvlas 

Ordenes  por  su  Majestad  hasta  1GG7.     Mexico,  1G78.  4to. 
Monteros  (Espinosa de  los),  Esposicion  sobro  Sonora  y  Sinaloa.     Mexico,  1823. 
Monteverde  (Manuel),  Memoria  sobre  Sonora  dedicada  a,  Santa  Ana.     MS. 
Monthly  Miscellany,  or  Memoirs  for  the  Curious.    London,  1707-9.  4to.  3  vols. 
Monumentos  de  la  Dominacion  Espanola.     MS. 
Moody  (W.  G.),  Comparison  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  Mines  in  Mexico. 

San  Francisco,  18G3. 

Moore  (Francis  Junr.),  Description  of  Texas.     New  York,  1844. 
Morelli  (Ciriacus),  Fasti  Novi  Orbis  et  Ordinationum.     Vcnctiis,  1776.  4to. 
Moreno  (Juan  Joseph),  Fragmentos  de  la  Vida  y  Virtudes  del  Seuor  Don  D. 

Vasco  de  Quiroga,  etc.     Mexico,  17GG. 

Moreno  (Juan  Matias),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Morfi  (Juan  Agustin),  Coleccion  de  Documentos.     MS.  folio;  Desordenes  que 

se  advierten  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico,  etc.     MS.   1702.  folio. 
Morfi  (Juan  Agustin),  Diario.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  305. 
Morfi  (Juan  Agustin),  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  Texas.     MS. 
Morgan  (James),  Life  of  Francisco  Xavier.     London,  1813. 
Mosaico  Mexicano  (El).     Mexico,  1840-42.  7  vols. 
Mota  Padilla  (Matias  de  la),  Historia  de  la  conquista  de  la  Nueva-Galicia. 

Mexico,  1843.     MS.;  Mexico,  1870. 
Motolinia  (Toribio),  Historia  de  los  Indios  de  Nueva  Espana.     In  Icazbal- 

ceta,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  i.  passim. 
Mowry  (Sylvester),  The  Geography  and  Resources  of  Arizona  and  Sonora. 

Washington,  1859;  San  Francisco,  etc.,  1803;  New  York,  1804. 
Mowry  (Sylvester),  The  Mines  of  the  West.     New  York,  1804. 
Muhlenpfordt  (Eduard),  Versuch  einer  getreuen  Schilderung  der  Republik 

Mejico.     Hannover,  1844.  3  vols. 
Murr,   Nachrichten  von  verschiedenen   Landern   des   Spanischen  Amerika. 

Halle,  1809-11.  2  vols. 
Murray  (Hugh),  Historical  Account  of  Discoveries  and   Travels  in  North 

America.     London,  1829.  2  vols. 

Murray  (Walter),  Narrative  of  a  California  Volunteer.     MS. 
Museo'  Mexicano.     Mexico,  1843-5.  4to.  5  vols. 

Navarrete  (Ignacio),  Compendio  de  la  Historia  de  Jalisco.     Guadalajara,  1872- 

Navarrete  (Martin  Fernandez),  Coleccion  de  los  Viajes  y  Descubrimientos  quo 

hicieroii  los  Espanoles  desde  fines  del  Siglo  XV.    Madrid,  1825-37.   5  vols. 


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Navarrete  (Martin  Fernandez),  Viajes  Apdcrifos.     In  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  xv. ; 

Introduccion.  In  Sutil  y  Mexicana,  Viaje. 
Navarrete  (Pedro  M. ),  See  Baja  California,  Documentos  relatives  a  la  admin- 

istracion  de.     MS. 
Navarro  y  Noriega  (Fernando),  Catalogo  de  los  Curatos  y  Misiones  que  tiene 

la  Nueva  Espaua.     Mexico,  1813. 

Nayarit,  Tarahumara,  Pimeria,  etc.,  Fragmento  Hist6rico.     MS. 
Nayaritas,  Relacion  de  la  Con^uista.     Madrid  [1722]. 

Ncazitli  (Francisco  Sandoval),  Diario  de  la  exped.  a  los  Chichemecas.  MS. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Cartas  al  Virey  1775-1777.  In  Archivo  de  Calif ornia,  passim. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Reglamento  6  Instruccion,  1779.  MS.  In  Arch.  Cal.,  St.  Pap. 

Miss,  and  Col.,  i.  155-230. 

Newcomb  (Harvey),  A  Cyclopedia  of  Missions.     New  York,  1860. 
Newcomb  (James  P.),  History  of  Secession  Times  in  Texas,  and  Travels  in 

Mexico.     San  Francisco,  '1863. 

Newell  (C. ),  History  of  the  Revolution  in  Texas.     New  York,  1838. 
Nicolie  (Elivd),  Newe  vnd  Warkafffce  Relation  von  deme  was  sich  in  beederly. 

Munchen,  1619.  4to. 
Niel  (Juan  Amando),  Apuntamientos  que  a  las  memorias  de  Ger6nimo  de  Za- 

rate.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  56. 
Niles'  Register.     Baltimore,  etc.,  1811-49.  76  vols. 

Niza  (Francisco  Marcos  de),  Descubrimiento  de  las  Siete  Ciudades.  In  Pa 
checo  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  iii.  325;  Ramusio,  Viaggi,  torn. 

iii.  356;  Hakluyt's  Voy.,  vol.  iii.  362;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i. 

torn.  ix.  256. 
Nombre  tie  Dios,  Descripcion  de  la  Villa,  1608.     In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 

Col.  Doc.,  ix.  331. 

North  American  Miscellany.     Boston,  etc.,  1851. 
North  American  Review.     Boston,  1819etseq. 

Noticia  Breve  de  la  Expedicion  Militar  de  Sonora  y  Cinaloa.  Mexico,  1771. 
Noticia  de  la  Mision  de  la  Junta  cle  los  Rios.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv. 
Noticia  de  Espediciones  por  Mar  y  Tierra  que  han  hecho  los  Espauoles,  etc. , 

1744.     In  Sonora,  Mat.,  iv.  667;  also  MS. 
Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages.     Paris,  1819-60.  168  vols. 
Nueva  Espana,  Acuerdos.     MS. 
Nueva  Espana,  Breve  Resiimen  del  Descubrimiento  de  la.     Madrid  [1767]. 

MS.  royal  folio.  2  vols. 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  Documentos  para  la  Historia.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser., 

torn,  iii.-iv. 
Nuevo  Leon,  Dictamen  de  la  comision  eclesiastica  [Apr.  30, 1834.    Monterey, 

1834.] 
Nuevo  Leon,  Dictamen  presentado  sobre  introduccion  de  Algodon.    Monterey, 

1845. 

Nuevo  Leon,  Dictdmen  sobre  reforma  de  las  Bases  Organicas.    Monterey,  1845. 
Nuevo  Mexico,  Cedulas.     MS. 
Nuevo  Mexico,  Discurso  y  Proposiciones.     In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 

Doc.,  xvi.  38;  Memorial  de  1602.     In  Id.,  xvi.  188. 

Observador  de  la  Republica  Mexicana  (El).     Mexico,  1827.  3  vols. 

Occidental  (El).     Mazatlan,  1871  et  seq. 

Och  (Joseph),  Reize.     In  Murr,  Nachrichten. 

Ogilby  (John),  America.     London,  1671.  folio. 

Olaguenage  (Lucas),  Contestaciones  protesta  notas  presenta  al  piiblico.  Ma 
zatlan,  1868. 

Olmsted  (Fred.  Law),  A  Journey  through  Texas.     New  York,  1857. 

Onis  (Luis),  Memoir  upon  the  Negotiations  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States.  Baltimore,  1821. 

Ordenanza  Militar,  tratado  cuatro,  Reglamento  para  el  Ejercetivo  y  Mano- 
bras  de  la  infanteria.  Mexico,  1854.  2  vols. 

Ordenauzas  de  Indias.     A  Collection.     4to. 


xxxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Ordenes  de  la  Corona.     A  Collection.     MS.  folio.  7  vols. 

Orozco  y  Berra  (Manuel),   Carta  Etnographica.     Mexico,    1864;  Fundacion 

de  algunas  ciudades.     In  Ilustracion  Mex.,  i.  268. 
Ortega  (Francisco),  Copia  de  la  Detnai'cacion.     1836.  MS. 
Ortega  (Francisco),  Descripcion  y  Demarcacion   de  las  Yslas  Californias. 

1633-4.  MS. 

Ortega  (Francisco),  Primera  Demarcacion  de  las  Yslas  Californias.    1632.  MS. 
Ortega,  Relacion  de  la  entrada  que  hizo  a  las  Californias.    In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 

2cl  ser.  iii.  437. 
Otero  (Mariano),  Coimmicacion  sobre  las  negociaciones  entre  Estados  Unidos 

y  Mexico.     Mexico,  1847. 
Otondo  y  Antillon  (Isidro),  Nouvelle  Descente  des  Espagnols  dans  1'isle  de 

Californie,  1'an  1683;  In  Voy.  Emp.  Chine,  79;   Relation  d'une  Descente 

des  Espagnoles  dans  la  Californie.     In  Voiages  au  Nord,  iii.  288. 
Overland  Monthly.     San  Francisco,  1868-75.  15  vols. 
Oviedo  y  Valde's  (Gonzalo  Fernandez  de),  De  la  Natural  Hystoria  de  las  In- 

dias.     Toledo,  1528. 
Oviedo  y  Valdes  (Gonzalo  Fernandez  de),  Historia  General  y  Natural  de  las 

Indias.     Madrid,  1851-5.  4  vols.  4to. 
Owen  (Tom),  Anecdotes  and  Letters  of  Zachary  Taylor.     New  York,  1848. 

Pacheco  (Joaquin  F.),  and  Cardenas  et  al.,  Coleccion  de  Documentos  Ine"ditos 

relatives  al  Descubrimiento,  Conquista  y  Colonizacion  de  las  Posesiones 

Espanolas  en  America.     Madrid,  1864-81.     34  vols. 
Pacific  Pearl  Company  of  New  York.     Jersey  City,  1863. 
Pacific  Railroad  Reports.     13  vols.  4to. 
Padron  de  los  habitantes  de  Ambos  Sexos  que  actualmente  tiene  la  Colonia 

Militar.    MS. 

Paez  (Juan,)  Relacion.    See  Cabrillo. 

Page's  (F. ),  Nouveau  Voyage  autour  du  Monde.     Paris,  1797.  3  vols. 
Palafox  y  Mendoza  (Juan),  Obras.     Madrid,  1762.  folio.  15  vols. 
Palmer  (Wm.  J.),  De  la  Colonisation  du  Colorado  et  du  Nouveau-Mexique. 

Paris,  1874. 

Palou  (Francisco),  Fondo  Piadoso  de  Misiones  de  California,  etc.,  1772.    MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Informe  que  por  el  mes  de  Diciembre  de  1773,  hizo  al  Virey 

Bucareli,  etc.     MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Informe  .sobre  el  estado  de  las  misiones  de  la  Peninsula. 

1772.     In  Id.,  Noticias.  i.  138-79. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Noticias  de  la  Nueva  California.     Mexico,  1857.  2  vols; 

San  Francisco,  1874.  4  vols. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Relacion  Hist6rica  de  la  Vida  y  Apostolicas  Tareas  del 

Venerable  Padre  Francisco  Junipero  Serra.     Mexico,  1787. 
Panes  y  Abellan  (Diego),  Cronologia  de  los  Vireyes.  MS.    In  Mon.  Dom.  Esp. 
Papeles  de  Jesuitas.     A  Collection.     MS.  folio. 
Papeles  Franciscanos.     A  Collection.     MS.  folio.  2  vols. 
Papeles  Varies.     A  Collection  of  Spanish  and  Mexican  Pamphlets.    218  vols. 
Paredes  (Alonso),  Utiles  y  Curiosas  Noticias  del  N.  Mexico,  Cibola,  etc.     In 

Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  211-25. 

Parker  (A.  A.),  Trip  to  the  West  and  Texas.     Concord,  1835. 
Parker  (W.  B.),  Notes  taken  during  Marcy's  Expedition  through  Texas,  1854. 

Philadelphia,  1856. 

Parkman  (Francis),  Discovery  of  the  Great  West.     Boston,  1875. 
Parra  (Francisco),  Conquista  de  la  provincia  de  Xalisco,  Nuevo  Reyno  de 

Galicia,  etc.     MS.  [1805.]  4to. 
Parres  (Luis),  Manifestacion  del  Contador  de  la  Aduana  Maritima  de  Mata- 

moros.     Matamoros,  1839. 
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Tamaulipas,  1846. 
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Robertson  (J.  M.),  Resources  of  the  Northwest  Coast  of  Mexico.  San  Fran 
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Robertson  (William  Parrish),  A  Visit  to  Mexico.     London,  1853.  2  vols. 

Robin  (C.  C.),  Voyages  dans  Finterieur  de  la  Louisiane.     Paris,  1807.  3  vols. 

Robinson  (Conway),  An  Account  of  Discoveries  in  the  West  until  1519.  Rich 
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Rogers  (Woode),  A  Cruising  Voyage  round  the  World.     London,  1718. 

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Romay  (Bernaldino),  Cuenta  de  loque  ha  gastado  el  Marque's  del  Valle,  1533. 
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Rouhaud  (Hippolyte),  Les  Regions  Nouvelles.     Paris,  1868. 

Ruschenberger  (W.  S.  W.),  Narrative  of  a  Voyage.     London,  1838.  2  vols. 

Rusk  (Thos.  J.),  Speech  on  Boundaries  of  Texas.     Washington,  1850. 

Rusk  (Thos.  J.),  Speech  on  Mexican  War  Feb.  17,  1848.     Washington,  1848. 

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Ruxton  (Frederic),  Sur  la  Migration  des  Anciens  Mexicains.  In  Nouvelles 
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Sahagun  (Bernardino  de),  Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.    Mexico,  1829. 
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San  Ignacio,  Libro  de  Mision,  1697-1707.     MS.    In  Pinart,  Col.  Pirn.  Alta, 

San  Miguel  (Juan  Rodriguez),  Documentos,  Fondo  Piadoso.  Mexico,  1845; 
La  Repiiblica  Mexicana  en  1846.  Mex.,  1845;  Rectificacion  de  Graves 
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Sanchez  ( Bartolome),  Carta  de  1757.     In  Son.  Mat.,  88-94;  also  MS. 

Sancho  (Juan),  Informe  al  Virey  sobre  las  misiones  de  California  fechado  d 
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Carlos  de  P6rote.  Mex.,  1845;  Manifiesto  de  sus  Operaciones  en  la  Cam- 
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Santos  (Francisco  J. ),  Chronologia  Hospitalaria  y  Resiimen  historial  de  la  sa- 
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Saturday  Magazine.     London,  1834-41.  8  vols.  folio. 

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Seyd  (Ernest),  California  and  its  Resources.    London,  1858. 

Shea  (John  Gilmary),  History  of  the  Catholic  Missions.     New  York,  1855. 

Shea  (John  Gilmary),  Expedition  of  Don  Diego  de  Pcnalosa.    N.  Y.,  1882. 

Shelvocke  (George),  A  Voyage  round  the  World.     London,  1726. 

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Silva  (Juan  de),  Advertencias  Importantes  acerca  del  Even  Gobierno  de  las 
Indias.  Madrid,  1621.  folio. 

Silver  Kin 3  Mining  Company,  Reports  to,  1880.     San  Francisco,  1880. 

Simpson  (J.  H.),  Coronado's  March.     In  Smithsonian  Report,  1869. 

Sinaloa  y  Sonora,  Cartas  Importantes.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.,  torn.  ii. 
1  et  seq. 

Sinaloa,  Bandera  de  Ayutla.  Culiacan,  1856  et  seq.  2  vols.;  Boletin  de  De 
bates.  Mazatlan,  1873  et  seq.;  Boletin  Oncial  del  Estado.  Mazatlan, 
etc.,  1870  et  seq.  4  vols. ;  Constitucion  politicia  del  Estado.  Mazatlan, 
1861;  Documentos  para  la  Historia,  1657.  MS.  folio.  2  vols;  Eco 
de  Occidente  (El),  Mazatlau,  1859  et  seq.  2  vols;  Estado  de  Sinaloa 
(El).  Mazatlau,  1867  et  seq.  4  vols;  Estado  de  Sitio.  Mazatlan,  1876 
et  seq.;  Fenix  (El).  Mazatlan,  1872  et  seq.;  Indice  de  las  Leyes,  etc. 
Mazatlan,  1871;  Memoriaque  el  Gober^iador  de.  Mazatlan,  1869;  Memo- 
rias  para  la  Historia  de.  MS.  folio;  Progreso  (El).  Culiacan,  1857  et 
seq.;  Proposiciones  de  los  Representantes  sobre  clausura  de  Mazatlan. 
Mex.,  1837;  Regeneracion  de.  Mazatlan,  1868  et  seq.  2  vols.;  Regla- 
mentopara  el  Gobierno  Interior  del  Congresodel.  Mazatlan,  1870;  Rep- 
resentacion  quo  la  Junta  de  Fomento  de  la  Capital.  Durango,  1844. 

Smith  (Ashbel),  Notice  sur  la  Geographic  du  Texas.     Paris,  n.d. 

Smith  (Ashbel),  Reminiscences  of  the  Texaii  Republic.     Galveston,  1876. 


xliv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Smith  (Ashbel),  Address  at  Galveston  Feb.  22,  1848.     Galveston,  1848. 

Smith  (C.  B.),  Letter  on  Lower  California.     MS. 

Smith  (Truman),  Speech  on  the  Physical  Character  of  Northern  States  of 
Mexico,  March  2,  1848.  Washington,  1848. 

Smithsonian  Institution,  Annual  Report  of  the  Board  of  Regents.  Washing 
ton,  1853  et  seq. 

Soberanes  (Clodimiro).     Doc.  Hist.  Cal.     MS. 

Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geograf  ia  y  Estadistica,  Boletin.  Mexico,  18G1  et  seq. 
[Includes  Institute  Nacional.] 

Socie'te'  de  Geographic,  Bulletin.     Paris,  1825  et  seq. 

Solis  (Antonio  de),  Historia  de  le  Conquista  de  Mexico.     Madrid,  1684. 

Solis  (Gaspar  Jose'),  Diario  que  hizo  en  la  visita  que  fu<3  a  hacer  de  las  Misiones 
de  Texas  1767.  MS.  In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  313-64. 

Sonora,  Al  Congreso  de.  Mex.,  1826;  Al  Pueblo,  contestacion.  Ures,  1851; 
Boletin  Oficial.  Cieneguita,  etc.,  1865  et  seq.;  Catalogo  de  los  Partidos 
contenidos  en  los  rectoradosde  las  misionesde  Sonora  por  el  anode  1658. 
In  Id.,  Mat.,  iv.  790-4;  also  MS.;  Circular  Abril  3,  1859,  n.pl.,  n.d.;  Con- 
stitucion  13  Feb.  1861.  Guaymas,  1877;  Constitucion  politica  del  Es- 
tado.  Ures,  1848;  Contestacion  de  los  Electores.  Ures,  1848;  Contien- 
tias  de  los  Misioneros  con  los  Jueces  por  el  servicio  de  los  Indies.  MS. 
folio;  Contract  of  Mex.  Govt.  for  the  survey  of  Public  Lands.  Wash. ,  1860; 
Copias  del  dictamen  sobre  la  venta.  Ures,  1847;  Descripcion  geografica 
natural  y  curiosa  de  la  Provincia  de.  1764.  In  Id.,  Mat.,  iv.  403-637; 
also  MS.;  Descripcion  Sucinta.  In  Id.,  Mat.,  iv.  703-7;  also  MS.;  El 
Eco  de  Sonora.  Hermosillo,  1871;  El  Pueblo  de.  Ures,  1867;  El  Sedi- 
cioso  maiiifiesto  del  Obispo  de.  Mex.,  n.d.;  El  Triunfo  de.  Guaymas, 
1877  et  seq. ;  Estado  de  la  provincia  de  Sonora  con  el  catalogo  de  sus  pue 
blos,  iglesias,  padres,  misioneros,  numero  de  almas  capaces  de  adminis- 
tracion,  lenguas  diversas,  etc.  In  Id.,  Mat.,  iv.  617;  also  MS.;  Estrella 
de  Occidente.  Ures,  1859  et  seq.  Expedition  de  Statutes  de  la  Com- 
pagnia.  MS.,  1852.  4to;  Gold  and  Silver  Mining  in.  Cincinnati,  1807; 
Ley  es  del  Estado.  n.pl., n.d.;  LeyeaVarias  del  Estado  1847.  [Urea,  1848]; 
Libros  que  manifiestan  el  estado  exacto,  etc.  Sonora,  1770,  1770.  MS. 
folio;  Manifiesto  de  la  comision  de.  Mex.,  1829;  Materiales  para  la 
Historia  de.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  torn.  iv. ;  4th  ser.  torn.  i. ;  also 
MS.  1764.  folio.  Nacional  (El).  Ures,  1853  et  seq.;  Papeles  de  los 
Padres  ex-Jesuitas.  In  Id.,  Mat.,  iv.  Reglarnento  de  policia  para  el 
Gobierno  Interior.  Ures,  1840;  Reglamento  para  organizar  la  Guardia 
Nacional.  [Ures,  1847];  Representacion  al  Exmo  Sefior  Vice  Presideute. 
Arizpe,  Oct.  14,  1833;  Resumen  de  Noticias,  1734-77.  In  Id.,  Mat.,  i. 
219;  also  MS.;  Rurlo  ensayo  tentativa  de  una  descripcion  Geog.  de  la 
Prov.  San  Augustin,  1863;  Sonorense  (El).  Ures,  1847  et  seq. ;  Viva 
el  Supremo  Gobierno  de  la  nacion.  Ures,  1856;  Voto  de  Sonora  (El). 
Ures,  1842-3;  Vozde  Sonora.  Ures,  1855  et  seq. 

Sonora  Railway  Company,  Contract  entered  into  between  the  Republic  of 
Mexico  and  D.  B.  Blair,  Dec.  11,  1874.  New  York,  1875. 

Sonora  y  Sinaloa,  Noticia  breve  de  la  expedicion  militar  de.  Mexico,  1771. 
folio. 

Sosa  (Gaspar  Castano  de),  Memoria  del  Descubrimiento  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico, 
etc.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  xv.  191. 

Sosa  (Francisco),  El  Episcopado  Mexicano.     Mexico,  1877. 

Soule  (Frank),  J.  H.  Gihon,  and  J.  Nisbet,  The  Annals  of  San  Francisco. 
New  York,  1855. 

Stapp  (William  Preston),  The  Prisoners  of  Perote.     Philadelphia,  1845. 

Stevens  (Isaac  I.),  Campaigns  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  of  Mexico.  New  York, 
1851. 

Stiff  (Edward),  The  Texan  Emigrant.     Cincinnati,  1840. 

Stockton  (R.  F. ),  Despatches  relating  to  Military  and  Naval  Operations  in 
Cal.  Washington,  1849. 

Stockton  (R.  F.),  Sketch  of  the  Life  of.     New  York,  1856. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xlv 

Stone  (Charles  P.),  Notes  on  the  State  of  Sonora,  18GO.     Washington,  1SG1. 

Stone  (R.  C.),  Gold  and  Silver  Mines  of  America.     New  York,  n.d. 

Suamca  (Sta  Maria),  Libros  de  Mision  1732-68.     MS.     In  Pinart,  Col.  Pirn. 

Alta. 

Subsidio  Eclesiastico  en  las  Indias.     MS.    1721-92.  folio. 
.Sutil  y  Mexicaua,  Relacion  del  Viaje.     Madrid,  1802.  atlas,  4to. 

Tabula  Califomise  Anno  1702.     Map. 

Tamaron  (Pedro),  Cartas  dul  Obispo  de  Durango  1767-8.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
4th  ser.  ii.  72-89. 

Tamaron  (Pedro),  Visita  del  Obispado  de  Durango  por  el  Obispo.  [Durango, 
1705.]  MS.  folio. 

Taos  (Fernandez  de),  A  Review  of  the  Mexican  Boundary  Question.  Santa 
Fe\  18.13. 

Tapia  (Andre's  de),  Relacion  sobre  la  Conquista  de  Mexico.  In  Icazbalceta, 
Col.  Doc.,  torn.  ii.  554. 

Tapia  (Eugenio  de),  Historia  de  la  Civilization  Espaiiola.  Madrid,  1840. 
4  vols. 

Tapia  (Gronzalo  de),  Relacion  de  la  Muerte.  MS.    In  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  56. 

Taraval  (Sigismundo),  Elogios  de  Misioneros  de  Baja  California.  La  Paz, 
1737.  MS. 

Taylor  (Alex.  S.)5  First  Discovery  of  California,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1853. 

Taylor  (Bayard),  El  Dorado.     New  York,  1850.  2  vols;  New  York,  1SG1. 

Taylor-  and  His  Campaigns,  A  Biography.     Philadelphia,  1848. 

Taylor  and  His  Generals.     Philadelphia,  1847. 

Tello  (Antonio),  Fragmentos  de  una  historia  de  la  Nueva  Galicia.  In  Icaz 
balceta,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  ii.  343. 

Teran  de  los  Rios  (Domingo),  Derrota  y  Tanteo,  Descubrimiento  de  los  Cado- 
daclios  1091.  MS.  In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  87. 

Teran  de  los  Rios  (Domingo),  Descripcion  y  Diario  Demarcacion  1691-2.  MS. 
In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  64. 

Teran  de  los  Rios  (Domingo),  Instrucciones,  Entrada  de  Tejas,  1691.  MS. 
In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  57. 

Ternaux-Compans  (Henri).  Recueil  de  Documents  et  M<5moires  originaux  sur 
FHistoire  des  Possessions  Espagnoles  dans  TAmdrique.  Paris,  1840. 

Ternaux-Compans  (Henri),  Voyages,  Relations  et  Memoires  originaux  pour 
servir  a  1'histoire  de  la  Ddcouverte  de  I'Am&ique.  Paris,  1837-41.  2 
series,  10  and  8  vols. 

Testimouio  Autantico  de  lo  Sucedido  en  la  Visita,  1673.  In  Sonora,  Mate- 
riales,  iv.  773-8;  also  MS. 

Texas.     A  Collection. 

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York,  1844;  A  Visit  to,  being  the  Journal  of  a  Traveller.  New  York, 
1834;  Comunicaciones  relativas  a  la  agregacion  del  Departamento  de 
Tejas.  Mex.,  1845;  Correspondeucia  que  ha  meiliado  entre  la  legacion. 
Phil.,  183G;  Dicttimen  al  Congreso,  proposiciones  sobre.  Mex.,  1845; 
Dictamen  de  la  Comision  especial  de.  Mex.,  1845;  Dictamen  de  la  Comi- 
sion  primera  de  Hacienda.  Mex.,  1845;  Dictamen  de  las  Comisiones  unidas 
sobre  medidas  para  asegurar,  etc.  Mex.,  1845;  Dictamen  de  las  Comi 
siones  unidas  sobre  oir  las  propuestas  por  los  Tejauos.  Mex.,  1845;  Dic 
tamen  Fiscal,  1716.  MS.,  in  Id.,  Doc.,  223;  Dictamen  leido  el  3  Junio, 
1840.  Mex.,  1844;  Dictamen  sobre  agregacion  de  Mayo  14,  1845.  Mex., 
1845;  Documentos  para  la  Historia  Eclesiastica  y  civil,  etc.  Mex.,  1852. 
MS.,  folio  (torn,  xxvii.-iii.  of  the  Archive  General  de  Mexico).  Docu 
ments  relating  to  Dominguez  Grant.  N.  Y.,  1831;  Espedicion  hecha  en. 
Monterey,  1842;  Informes  de  Misioneros.  MS.  In  Id.,  Doc.,  566; 
Ligeras  indicaciones  sobre  la  usurpacion  de.  Puebla,  1837;  Message  of 
the  President  on  Political,  Military,  and  Civil  Condition,  Dec.  21,  1836 
(24th  Cong.,  2dSess.,  Doc.  20),  Wash.,  1836;  Operations  of  the  U.  S. 
Aiiny.  Rept.  of  Sec.  of  War,  Feb.  28,  1849.  (31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess., 


xlvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  32).  Wash.,  1849;  Petition  of  Citizens  of  X.  Orleans. 
New  Orleans,  185 "2;  Proceedings  of  Senate  and  docts.  relative  to.  May 
10,  1844  (28th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  341).  Wash.,  1844;  The  Debt 
of  Texas.  N.  Y.,  1851;  The  Origin  and  True  Causes  of  the  Texas  Insur 
rection  of  1835.  [Phil.,  1836];  The  War  in  Texas.  Phil.,  1837;  Thoughts 
on  the  Proposed  Annexation.  N.  Y.,  1844;  To  the  Hon.  J.  Q.  Adams,  etc. 
[Houston,  Oct.  20,  1843];  Ultimas  comunicaciones  entre  el  Gobierno  Mexi- 
cano  y  Estados  Uuidos.  Mex.,  1846;  Voto  particular  sobre  autorizar  al 
Gobierno.  Mex.,  1845;  Western  Texas  Valley  of  the  Rio  Grande.  N. 
Y.,  1847. 

Texas  Annexation.     A  Collection. 

Texas  Annexation,  Messages  of  the  President.  Sept.  30,  1837  (25th  Cono-., 
1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.,  40);  May  31,  1844  (28th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc. 
349);  June  3,  1844  (28th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  351).  Wash.,  1837, 
1844.  3  vols;  Report  of  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.  Feb.  4,  1845 
(28th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Rept.  79);  Wash.,  1845;  Report  of  Joint 
Committee,  Feb.  1838  (25th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Rept.  50).  Wash., 
1838. 

Texas  Question,  An  Appeal  to  the  People  of  Massachusetts  on  the.  Boston, 
1844. 

Texas  Railroad,  Navigation  and  Banking  Company,  Charter,     n.pl.,  n.d. 

Texas  Rebellion,  The  "Legion  of  Liberty.     Albany,  1843. 

Tezozomoc  (Alvaro),  Histoire  du  Mexique.     Paris,  1853.  2  vols. 

Thesaurus  Geographicus.     London,  1709.  folio. 

Tilden  (Bryant  P.),  Notes  on  the  Upper  Rio  Grande.     Philadelphia,  1847. 

Tilden  (Daniel  R.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  House  of  Rep.,  July  14,  1846.  Wash., 
1846. 

Torito  (El).     Guaymas,  1878  et  seq. 

Tornel  (Jos<§  Maria),  Tejas  y  los  Estados-Unidos.     Mex.,  1837. 

Torquemada  (Juan  de),  Monarquia  Indiana.     Madrid,  1723.  3  vols.  folio. 

Trece  de  Julio  (El).     Guaymas,  1877  et  seq. 

Tristan  (Estevan  Lorenzo),  Informe  del  Obispo  de  Durango  sobre  Misiones, 
1789.  MS.  In  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  89-100. 

Tubutama  (S.  Pedro  y  S.  Pablo),  Libro  de  Mision,  1768-89.  MS.  In  Pi 
nart,  Col.  Pirn.  Alta. 

Tumacacori  y  Tubac,  Libros  de  Mision,  1820-4.  MS.  In  Pinart,  Col.  Pirn. 
Alta. 

Tuthill  (Franklin),  The  History  of  California.     San  Francisco,  18G6. 

Tytler  (Patrick  Fraser),  Historical  View  of  the  Progress  of  Discoveiy.  Edin 
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Ugalde  (Juan),  Documentos  que  acompaiiados  de  un  estado  pone  el  coronel — • 
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Ulloa  (Antonia  de),  Noticias  Americanas.     Madrid,  1772;  Madrid,  1792. 

Ulloa  (Francisco),  Relatione  dello  Scoprimento.  In  Ramusio,  iii.  339;  Hak- 
luyt's  Voy.,iii.  397. 

United  States  Government  Documents.  [Coast  Survey;  Commerce  and  Navi 
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titles  and  dates.] 

United  States  Government  Documents.  [Senate,  House,  Miscellaneous,  etc. 
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United  States  and  Mexican  Boundary  Survey.     Wash.,  1857-9.    4to.    3  vols. 

Uring  (Nathaniel),  A  History  of  the  Voyages  and  Travels  of.     London,  1726. 

Urrea  (Jose'),  Diario  de  las  Operaciones  Militares,  etc.     Durango,  1838. 

Vallarte  (Ignacio  L.),  La  Cuestion  de  Jalisco.     Mexico,  1870. 

Valle  ( Alonso),  Carta  sobre  la  Campaiia  contra  Tepehuanes,  1617.     In  N.  Viz- 

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Valle  (Marque's  del),  Proceso  sobre  el  d^scubrimiento  de  la  Tierra  Nueva. 

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Yallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico. 

MS.  and  print,     folio.     2  vols. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G. ),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.    MS.     1769- 

1850.     36  vols. 
Vargas  (Diego  de),  Estrato  de  la  Carta  de  16  de  Octubre  de  1692.     In  Doc. 

Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  129. 
Varios  Impresos.     A  collection.  3  vols. 
Vega  (Placido),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico.     MS.  1862-8.  15 

vols. 
Vega  (Francisco  de  P.),  Defensa  del  Ex-Contador  dela  Tesoreria  del  Estado. 

Mazatlan,  1870;  Dos  Palabras  en  Respuesta  al  autor  del  Libelo.    Mazatlan, 

1868. 

Vega  (Victoriauo),  Vida  Calif orniana,  1834^7.     MS. 
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Velasco  (Francisco),  Sonora;  Its  Extent,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1861.  '   ~. 

Velasco  (Jos6  Francisco),  Noticias  Estadisticas  de  Sonora.     Mexico,  1850. 
Velasco  (Juan  B.),  Carta  al  Padre  Provincial,  1601.     MS.    In  Sinaloa,  Mem. 

Hist.,  343-50. 
Velasco  (virey),  Relacion  de  lo  que  descubrio  Diego  de  Ibarra  en  la  provincia 

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553. 
Velazquez  (Jose"),  Diario  y  Mapa,  1783.     MS.    In  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap., 

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Venegas  (Miguel),  Histoire  Naturelle  et  Civile.     Paris,  1767.   3  vols. 
Venegas  (Miguel),  Natural  and  Civil  History  of  Cal.     London,  1759.  2  vols. 
Venegas  (Miguel),  Noticia  de  la  California.     Madrid,  1757.  3  vols. 
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Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Tratado  de  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico,  n.pl.,  n.d.  folio. 
Vetancvrt  (Avgvstin  de),  Chr6nica.de  la  Provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio  de 

Mexico.    Mexico,  1697.  folio;  Mexico,  1871. 
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Viagero  Universal  (El).     Madrid,  1796-1801.  43  vols. 
Viajes  en  la  Costa  al  Norte  de  las  Calif ornias.    Copy  from  Spanish  archives, 

MS.  [From  Prof.  Geo.  Davidson]. 
Vildosola  (Agustin),  Cartas  al  Padre  Provincial,  1742.    In  Sonora,  Materiales, 

i.  1-17;  iv.  921-32;  also  MS. 

Villagra  (Caspar  de),  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico.     Alcala,  1610. 
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Vizcaino  (Sebastian),  Relacion  del  Viage.     1611-14.     In  Pacheco  and  Car 
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1767.  2  vols.  folio. 
Voyages,  An  Historical  Account  of  all  the  Voyages  round  the  World.    Lond. 

1774-81.  6  vols. 

Voyages,  Recueil  des  Voyages  au  Nord.  Amsterdam,  1715-27.     8  vols. 
Voz  del  Pueblo  (La).     Mazatlan,  1871  et  seq. 

Walker,  Letter  of,  relative  to  the  re-annexation  of  Texas.  Washington,  1844. 
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War  with  Mexico,  Reports,  etc.,  of  Operations  of  U.  S.  Naval  Forces  1846-7 

(30  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  1).     Washington,  1848. 
Ward  (H.  G.),  Mexico  in  1827.     London,  1828.  2  vols.~ 
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Pac.  R.  R.  Rept.,  vol.  ixv 


xlviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Webster  (Daniel),  Speech  at  Philadelphia,  Dec.  2,  1846.    Washington,  1847. 

Weidncr  (Fcderico),  ElCerro  de  Mercado  de  Durango.  In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Bol.,  vi.  57. 

Weidner  (Fredrick  G. ),  Statistical  and  Geological  Notes  of  Sinaloa.  San 
Francisco,  1882. 

Weil  (Johann),  Californien  wie  es  ist.     Philadelphia,  etc.,  1849. 

Weller  (J.  13.),  Speech  and  Annexation  of  Texas,  Jan.  9,  1845.  Washington, 
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MORTH  MEXICAN 


'~~'   '' 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


NORTH  MEXICAN"  STATES. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 
1521-1530. 

MOTIVE  OF  NORTH-WESTERN  DISCOVERY — COSMOGRAPHICAL  THEORIES  OF 
THE  EARLY  SPANIARDS — SECRET  OF  THE  STRAIT— IDEAS  OF  HERNAN 
CORTES — EXTRACTS  FROM  HIS  LETTERS — RESUME  OF  EVENTS  FOLLOW 
ING  THE  CONQUEST — PANUCO  AND  THE  GULF  COAST — RIVAL  CONQUIS- 
TADORES — THE  CHICHIMEC  COUNTRY — CONQUEST  OF  MICHOACAN — • 
SUBJECTION  OF  COLIMA  AND  CHIMALHUACAN — EXPEDITIONS  OF  ALVAREZ 

CHICO,     A.VALOS,     AND    FRANCISCO     CORTES — EXPLORATION     TO     TfiPIC — • 

NORTHERN  WONDERS — A  TOWN  AND  SHIP-YARD  AT  ZACATULA — CORTES 
ON  THE  PACIFIC  COAST — His  PROJECTS  OF  SOUTH  SEA  DISCOVERY— 
His  LETTERS  TO  THE  EMPEROR— DELAYS  AND  OBSTACLES — DOWN  THE 
COAST,  NORTHWARD — IDENTITY  OF  VESSELS — LOAISA,  GUEVARA,  AND 
SAAVLDRA — FIRST  VOYAGE  UP  THE  COAST  TO  COLIMA — NEW  VESSELS — • 
NEW  PERSECUTIONS — DISCOURAGEMENT. 

FROM  the  day  when  Mexico  Tenochtitlan  submitted 
to  the  arms  of  Spain,  an  idea  often  uppermost  in  the 
mind  of  the  conqueror,  Herrian  Cortes,  and  hardly 
less  prominent  in  the  minds  of  his  companions  and 
those  who  succeeded  him  in  power,  was  that  of  west 
ern  and  north-western  discovery,  the  exploration  of 
the  South  Sea  with  its  coasts  and  islands,  and  the 
finding  of  a  northern  passage  by  water  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  The  realization  of  this  idea, 
or  the  progress  of  more  than  three  centuries  toward 
its  realization,  involving  the  exploration  by  land  and 

VOL.  I.    1 


2  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

water,  the  conquest  and  conversion,  the  settlement 
and  permanent  occupation  by  Europeans  of  the  great 
north-west,  is  the  subject  to  which  the  present  and 
later  subdivisions  of  this  history  are  devoted.  In 
order  to  comprehend  clearly,  and  consistently  to  ac 
count  for  the  idee  fixe  alluded  to,  we  have  to  glance 
briefly  at  the  geographical  notions  prevalent  at  the 
time  respecting  the  regions  which  have  been  finally 
named  America.  Thus  may  be  readily  dispelled  the 
shade  of  mystery  which,  in  the  popular  mind  at  least, 
has  ever  obscured  this  matter. 

When  Columbus  undertook  his  grand  enterprise,  the 
learned  few,  cosmographers,  navigators,  and  merchants 
engaged  in  foreign  trade,  had  a  vaguely  correct  knowl 
edge  of  the  Asiatic  coast,  of  India,  China,  and  even 
of  Japan.  This  knowledge  was  derived  from  over 
land  trips  of  traders  and  priests,  directed  to  the  east 
in  quest  of  merchandise  and  proselytes,  especially 
from  the  travels  of  Polo  and  Mandeville.  The  Asi 
atic  coast  was  laid  down  on  maps  of  the  time,  and 
that  with  a  degree  of  accuracy  in  its  general  features. 
The  Portuguese  were  straining  every  nerve  to  reach 
India  by  water  by  way  of  Cape  Good  Hope,  a  project 
in  which  they  succeeded  a  little  later.  The  spherical 
form  of  the  earth  was  understood;  the  feasibility  of 
reaching  Asia  by  sailing  westward  was  maintained  by 
some;  Columbus  became  an  enthusiastic  believer  in 
the  theory,  and  resolved  to  apply  a  practical  test.  By 
reason  of  imperfect  methods  of  computing  longitude, 
Columbus,  like  others  of  his  time,  greatly  underesti 
mated  the  distance  across  the  Atlantic  to  Asia;  but 
he  started,  sailed  about  as  far  as  he  had  expected  to 
sail,  and  found  as  he  had  anticipated  a  coast  trending 
south-westward — in  fact,  as  he  believed  and  as  all  of 
his  time  and  of  much  later  times  believed,  he  reached 
the  Asiatic  coast.  The  discovery  of  land  where  all 
knew  before  that  land  existed  excited  little  surprise 
or  enthusiasm;  it  was  the  finding  of  a  new  route  to 
that  land  that  gave  the  admiral  his  earlier  fame,  the 


SECRET  OF  THE  STRAIT.  3 

only  fame  lie  had  during  his  lifetime.  He  died  with 
out  a  suspicion  that  he  had  done  more  than  to  make 
known  a  new  route  to  Asia, 

The  first  discovery  of  lands  before  unknown  was  in 
what  is  now  known  as  South  America,  at  a  point 
much  farther  east  than  could  be  made  to  agree  with 
the  trend  of  the  Asiatic  coast  as  laid  down  in  the 
maps  and  described  by  travellers.  Had  Australia 
been  included  in  the  old  knowledge  there  would  have 
been  perhaps  no  surprise,  no  thought  of  a  new  dis-- 
covery  even  yet;  as  it  was,  navigators  had  now  a  new 
aim  for  exploration,  in  ascertaining  the  extent  of  the 
newly  discovered  island,  an  aim  which  resulted  in  the 
expedition  of  Magellan  into  the  Pacific  in  1520.  This 
new  aim,  however,  by  no  means  diverted  attention 
from  the  primary  design,  that  of  coasting  Asia  south- 
westward,  sailing  of  course  between  the  main  and  the 
new-found  island,  and  finally  arriving  at  India.  The 
firm  belief  on  the  part  of  Columbus,  and  of  those  who 
followed  him,  that  they  had  reached  the  Asiatic  coast, 
and  had  only  to  follow  that  coast  to  reach  India  and 
the  Spice  Islands,,  together  with  their  idea — and  a 
very  natural  idea  it  was — that  in  passing  down  the 
coast  they  must  sail  through  the  strait,  or  channel, 
between  the  island  and  the  main,  furnishes  us  a  key  to 
all  that  is  mysterious  in  the  subsequent  progress  of 
north-western  exploration,  as  well  as  to  the  "secret  of 
the  strait,"  which  the  Spaniards  so  zealously  sought  to 
penetrate.1  The  effort  to  solve  the  mystery  was  not 
at  first  nor  for  many  years  a  search  for  a  passage 
through  a  new  continent  to  the  South  Sea,  but  a 
passage  between  new  lands  and  the  well  known  Asi- 

1 1  am  aware  that  there  is  nothing  original  in  the  statement  that  Columbus 
thought  he  had  arrived  in  Asia.  Most  writers  state  the  fact;  but  few  if  any 
in  subsequent  speculations  speak  as  if  they  really  believe  it,  or  fully  under 
stand  how  elowly  this  idea  of  Columbus  was  modified,  how  closely  it  was 
connected  with  the  *  secret  of  the  strait,'  how  loath  were  navigators  to  give  up 
the  views  of  the  ancient  cosmographers,  how  slightly  the  idea  of  Columbus 
had  been  modified  in  the  time  of  Cortes,  or  how  many  years  passed  before  the 
idea  was  altogether  abandoned.  For  more  details,  with  copies  of  old  maps, 
see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  chap,  i.,  Summary  of  Voyages,  this  series. 


4  CO&TES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

atic  main.  This  ignis  fatuus  of  navigators  did  not 
originate  in  wild  cosmographic  theories,2  but  in  natu 
ral  conclusions  from  what  were  deemed  accurate  reports 
of  prior  discoveries. 

On  making  the  attempt,  however,  from  both  direc 
tions,  to  sail  down  the  China  coast,  no  passage  was 
found,  but  only  land — instead  of  a  strait  an  isthmus, 
which  was  crossed  by  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  in  1513. 
This  unexpected  result  caused  not  a  little  confusion  in 
cosmograpliical  reckonings;  but  it  left  to  thinking  men, 
acquainted  with  the  progress  of  maritime  discovery, 
only  three  theories  or  reasonable  conjectures.  Charts 
of  this  and  subsequent  periods3  agree  with  one  or 
another  of  these  conjectures,  which  are  the  following: 
first,  that  the  passage  actually  existed  in  the  region 
between  Cuba  and  South  America,  but  being  narrow 
had  escaped  the  attention  of  navigators;  second,  that 
the  newly  found  regions  were  all  a  south-eastern  pro 
jection  of  the  Asiatic  continent,  not  separated  from 
the  main  by  any  body  of  water;  and  third,  that  the 
passage  was  to  be  found  north  of  the  explored  regions, 
those  regions  all  belonging  to  a  hitherto  unknown 
continent,  distinct,  but  not  distant,  from  Asia. 

Such  were  the  geographical  theories  .prevalent  in 
1521  when  Cortes  first  had  leisure  to  give  his  attention 
to  new  discoveries;  but  the  tendency  of  the  times  was 
strongly  in  favor  of  the  third,  or  that  of  a  northern 
passage.  Cortes  deemed  it  yet  possible  that  the  strait 
which  was  to  admit  his  Majesty's  vessels  to  the  Indian 
Spice  Islands  might  be  found  in  the  south.  This  is 
shown  by  his  expeditions  in  that  direction,  either  car- 

2  'European  scholars  could  not  believe,  that  Nature  had  worked  on  a  plan 
so  repugnant,  apparently,  to  the  interests  of  humanity,  as  to  interpose,  through 
the  whole  length  of  .the  great  continent,  such  a  barrier  to  communication 
between  the  adjacent  waters.'  Prcscott's  Hist.  Conq.  Hex.,  iii.  272.     These 
ideas  if  understood  literally  must  be  applied  to  a  period  considerably  later 
than  that  of  CorteV  earlier  efforts  at  north-western-exploration. 

3  Of  course  I  refer  to  official  charts  and  to  such  as  show  some  ruling  idea 
on  the  part  of  the  maker.     I  made  no  attempt  to  account  for  the  vagaries  of 
the  many  compilers  who  drew  liberally  on  their  imagination  for  geographical 
data,  whenever  needed  to  promote  the  sale  of  their  maps.     Copies  of  many  of 
the  earlier  charts  are  given  elsewhere  in  my  work. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  CONCLUSIONS.  5 

ried  out  or  projected,  and  especially  by  his  instructions 
to  Cristobal  de  Olid  in  the  Honduras  expedition.  Still 
his  faith  in  a  southern  strait  was  slight  and  of  short 
duration.  The  natives  of  Andhuac  had  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  South  Sea  and  the  trend  of  the 
Pacific  coast,  a  knowledge  which  Cortes  was  not  long 
in  acquiring  and  verifying  through  the  agency  of 
Spanish  scouts.  The  result  established  the  following 
facts :  That  if  Mexico  was  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  conti 
nent,  the  point  where  the  coast  turned  westward  must 
be  sought  not  in  the  south  just  above  Nicaragua,  the  > 
northern  limit  of  Espinosa's  voyage  in  1819,  but  north 
of  the  latitude  of  Anahuac;  that  the  a"clual  discovery 
of  a  southern  strait  in  the  region  of  Darien  would  still 
leave  a  south-eastern  projection  of  Asia  wholly  irrec 
oncilable  with  the  old  authorities,  whose  general 
accuracy  men  were  loath  to  call  in  question;  and  finally 
that  only  the  finding  of  a  passage  in  the  north  could 
establish  the  correctness  of  the  old  maps  and  narra 
tives.4 

4  In  thus  making  Cortes  the  representative  of  the  cosmographical  ideas  of 
his  time  there  may  be  an  apparent  exaggeration,  but  I  believe  it  is  at  least 
not  calculated  to  mislead.  The  view  I  have  given  of  the  tendency  of  the 
period  is  sustained  by  the  facts  in  the  case,  and  Cortes  was  a  shrewd  observer 
and  quick  to  take  practical  advantage  of  the  reasonings  of  his  contemporaries, 
even  if  his  mind  did  not  grasp  in  logical  sequence  all  the  conclusions  to  be 
drawn  from  the  results  of  maritime  discovery  since  the  day  of  Columbus. 
The  following  literal  translations  from  his  letter  to  Charles  V.  are  conclusive 
as  to  his  ideas  on  the  subject:  'I  hold  these  ships  (those  built  at  Zacatula)  of 
more  importance  than  I  can  express,  for  I  am  sure  that  with  them,  by  the 
will  of  Our  Lord,  I  shall  be  the  cause  that  your  Csesarean  Majesty  be  in. these 
regions  ruler  over  more  kingdoms  and  seigneuries  than  are  yet  known  in  our 
nation;  and  I  believe  that  when  I  have  accomplished  this  your  Majesty  will 
have  nothing  more  to  do  to  become  monarch  of  the  world.' 

'  I  saw  that  nothing  more  remained  for  me  to  do  but  to  learn  the  secret  of 
the  coast  which  is  yet  to  be  explored  between  the  Bio  Panuco  and  Florida .  .  . 
and  thence  the  coast  of  the  said  Florida  northward  to  Bacallaos  (Newfound 
land);  for  it  is  deemed  certain  that  on  that  coast  there  is  a  strait  which  passes 
to  the  South  Sea;  and  if  it  should  be  found,  according  to  a  certain  map  which 
I  have  of  the  region  of  the  archipelago  discovered  by  Magellan  by  order  of 
your  Highness,  it  seems  that  it  would  come  out  very  near  there;  and  if  it 
should  please  God  that  the  said  strait  be  found  there,  the  voyage  from  the 
spice  region  to  your  kingdom  would  be  very  easy  and  very  short,  so  much  so 
that  it  would  be  less  by  two  thirds  than  by  the  route  now  followed,  and  that 
without  any  risk  to  the  vessels  coming  and  going,  because  they  would  always 
come  and  go  through  your  own  dominions,  so  that  in  any  case  of  necessity 
they  could  be  repaired  without  danger  wherever  they  might  wish  to  enter 
port.' 

'  I  have  determined  to  send  three  caravels  and  two  brigantines  on  this 


6          CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

Thus  we  account  for  the  efforts  of  Cortes  and  his 
companions  constantly  directed  toward  the  north 
west;  for  the  never-failing  reports  of  natives  respect 
ing  ever  receding  marvels  in  that  direction,  for  there 
can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  wish  of  the  Spaniards 
was  father  to  the  tales  of  the  Indians;  the  famous 
Amazon  isles,  golden  mountains,  bearded  white  men, 
broad  rivers,  and  populous  cities;  the  island  of  Califor 
nia  "on  the  right  hand  of  the  Indies;"  the  fabled  strait 
of  Anian  through  which  fictitious  voyagers  and  ad 
venturers  sailed;  the  more  modern  search  for  a  north 
west  passage  through  the  frozen  zone;  and  not  improb 
ably  even  the  traditions  of  an  ancient  migration  of 
the  native  races  from  the  far  north.  The  conclusion 
toward  which  the  reasonings  of  Cortes  tended  proved 
a  correct  one;  but  the  illustrious  conquistador  and  his 
contemporaries  were  far  from  dreaming  how  very  far 
away,  and  in  how  cold  a  region,  the  long-sought  strait 
would  at  last  be  found. 

Having  landed  on  the  coast  of  Yera  Cruz  in  April 
1519,  the  Spaniards  received  the  surrender  of  the 
Aztec  capital  in  August  1521.  Before  the  latter  date 

search  (this  refers  particularly  to  the  search  in  the  North  Sea  via  Florida) . . . 
and  to  add  this  service  to  the  others  I  have  done,  because  I  deem  it  the  great 
est,  if,  as  I  say,  the  strait  be  found;  and  if  it  be  not  found,  it  is  not  possible 
that  there  should  not  be  discovered  very  large  and  rich  lands  where  your 
Ccesareaii  Majesty  may  be  much  served,  and  the  kingdoms  and  seigneuries  of 
your  royal  crown  be  greatly  extended . . .  May  it  please  Our  Lord  that  the 
armada  accomplish  the  object  for  which  it  is  prepared,  which  is  to  discover 
the  strait,  because  that  would  be  best;  and  in  this  I  have  strong  faith,  since 
hi  the  royal  good  fortune  of  your  Majesty  nothing  can  be  hid. .  .Also  I  intend 
to  send  the  ships  which  I  have  built  on  the  South  Sea,  and  which,  if  the  Lord 
wills,  will  sail  at  the  end  of  July  1525  up  the  coast' — the  writer  says  por  la 
costa  abajo,  literally  '  down  the  coast;'  but  by  this  expression  he  doubtless 
means  what  we  now  call  '  up  the  coast, '  that  is  north-westward.  See  on  this 
point  note  at  end  of  this  chapter — 'in  search  of  the  said  strait;  because  if 
it  exists,  it  cannot  be  hidden  to  these  in  the  South  Sea  or  to  those  in  the 
North  Sea;  since  the  former  in  the  South  (Sea)  will  follow  the  coast  until  they 
find  the  strait  or  join  the  land  with  that  discovered  by  Magalhaens  (India); 
and  the  others  in  the  North  (Sea)  as  I  have  said,  until  they  join  it  to  the 
Bacallaos.  Thus  on  the  one  side  or  the  other  the  secret  will"  not  fail  to  be 
revealed.'  He  goes  on  to  assure  the  emperor  that  his  own  personal  interests 
call  him  to  the  rich  provinces  of  the  south,  but  he  is  willing  to  sacrifice  his 
interests  to  those  of  the  crown.  Cortts,  Cartas  (letter  of  Oct.  15,  1524),  307-8, 
314-15. 


CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  7 

Cortes  had  already  brought  into  subjection  most  of 
the  towns  in  the  vicinity  of  the  lakes;  had  somewhat 
extended  his  conquests  southward  toward  the  borders 
of  the  Miztec  and  Zapotec  realms;  and  had  made  him 
self  master  of  nearly  all  the  region  stretching  east\vard 
from  the  central  plateau  to  the  gulf  coast.  Many  of 
the  native  chieftains  had  been  subdued  only  by  deeds 
of  valor  on  hard-fought  battle-fields;  others,  moved  by 
admiration  for  Spanish  prowess,  by  terror  of  Spanish 
guns  and  horses,  by  supernatural  warnings,  and  by  a 
bitter  hatred  toward  the  tyrants  of  Andhuac,  had 
voluntarily  submitted  to  the  new-comers,  whom  they 
looked  upon  at  first  as  deliverers.  During  the  years 
immediately  following  the  fall  of  Mexico  voluntary 
submission  was  the  rule,  armed  resistance  the  excep 
tion.  Such  resistance  was  met  for  the  most  part  only 
beyond  the  limits  of  the  region  permanently  subjected 
in  aboriginal  times  to  the  allied  monarchs  of  Mexico, 
Tezcuco,  and  Tlacopan;  or,  if  met  nearer,  it  was  only 
in  the  form  of  revolt  in  provinces  that  had  at  first 
submitted  but  were  driven  by  oppression  to  a  desper 
ate  though  vain  effort  to  retrieve  their  error  and 

O 

regain  their  freedom. 

Cortes  was  kept  busy  in  preparations  for  building  a 
magnificent  Spanish  city  on  the  site  of  the  demolished 
Tenochtitlan ;  in  apportioning  the  conquered  villages 
as  encomiendas  to  his  associates;  in  establishing  a 
form  of  local  government  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the 
court,  and  especially  the  treasury,  of  Spain,  as  well  as 
of  the  new  Spanish  subjects;  in  despatching  warlike 
expeditions  to  quell  revolt  in  the  provinces  or  to  ex 
tend  his  power  over  gentile  tribes  yet  unsubdued; 
and  finally  in  watching  the  movements  and  striving  to 
baffle  the  schemes  of  his  foes  both  in  Mexico  and 
at  the  court  of  Charles.  In  the  first  impulse  of 
thankfulness  for  large  domains,  or  perhaps  of  a  politic 
craving  for  a  still  further  extension  of  his  trans 
atlantic  realms,  the  emperor  made  Cortes  governor, 
captain-general,  and  chief-justice  of  New  Spain,  with 


8          CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

full  powers  to  administer  the  government  arid  press 
forward  free  from  trammels  in  his  ambitious  schemes 
of  conquest.  This  was  in  October  1522.  By  the  end 
of  the  year  Tehuantepec  had  been  conquered  by  Pedro 
cle  Alvarado;  the  South  Sea  had  been  discovered  and 
formal  possession  of  it  taken  at  several  points;  active 
preparations  had  been  set  on  foot  for  the  building  of 
a  fleet  on  the  Pacific  for  the  further  exploration  of 
its  mysteries;  and  a  little  later  myriads  of  swarthy 
workmen  under  the  guidance  of  European  architects 
were  restoring  to  its  original  splendor  the  capital  of 
the  Montezumas.  Soon  the  whole  country  from  the 
isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  to  Ptinuco  and  Colirna  owned 
allegiance  to  the  conquerors;  several  Spanish  settle 
ments  were  founded  in  different  parts  of  the  conquered 
territory;  colonization  was  encouraged  by  liberal 
grants  of  land  and  of  native  servants  under  the  pre 
vailing  system  of  repartimientos;  missionaries  were 
sent  for,  to  convert  and  instruct  the  natives;  the 
native  faith  was  uprooted  and  the  ancient  teocallis 
were  demolished;  the  aborigines  were  forced  to  wear 
out  their  bodies  in  servitude,  but  they  were  rapidly 
learning  just  how  much  it  would  profit  them,  having 
lost  the  whole  world,  to  save  their  own  souls. 

In  1523  Alvarado  was  sent  again  southward  to 
cross  the  isthmus  and  conquer  Guatemala.  Early  in 
1524  Olid  was  despatched  by  water  to  invade  Hon 
duras,  and  twelve  Franciscan  friars  arrived  to  begin 
their  holy  work  of  conversion  and  instruction.  In 
October  of  the  same  year  Cortes  was  forced  by  Olid's 
treachery  to  leave  temporarily  his  northern  schemes, 
and  go  in  person  to  Central  America,  not  return 
ing  until  the  middle  of  1526.  His  departure  from 
Mexico  was  the  occasion  of  serious  complications  in 
the  colonial  government.  The  royal  officers  left  by 
him  in  charge  were  either  unfaithful  to  their  trusts 
or  failed  to  agree  among  themselves.  Other  officers 
sent  from  the  south  to  heal  differences  committed  still 
greater  irregularities,  abused  their  usurped  power,  and 


THE  CONQUEROR'S  TROUBLES.  9 

finally  gave  out  the  report  that  the  captain-general 
was  dead. 

Meanwhile  his  foes  at  court  had  renewed  their  hos 
tile  efforts  and  had  filled  the  mind  of  Charles  with 
fears  that  Cortes  would  go  so  far  in  his  ambitious 
schemes  as  to  deny  allegiance  and  set  up  an  independ 
ent  sovereignty.  The  remedy  usual  in  such  cases  was 
resorted  to;  an  investigating  commissioner,  orjuez  de 
residcncia,  was  sent  to  supersede  the  governor  and 
bring  him  to  trial  on  charges  preferred.  The  arrival 
of  this  commissioner  was  in  July  1526,  just  after  the- 
governor's  return  from  Honduras.  The  position  had 
been  given  to  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  reputed  to  be  a 
just  man  and  an  impartial  judge;  but  by  his  death  and 
that  of  his  successor,  the  treasurer,  Alonso  de  Estrada, 
a  bitter  personal  enemy  to  Cortes,  came  into  power; 
and  the  period  that  followed  during  1526  and  1527 
was  one  of  continual  mortification,  annoyance,  and 
insult  to  the  conqueror  and  his  friends.  His  enemies 
having  gained  control  in  Mexico,  worked  the  more 
effectually  at  court;  but  early  in  1528  Cortes  went  in 
person  to  Spain,  just  in  time  to  escape  being  forcibly 
sent  or  treacherously  enticed  across  the  Atlantic  by 
the  royal  audiencia  appointed  to  supersede  Estrada. 

While  his  trial  was  in  progress  at  Mexico  during 
his  absence,  at  court  Cortes  received  marked  honors 
from  the  emperor.  It  was  deemed  expedient  to  con 
tinue  the  audiencia  in  their  civil  power;  but  in  all  else 
the  feted  conquistador  was  triumphant.  In  July  1529 
he  was  made  marques  del  Valle  de  Oajaca,  with  large 
grants  of  land  and  vassals;  during  the  same  month 
he  was  appointed  captain -general  of  New  Spain  and 
of  the  South  Sea,  with  full  powers  to  continue  his  dis 
coveries  and  to  rule  over  such  lands  as  he  might 
explore  and  colonize ;  later  he  was  granted  in  full  pro 
prietorship  one  twelfth  of  all  his  new  discoveries. 
He  returned  to  the  New  World  in  July  1530,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  natives,  whose  friend  and  protector 
he  had  been  so  far  as  practicable  under  the  system  to 


10  COKTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

which  he  was  subjected,  and  who  now  after  several 
years  of  oppression  under  royal  officers  and  audiencia, 
more  fully  than  before  realized  the  good  will  of  the 
chieftain  who  had  forced  upon  them  Spanish  sover 
eignty.  But  the  return  of  Cortds  was  productive  of 
but  little  good  to  himself,  to  the  country,  or  to  his 
friends,  whether  natives  or  Spaniards.  In  view  of  the 
services  he  had  rendered  he  was  little  disposed  to 
brook  interference  or  opposition  from  a  tribunal  with 
which  he  soon  became  involved  in  quarrels  respecting 
his  powers,  titles,  property,  and  vassals.  He  soon  left 
the  capital  in  disgust  to  live  in  retirement  at  Cuer- 
navaca  until  ready  to  resume  his  operations  in  the 
South  Sea,  of  which  more  hereafter. 

This  brief  sketch  will  serve  to  recall  a  few  needed 
dates,  and  thus  introduce  the  topic  matter  of  this 
chapter,  itself  introductory  to  the  general  subject  of 
north  -western  exploration  and  settlement.  Full  de 
tails  are  before  the  reader  in  an  earlier  volume  of  this 
history.5 

It  is  well,  however,  before  following  Cortes  to  the 
Pacific  to  review  somewhat  more  fully,  but  still  in 
the  briefest  resume,  the  course  of  events  in  the  coun 
tries  immediately  north  and  west  of  Mexico  during 
the  years  following  the  conquest.  These  events 
occurred  for  the  most  part  without  the  territorial 
limits  of  this  volume,  that  is  in  the  provinces  that 
now  make  up  the  states  of  "Vera  Cruz,  Tamaulipas, 
San  Luis,  Queretaro,  Guanajuato,  Aguas  Calientes, 
Michoacan,  Colima,  and  Jalisco;  but  they  were  never 
theless  the  beginning  of  the  north-western  movement, 
and  have  a  bearing  on  what  is  to  follow. 

Ponce  de  Leon  in  1512  sought  the  '  fountain  of 
youth'  in  Birnini,  or  Florida,  whither  he  returned  to 
die  nine  years  later.  Grijalva  from  the  south  reached 
Panuco  in  1518.  The  intermediate  gulf  coast  was 
explored  in  1519-20,  and  the  following  years  by  Pineda 

6  See  Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  i.  this  series. 


ON  THE  GULF  SHORES. 


11 


and  Narvaez  for  Garay  under  the  patronage  of  the 
conqueror's  foes,  Velazquez  in  Cuba  and  Fonseca  in 
Spain.  A  leading  incentive  was  the  erroneous  idea 
that  the  Tarn  pi  co  region  afforded  a  good  harbor. 
Cortes  shared  this  belief  and  was  able  to  defeat  Garay 's 
projects  by  obtaining  the  voluntary  submission  of  the 
Paiiuco  chieftains;  and  when  the  latter  were  driven 
to  revolt  by  the  outrages  of  his  foe,  he  marched  to 
subdue  the  province  by  force  of  arms,  founding  the 


REGION  NORTH  AND  WEST  OF  MEXICO. 

town  of  San  Estevan  del  Puerto  in  1522.  Garay 
came  in  person  with  a  governor's  commission  in  1523; 
and  though  he  accomplished  nothing,  his  men  provoked 
a  second  rising  in  which  some  two  hundred  and  fifty 
Spaniards  were  slain.  Sandoval  restored  peace  by  a 
bloody  campaign,  and  took  terrible  vengeance  by 
burning  and  hanging  hundreds  of  leading  Huastecs  in 
1524.  Next  year  the  province  under  name  of  Vic 
toria  Garayana  was  separated  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  Mexico,  but  no  actual  change  was  effected  till 
1528.  Then  came  Panfilo  de  Narvaez  and  Nuno  de 
Guzman,  of  the  clique  so  bitterly  hostile  to  Cortes, 
each  with  a  governor's  commission.  Narvaez  was  to 
rule  Las  Palmas  stretching  northward  from  Panuco. 
He  landed  on  the  west  coast  of  Florida  with  a  large 


12  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

force,  and  attempted  to  coast  the  gulf  by  land  and 
water.  The  whole  company  perished  miserably  one 
by  one,  except  four,  of  whose  wanderings  across  the 
continent  I  shall  have  much  to  say  elsewhere  in  this 
volume.6  Guzman  was  ruler  of  Panuco,  the  other 
name  not  surviving,  and  his  administration  of  about 
six  months  at  San  Estevan  was  marked,  after  profit 
less  attempts  to  make  conquests  and  find  riches  in 
the  territory  of  Narvaez,  by  never  ending  raids  for 
slaves,  by  which  the  province  was  depopulated.  He 
was  always  in  trouble,  with  authorities  of  adjoining 
provinces  invaded,  with  his  Spanish  subjects  whose 
encomienclas  were  destroyed  by  his  policy,  or  with  the 
Huastec  chieftains  now  nearly  helpless;  but  he  was 
a  shrewd  lawyer,  and  so  skilfully  did  he  parry  the  con 
stant  complaints  at  court  that  instead  of  being  dis 
missed  from  office  and  hanged,  as  he  richly  deserved, 
he  was  sent  to  Mexico,  still  retaining  his  governorship 
as  president  of  the  audiencia.  We  shall  soon  enougli 
meet  him  again.  Before  1530  there  was  no  Spanish 
settlement  on  the  northern  gulf  coast  except  at  San 
Estevan,  or  Panuco. 

To  the  west  and    inland  was    the  territory   coni- 

g rising  the  present  states  of  Queretaro,  Guanajuato, 
an  Lufs,  and  Aguas  Calientes;  the  home  of  the 
wild  Chichimecs,  never  permanently  subjected  to  the 
Aztecs.  The  Chichimec  country  proper  extended 
indefinitely  northward,  as  elsewhere  noted,  but  the 
name  was  applied  commonly  to  this  region  as  the 
home  of  the  only  Chichimecs  with  whom  the  Aztecs 
or  earliest  Spaniards  came  in  contact.  Richer  prov 
inces  and  pueblos,  more  accessible  for  purposes  of 
plunder  and  conversion,  at  first  called  the  Spaniards 
in  other  directions.  Converted  native  chieftains, 
however,  furnished  with  ammunition,  material  and 
spiritual — gunpowder  and  crucifixes — set  forth  to 
christianize  their  rude  brethren  on  several  occasions 
between  1521  and  1525.  In  1526  Cortes  was  niedi- 

6  See  chapter  iii.  of  this  volume. 


CHICHIMEC  COUNTRY  AND  MICHOACAN.  13 

tating  an  expedition  against  the  Chichimecs  who,  if 
they  showed  no  fitness  for  civilization,  were  to  be  made 
slaves.  Two  Otomi  chiefs,  baptized  as  Fernando  de 
Tapia  and  Nicolas  Montaiiez  de  San  Luis,  were  leaders 
of  proselyte  armies  which  effected  the  conquest  of 
Queretaro  and  parts  of  Guanajuato.  The  former 
founded  a  pueblo  at  Acambaro  in  1526;  and  in  1530 
one  or  both  won  a  marvellous  victory  near  the  spot 
where  the  town  of  Queretaro  was  founded,  probably 
in  1531.  About  this  time  it  is  reported  that  Lope  de 
Mendoza,  left  in  command  at  Panuco,  made  an  expe 
dition  into  the  interior  to  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  as  some 
say  to  Zacatecas.  Records  are  vague,  but  the  subject 
is  not  an  important  one  in  this  connection.  The  region 
attracted  little  notice  until  about  1548,  when  rich 
mines  were  found  in  Guanajuato. 

Michoac^b,  the  land  of  the  civilized  Tarascos,  was  a 
province  that  early  fixed  the  invaders'  attention.  It 
is  said  that  a  messenger  sent  thither  in  1521  was 

O 

never  heard  of  again;  but  he  was  followed  by  one 
Parrillas,  with  a  few  comrades,  who  reached  Tzin- 
tzuntzan,  the  capital,  returning  with  glowing  reports 
of  western  wealth,  specimens  of  which  were  brought 
by  native  envoys  back  to  Mexico.  Next  Montano 
and  a  larger  party,  generously  provided  with  trinket 
gifts,  were  received  at  Tzintzuntzan  with  great  cere 
mony  and  some  caution,  bringing  to  Cortes  precious 
gifts  with  new  stores  of  information,  and  accompanied 
on  their  return  by  eight  Tarascan  nobles.  Later  the 
king's  brother  visited  Mexico  with  much  pomp  and 
treasure  to  see  for  himself  the  power  and  magnificence 
of  the  newly  arrived  children  of  the  sun.  And  then 
King  Tangaxoan  came  in  person  to  offer  his  allegiance 
to  the  Spanish  sovereign,  promising  to  open  his  king 
dom  and  extend  his  protection  to  Spanish  colonists. 
Accordingly  Olid  was  sent  with  a  large  force  to  inves 
tigate  the  country's  resources,  and  to  found  a  settle 
ment.  All  this  was  before  the  end  of  1522.  He  met 
with  no  resistance,  save  such  as  was  provoked  at 


14  COHTfiS  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

Tangimaroa  by  the  actions  of  his  men;  but  the  out 
rages  were  continued  at  the  capital,  where  temples 
were  burned,  private  dwellings  plundered,  and  the 
adjoining  region  raided  in  the  search  for  treasure. 
The  Spaniards  quarrelled  among  themselves  when 
Olid  tried  to  stop  the  plundering;  and  when  no  more 
treasure  could  be  found  they  became  discontented  and 
uncontrollable,  so  that  the  settlement  was  abandoned 
by  order  of  Corte's.  But  the  occupation  was  soon 
resumed;  the  timid  native  authorities  were  reassured; 
Franciscan  friars  began  their  work;  and  from  1524 
Michoacan  never  faltered  in  allegiance  to  Spain, 
though  the  Tarascan  nobles  and  people  secured  noth 
ing  but  oppression  in  return  for  their  submission  and 
good  faith. 

In  connection  with  Olid's  expedition  to  Michoacan 
in  1522,  a  force  sent  to  Zacatula  turned  aside  on  the 
way  to  conquer  Colima,  where  great  riches  were  said 
to  be.  Part  of  this  force  under  Alvarez  Chico  was 
defeated  by  the  natives;  but  another  division  under 
Avalos,  forming  an  alliance  with  disaffected  chiefs, 
extended  this  raid  through  the  region  just  north  of 
the  modern  Colima  line,  known  for  many  years  as  the 
Avalos  province.  Next  Olid  entered  the  province 
and  defeated  in  a  hard-fought  battle  the  ruler  and  his 
allies;  a  town  of  Coliman  was  founded;  and  Avalos 
was  left  in  charge  of  the  colony.  When  many  of  the 
settlers  had  deserted,  the  natives  revolted,  but  San- 
doval  was  sent  to  subdue  them,  and  did  his  work  so 
effectually  that  the  province  thereafter  remained  sub 
missive.  This  was  before  the  end  of  1523.  In  1524 
Francisco  Cortes,  a  kinsman  of  Don  Hernan,  and 
alcalde  mayor  of  Colima,  made  an  entrad-a,  OT  incur 
sion,  to  the  northern  regions  of  Chimalhuacan,  corre 
sponding  to  western  Jalisco.  Most  of  the  towns 
submitted  without  resistance;  but  at  Tetitlan  and  at 
several  other  points  battles  were  fought.  The  north- 
.  ern  limit  was  the  town  of  Jalisco,  near  Tepic.  Gold 
was  not  found  in  large  quantities,  but  of  course  was 


FRANCISCO  CORTES  IN  JALISCO.  15 

reported  plentiful  toward  the  north.  During  Don 
Francisco's  absence  Avalos  also  advanced  northward 
to  the  region  round  the  modern  Guadalajara.  Many 
of  the  northern  pueblos  were  distributed  as  encomi- 
endas  at  this  time,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
either  encomenderos  or  garrisons  were  left  in  the 
country. 

Don  Francisco's  return  was  along  the  coast,  and 
the  Yalle  de  Banderas  was  named  from  the  little 
flags  attached  by  the  natives  to  their  bows.  Not^ 
only  did  the  Spaniards  hear  marvellous  reports  of 
northern  wealth,  but  on  the  coast  south  of  Banderas 
they  found  in  the  dress  and  actions  of  the  natives 
traces  of  Catholic  influence,  and  heard  of  a  '  wooden 
house'  from  over  the  sea  that  had  been  stranded  on 
the  rocks  many  years  ago.  Fifty  persons  from  the 
wreck  taught  the  natives  many  things,  but  were  killed 
when  they  became  overbearing.  Writers  have  in 
dulged  in  speculations  on  the  origin  of  this  tale,  won 
dering  if  the  strangers  were  Englishmen  who  came 
through  the  strait  of  Ariian,  or  if  they  belonged  to 
some  Catholic  nation.  After  exhausting  conjecture 
respecting  probable  error  or  falsehood  on  the  part  of 
natives  or  Spaniards,  the  credulous  reader  is  still  at 
liberty  to  believe  that  the  wreck  on  the  Jalisco  coast 
of  a  Portuguese  craft  from  India  before  1524  is  not 
quite  impossible. 

I  now  come  to  the  actual  operations  of  Cortes  on 
the  Pacific  coast  between  1521  and  1530,  a  series  of 
failures  and  bitter  disappointments,  though  followed 
by  partial  success  in  later  years.  The  aim  of  his  efforts 
in  this  direction,  his  grand  scheme  of  sailing  north  and 
then  west,  and  finally  south  until  he  should  reach 
India — discovering  in  the  course  of  this  navigation 
the  "  secret  of  the  strait,"  or  proving  all  to  be  one 
continent,  and  in  any  event  making  rich  additions  to 
his  Majesty's  domain — has  been  clearly  set  forth  at 
the  beginning  of  this  chapter;  it  only  remains  to  pre- 


- 


16  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

sent  the  record  of  the  efforts  made  to  carrjr  out  his 
aim.7 

In  his  third  letter  to  Charles  V.,  written  May  15, 
1522,  Cortes  relates  all  that  had  transpired  up  to  that 
date  respecting  South  Sea  discovery.  Through  friendly 
natives,  before  the  final  surrender  of  Mexico,  he  had 
heard  of  that  sea;  and  before  the  date  of  his  letter 
had  sent  to  Spain  certain  petitions  touching  the 
matter.8  The  first  Tarascan  messengers  who  came9 
were  closely  questioned  on  this  point  and  requested 
to  take  back  with  them  two  Spaniards  to  visit  the 
coast  from  Michoacan.  They  stated  that  a  province 
lying  between  their  own  and  the  sea  was  hostile,  and 
it  was  therefore  impracticable  at  the  time  to  reach  the 
Pacific;  nevertheless  the  two  Spaniards  did  accom 
pany  them  to  Michoacan  at  least.  Learning  by  his 
inquiries  that  the  coast  was  twelve  or  fourteen  days7 
journey  distant  according  to  the  direction  taken,  Cor 
tes  was  glad,  because,  as  he  says,  "  it  seemed  to  me 
that  in  discovering  it  I  should  do  your  Majesty  a  very 
great  service,  especially  as  all  who  have  experience 
and  knowledge  in  the  navigation  of  the  Indies  have 
held  it  certain  that  with  the  finding  of  the  South  Sea 
in  these  parts,  there  must  also  be  found  rich  islands, 
with  gold  and  pearls  and  precious  stones,  and  many 
other  secrets  and  marvellous  things;  and  this  has  been 
affirmed  and  is  still  affirmed  by  men  of  letters  and 
learned  in  the  -science  of  cosmography."  He  conse- 

7  The  best,  and  in  fact  almost  the  only  authority  for  this  record,  is  the  let 
ters  of  Cortds  himself,  which,  when  carefully  examined,  are  tolerably  complete 
and  satisfactory  on  the  subject.     Later  writers  have  presented  but  versions — 
always  incomplete  and  often  incorrect — of  that  given  by  the  conquistador. 
Some  of  them  wrote  without  having  all  the  letters  before  them;  others  used 
carelessly  those  that  they  had;  no  one  so  far  as  I  know  has  added  anything 
from  trustworthy  sources. 

8  '  Antes  de  agora  teniendo  alguna  noticia  de  la  dicha  mar,  yo  aviso"  d  los 
que  tienen  mi  poder  de  ciertas  cosas  que  se  habian  de  suplicar  a  V.  M.  para 
la  mejor  y  mas  breve  cxpedicion  del  dicho  descubrimiento . .  .aquel  aviso  mio 
no  s6  si  se  habra  rccibido,  porque*  fu<5  por  diversas  vias.'  Cartas,  1GO.     'Tenia 
noticia  de  aquella  Mar  de  tiempo  de  Motec9uma.'  Gomara,  Crdnica,  in  Bar  da, 
Hist.  Prtm.,  ii.  154. 

9  With  Parrillas  or  Montano,  probably  the  latter,  and  in  any  case  shortly 
after  August  1521. 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  PACIFIC.  17 

quently  sent  four  Spaniards,  "  two  by  certain  provinces 
and  other  two  by  others,"  accompanied  by  a  few 
friendly  Indians,  with  instructions  not  to  stop  until 
they  reached  the  sea,  and  once  there  to  take  possession 
in  the  name  of  Spain.  One  party  went  one  hundred 
and  thirty  leagues  through  many  and  rich  provinces, 
took  possession  of  the  ocean  by  setting  up  crosses  on 
its  shores,  and  returned  with  samples  of  gold  from  the 
region  traversed  and  a  few  natives  from  the  coast. 
The  other  party  went-  farther,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  according  to  their  report,  and  were  absent  a~ 
little  longer;  but  they  also  reached  the  coast  and 
brought  back  natives.  The  visitors  from  both  direc 
tions  were  kindly  treated  and  sent  back  muy  contentos 
to  their  homes.  All  this  occurred  before  the  end  of 
October  1521,  at  which  time  Code's  sent  out  an  expe 
dition10  which,  within  a  month  or  two,  subjected  a 
province  of  Oajaca,  but  not  on  the  coast. 

For  a  time  following  this  expedition  Cortes  was 
busied  in  selecting  a  site  and  preparing  to  rebuild  the 
city  of  Mexico;  but  in  the  mean  time  the  lord  of 
Tehuantepec,  on  the  South  Sea,  "where  the  two 
Spaniards  had  discovered  it,"  sent  chieftains  as  am 
bassadors  with  gifts  and  an  offer  of  allegiance  to 
Spain.  About  this  time  also  the  two  Spaniards  who 
had  been  sent  to  Michoacan  returned  accompanied  by 
King  Caltzontzm's  brother.  It  is  nowhere  stated 
that  these  two  reached  the  coast,  and  it  is  not  prob 
able  that  they  were  identical  with  either  of  the  two 
parties  already  mentioned  as  having  taken  possession 
of  the  South  Sea.  These  events  took  place  before 
the  end  of  1521,  because  they  were  followed  as  Cor 
tes  tells  us  by  the  transactions  with  Cristobal  de 
Tapia,  who  arrived  in  December. 

In  January  1522  Pedro  de  Alvarado  started  south 
ward,  added  the  force  already  in  Oajaca  to  that  which 
he  took  from  Mexico,  and  on  March  4th  wrote  that 

10  'Acabados  de  despachar  aquellos  Espaiioles  que  vinieron  de  descubrir  la 
mar  del  sur '  he  sent  the  expedition  south  on  Oct.  31st. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STAIES.  VOL.  I.    2 


13  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

he  had  occupied  Tututepec  on  the  coast,11  pacified  the 
province,  and  taken  formal  possession  of  the  southern 
ocean.  Whatever  else  had  been  accomplished  before 
May  15,  1522,  is  stated  by  Cortds  in  his  letter  of 
that  date  as  follows:  "I  have  provided  with  much 
diligence  that  in  one  of  the  three  places  where  I  have 
discovered  the  sea,12  there  shall  be  built  two  caravels 
of  medium  size  and  two  brigantines,  the  former  for 
discovery  and  the  latter  for  coasting,  and  with  this 
view  I  have  sent  under  a  competent  person  forty  Span 
iards,  including  master-builders,  carpenters,  smiths, 
and  marines.  I  have  also  provided  the  villa  with  all 
articles  needed  for  said  ships;  and  with  all  possible 
haste  the  vessels  will  be  completed  and  launched; 
which  accomplished,  your  Majesty  may  believe  it  will 
be  the  greatest  thing  since  the  Indies  were  discovered." 
In  an  introductory  note  of  the  same  date  he  repeats 
the  substance  of  what  I  have  quoted  respecting  the 
importance  of  this  discovery  and  the  building  of  the 
vessels  "near  the  coast  ninety  leagues  from  here;" 
and  adds  that  he  has  already  a  settlement  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  on  the  coast,  including 
fifty  cavalry.  So  far  Cortes'  own  narrative.  The 
additions  or  variations  by  later  writers  require  but 
brief  notice  which  may  be  given  in  a  note.13 

11  About  midway  between  Acapulco  and  Tehnantepec. 

12  That  is  at  Zacatula.  -  The  other  two  points  referred  to  were  Tehnantepec 
and  Tututepec. 

lsCarta*,  1G9,  258-69.  Also  same  letter  (3d)  in  the  editions  of  Barcia, 
Lorenzana,  etc.  According  to  Cortes,  Residencies,  ii.  118-19,  Juan  de  Umbria 
was  commander  of  one  of  the  South  Sea  parties.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  xvii. ,  says  that  Cortes  sent  Francisco  Cliico  with  three  Spaniards  and 
some  Indians  to  explore  'all  the  southern  coast,'  and  seek  a  fitting  place  for 
ship-building.  These  went  to  Tehuantepec,  to  Zacatula,  and  to  other  pueblos. 
This  agrees  well  enough  with  Cortds,  although  Herrera  seems  to  imply  that 
the  four  went  together,  visiting  Tehuantepec  and  Zacatula.  Navarrete,  Sutil 
y  Hvx.  Viage,  introd.  vii.-x.,  follows  Herrera,  implying,  however,  still  more 
clearly  that  all  the  four  went  together  in  one  party.  This  is  not  probable, 
for  it  directly  contradicts  CorteV  statement  that  the  parties  took  separate 
routes  and  that  the  sea  had  been  discovered  in  two  places  only;  besides  the 
expedition  against  Tututepec  was  undertaken  at  the  request  of  the  lord  of 
Tehuantepec  who  complained  of  hostilities  on  the  part  of  those  of  Tututepec, 
whose  cause  of  offence  was  that  the  Spaniards  had  been  allowed  to  reach  the 
coast  Therefore  it  is  unlikely  that  the  four  Spaniards  had  traversed  the 
whole  coast  from  Tehuautepec  to  Zacatula  or  vice  versa,  passing  directly 


SHIP-YARD  AT  ZACATULA.  19 

It  is  certainly  remarkable  that  we  have  no  further 
details  respecting  the  establishment  of  a  settlement 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  at  Zacatula — noth 
ing  beyond  the  bare  statement  that  such  a  villa  had 
been  founded  before  May  15,  1522;  yet  it  is  not  likely 
that  there  is  any  error,  except  perhaps  an  exaggera 
tion  of  the  force,  since  the  reenforcement  on  the 
abandonment  of  Tzintzuntzan  could  hardly  have  ar 
rived  so  early;  for  as  we  have  seen  the  military  expe 
dition  had  not  yet  been  sent  by  way  of  Michoacan  to. 
the  coast,  and  it  is  expressly  stated  that  that  expedi 
tion  was  intended  not  for  the  foundation,  but  the  pro 
tection  of  Zacatula.  It  appears  that  Juan  Rodriguez 
Villafuerte,  the  commander,  had  first  been  sent  with 
some  forty  mechanics  to  found  a  settlement  and  begin 
the  work  of  ship-building,  many  native  workmen, 
chiefly  Tescucans,  coming  a  little  later;  and  large 
numbers  of  carriers  being  employed  to  bring  material 
from  Vera  Cruz  and  Mexico.  With  the  town  except 
as  a  ship-building  station  we  are  not  concerned  here.14 

Writing  October  15,  1524,  just  before  starting  for 
Honduras,  Cortes  reports  what  progress  had  at  that 
date  been  made  in  his  South  Sea  enterprise.  He 

through  the  hostile  province  of  Tututepec.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  155-7, 
and  a  writer  in  the  Dice.  Univ. ,  viii.  29,  give  the  same  version,  the  latter 
adding  that  in  consequence  of  this  expedition  Acapulco  was  discovered  by  Gil 
Gonzalez  Davila  in  1521!  Herrera  in  another  place,  dec.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  i., 
gives  the  name  of  Gonzalez  de  Umbria  to  the  man  who  first  brought  samples 
of  gold  to  Cortes  from  Zacatula. 

Ilcrrera  and  Navarrete,  ubi  supra,  also  speak  of  a  party,  not  mentioned 
by  Cortes,  which  was  sent  via  Jalisco  but  was  never  heard  of.  The  reference 
is  probably  to  the  doubtful  expedition  of  Villadiego  sent  to  Michoacan  before 
that  of  Parrillas.  The  same  authors  state  further  that  Guillen  de  Loa,  Cas 
tillo,  and  Roman  Lopez,  with  two  others,  passed  through  the  country  of  the 
Zapotecs  and  Chiapas  to  Soconusco,  and  back  by  water  to  Tehuantepec.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  such  a  trip  was  made,  but  if  so  it  must  have  been  several 
years  later  than  is  implied  by  these  writers.  Prescott,  Conq.  Afex.,  iii.  237, 
erroneously  states  that  one  of  the  two  first  detachments  sent  to  the  coast 
reached  it  through  Michoacan,  and  continues  without  any  authority  that  I 
know  of,  'on  their  return  they  visited  some  of  the  rich  districts  towards  the 
north  since  celebrated  for  their  mineral  treasures,  and  brought  back  samples 
of  gold  and  California  pearls' ! 

11  See  Hist.  Mcx.,  ii.  54  et  seq.  It  appears  that  Simon  de  Cuenca  was 
associated  with  Villafuerte  in  the  command;  and  according  to  some  authori 
ties  the  latter  did  not  come  until  the  time  of  Olid's  expedition.  The  Indiana 
were  somewhat  insubordinate  on  several  occasions. 


20  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

speaks  of  the  expedition  of  Olid  to  Michoacan  in  the 
middle  of  1522;  the  subsequent  sending  of  a  part  of 
Olid's  force  to  Zacatula,  where  he  had  and  still  has 
four  vessels  on  the  stocks ;  the  foundation  of  the  villa 
of  Segura  at  Tututepec,  its  subsequent  abandonment, 
and  the  revolt  and  reconquest  of  the  province;  the 
conquest  of  Colima  in  1523-4,  resulting  in  the  reports 
of  Amazon  isles  rich  in  gold  and  pearls,  and  the 
discovery  of  a  good  port — doubtless  Manzanillo  or 
Santiago;  and  finally  the  departure  of  Olid  and  Al- 
varado  for  the  conquest  of  Central  America. 

For  the  delay  in  completing  and  launching  the  ves 
sels  he  offers  good  excuses  to  the  emperor,  explaining 
the  extreme  slowness  and  difficulty  of  transporting 
all  needed  articles  except  timber  across  the  continent 
from  Vera  Cruz,  arid  stating  further  that  the  tedious 
work  of  transportation  when  once  completed  had  to 
be  begun  anew  on  account  of  the  destruction  by  fire 
of  the  warehouse  at  Zacatula  with  all  its  contents 
"except  a  few  anchors  which  would  not  burn."15  A 
new  stock  of  supplies  was  ordered  and  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  about  June  1524.  The  work  was  now  in  a  good 
state  of  advancement,  and  Cortes  believed  that  if 
pitch  could  be  obtained  the  vessels  might  be  ready  by 
the  end  of  June  1525.  Neither  does  he  omit  to  state 
that  they  will  have  cost  him  over  eight  thousand 
pesos.  Here  he  expresses  more  extensively  and  more 
enthusiastically  than  elsewhere  his  ideas  of  the  gran 
deur  and  importance  of  his  schemes,  stating  clearly 
what  his  plans  were  in  words  that  have  already  been 
translated  in  this  chapter.16 

His  intention  was,  in  brief,  to  despatch  his  fleet  at 
the  end  of  July  1525,  with  orders  to  follow  the  coast 
north-westward  until  the  strait  should  be  found,  or,  by 

15  By  ce'dula  of  June  1523  the  king  had  enjoined  Cortds  to  hasten  the 
search  for  a  strait.  Pacheco  and  Odrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xxiii.  3G6.    In  the  later 
trial  of  Cortes  there  was  an  absurd  theory  broached  that  the  delays  were 
intentional,  the  ships  having  been  built  really  as  a  means  of  escape  from  the 
country  with  embezzled  millions.  Cortes,  Residentia,  i.  27. 

16  See  note  4. 


PLANS  FOR  THE  NORTH-WEST.  21 

arrival  at  India,  New  Spain  should  be  proved  a  part 
of  the  Asiatic  continent  as  had  been  at  first  supposed. 
His  hope  was,  first,  to  discover  the  strait  and  thereby 
shorten  by  two  thirds  the  route  to  India;  second,  to 
find  and  conquer  for  his  king  rich  islands  and  coasts 
hitherto  unknown;  and  third,  at  the  least,  to  reach 
India  by  a  new  route  and  open  communication  between 
Spain  and  the  Spice  Islands  via  New  Spain.17  By  an 
inaccurate  but  natural  conception  of  one  passage  in 
this  letter  of  Cortes,  'Venegas  and  Navarrete,  the  lat 
ter  a  most  able  and  painstaking  writer,  generally 
regarded  as  the  best  modern  authority  on  Spanish 
voyages,  as  well  as  other  writers  of  less  note  who  have 
copied  their  statements,  have  been  led  to  believe  that 
Cortes  intended  with  the  Zacatula  fleet  to  sail  south 
ward  toward  Panama"  in  search  of  the  strait.18 

Again  in  letters  of  September  3d  and  llth,  1526, 
after  his  return  from  Honduras,  Cortes  says:  "Long 
ago  I  informed  your  Majesty  that  I  was  building  cer 
tain  vessels  in  the  South  Sea  to  make  discoveries; 
and  although  that  is  a  very  important  enterprise,  yet 
on  account  of  other  occupations  and  occurrences  it  has 

17  Cortis,  Cartas,  275-8,  287-9,  304,  307-8,  314-15.' 

lsNavarrete,  in  Sutil  y  Mex. ,  Viayes,  introd. ,  x. ;  Venegas,  Not.  Col. ,  i.  142-8. 
In  the  passage  alluded  to,  Cortes,  Cartas,  315,  the  writer  says  the  vessels  'will 
sail  at  the  end  of  July  1525  down  the  same  coast,  'por  la  misma  costa  abajo.' 
This  at  first  caused  me  some  trouble,  since  it  seemed  to  conflict  more  or  less 
directly  with  the  view  I  have  presented  of  the  geographical  ideas  held  by 
Corte"s  and  others  of  his  time.  That  Cortds  should  still  have  a  slight  hope  of 
finding  a  narrow  strait  in  the  south  would  not  be  very  strange,  though  he 
implies  on  the  same  page  that  he  had  given  up  such  hopes;  but  that  he  could 
expect  by  coasting  southward,  in  case  the  strait  were  not  found,  to  reach 
India  and  prove  it  all  one  continent  with  New  Spain,  seemed  altogether  absurd 
if  his  geographical  ideas  were  such  as  I  have  attributed  to  him,  such  as  he 
and  others  seemed  to  hold,  and  such  as  could  be  consistently  held  at  the 
time.  I  had  devised  various  means  more  or  less  ingenious  and  satisfactory 
of  surmounting  the  difficulty,  when  I  discovered  that  Cortes  habitually  used 
the  term  costa  abajo  or  'down  the  coast'  to  indicate  what  we  term  'up  the 
coast,'  that  is  northward.  For  instances  of  this  use  of  the  term  where  there 
is  no  possible  doubt  as  to  his  meaning,  see  the  instructions  to  Francisco  Cor 
tes  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  466,  and  also  two  cases  in  Cortes,  Cartas,  491. 
I  suppose  this  use  of  the  term  'down  the  coast'  may  be  accounted  for  by  the 
fact  that  from  the  first  the  main  Asiatic  coast  was  ever  present  to  the  eyes  of 
navigators;  their  great  aim  was  to  sail  down  that  coast  to  India;  and  the  dis 
tance  to  be  sailed  from  New  Spain  before  they  could  turn  in  that  direction,  a 
distance  utterly  unknown  and  always  underestimated,  was  left  out  of  the 
account! 


22  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

been  suspended  until  now,  when  the  vessels  are  ready. 
I  send  as  captain  Diego  de  Ordaz ...  I  believe  he  will 

sail  during  the  month  of ."ia  He  still  has  in  view 

the  same  schemes  of  discovery  as  before,  and  is  as 
enthusiastic  as  ever  in  his  hopes  of  success.  He  even 
proposes,  in  case  the  emperor  will  grant  him  certain 
emoluments,  to  go  in  person  to  conquer  for  Spain  all 
the  Asiatic  main  and  islands,  pledging  his  word  to 
get  the  best  of  the  Portuguese  in  one  way  or  another.20 

The  vessels  are  represented  as  being  at  Zacatula 
and  muy  pronto  para  partir.  There  is  nothing  to 
indicate  that  they  were  not  the  same  vessels  he  has 
been  writing  of  before  and  the  only  ones  yet  built  on 
the  coast,  although  their  number  and  class  are  not 
mentioned.  Nayarrete,  followed  by  Prescott,  says 
that  the  brigantines  originally  built  at  Zacatula  were 
burned  when  ready  to  be  launched.21  If  such  was  the 
case  the  vessels  referred  to  by  Cortds  must  have  been 
built  since  that  date  and  during  his  absence  in  the 
south.  This  would  seem  strange;  and  especially  so 
is  the  fact  that  Cortes  says  nothing  of  either  burning 
or  rebuilding.  Not  knowing  the  authority  for  Nav- 
arrete's  statement,  I  regard  it  as  erroneous. 

Whatever  vessels  these  may  have  been,  they  were 
soon  despatched,  though  in  a  direction  somewhat 
different  from  that  originally  intended.  In  July  1526, 
Guevara's  vessel,  which  had  started  from  Spain  with 
Loaisa's  fleet  bound  to  the  Moluccas,  but  which  had 
become  separated  from  the  consorts  after  entering  the 
Pacific  through  the  strait  of  Magellan,  arrived  on  the 
coast  below  Zacatula,  being  thus  the  first  to  reach  this 

19  A  blank  in  the  original. 

20  During  Cor'teV  absence  Albornoz  had  proposed  to  rise  his  fleet  for  a  voy 
age  to  the  Moluccas.  Carta,  in  Icazbalcda,  Col.  Doc. ,  i.  498-7.     And  Ocana 
urges  that  Cortes  ought  not  to  be  trusted  with  such  an  expedition.     '  If  Cortes 
goes  to  make  it  he  will  die  with  a  crown.'  Letter  in  /(/.,  i.  532. 

'21  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Viaye,  introd.,  x. ;  Pre«co't's  Illit.  Coiiq.  Mcz.,  iii.  270. 
Navarrete  refers  in  a  general  way  to  a  manuscript  in  the  Royal  Academy  of 
Madrid,  as  containing  much  information  on  these  matters;  perhaps  he  gets 
this  fact  from  that  manuscript.  The  same  statement  is  made  in  Dice.  Univ., 
viii.  29.  Venegas.  Not.  Cat.,  i.  140-9,  says  it  is  not  known  whether  the  ves 
sels  sailed  or  not — probably  not.  See  note  24. 


SAAVEDRA'S  VOYAGE.  23 

coast  by  water  direct  from  Europe.22  In  his  Septem 
ber  letters,  Cortes  says  be  lias  sent  a  pilot  to  bring 
Guevara's  vessel  to  Zacatula,  and  lias  proposed  to  tbe 
captain,  as  bis  own  vessels  are  nearly  ready  to  sail 
and  for  the  same  destination,  namely,  the  Spice  Islands, 
that  all  four  vessels  go  together.23  But  very  soon 
there  came  from  the  king  to  Cortes  an  order,  dated 
June  20,  1526,  to  despatch  an  expedition  to  the  relief 
of  Loaisa  at  the  Moluccas.  As  the  order  was  impera 
tive  and  haste  essential,  the  idea  of  following  the  coast 
round  to  India  bad  to  be  given  up  temporarily,  and% 
three  vessels  under  Alvaro  de  Saavedra  were  sent 
from  Zacatula  October  31,  1527,  direct  to  tbe  East 
Indies,  where  one  of  them  arrived  safely  in  March 
1528,  the  others  being  lost.24 

Before  starting  across  the  Pacific,  Saavedra's  fleet 
made  a  trial  trip  up  the  coast  to  the  port  of  Santiago 
in  Coliina.  It  merits  notice  as  the  first  navigation  of 
the  waters  above  Zacatula.  The  vessels  left  the  lat 
ter  port  on  July  14th  and  reached  Santiago  tho  24th. 
The  voyage  is  not  mentioned  in  the  regular  narra 
tive  of  tbe  Molucca  expedition;  but  the  diary  of  one 
of  the  three  vessels  has  been  preserved,  containing 
more  geographical  details  than  can  be  utilized  here.25 

Between  the  date  of  the  letter  last  referred  to  and 

22  The  original  documents  on  this  voyage  are  to  be 'found  in  Navarrt te, 
Vlrtjcs,  v.  170-81,  224-5.     See  also  Pachecoand  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  488; 
Men-era,  dec.  iii.-iv. ;  Gomara,  Hist.  Mex.,  280-1. 

23  Cortes,  Cartax,  372-5,  489-90. 

ziXavarrete,  Col.  Viatjes.,  v.  95-114,  440-86.  See  also  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  258- 
9,  this  series.  The  port  from  which  this  expedition  sailed  is  called  Siguata- 
iiejo  or  Cihuatlanejo,  in  the  province  of  Zacatula.  This  name  is  given  on 
modern  maps  to  a  point  on  the  coast  a  few  leagues  south  of  the  Zacatula  River. 
It  is  but  fair  to  state  that  Saavedra's  three  vessels  arc  spoken  of  as  two  navios 
and  a  beryantin,  which  would  not  agree  in  class  with  those  originally  built 
at  Zacatula,  namely,  two  brigantines  and  two  caravels.  Yet  there  was  great 
want  of  care  in  writing  these  terms.  It  may  also  be  noticed  that  if  the  two 
brigantines  were  burned,  the  two  caravels  with  Guevara's  vessel  may  have 
made  up  Saavedra's  fleet  of  three  if  we  disregard  the  class.  In  a  later  docu 
ment,  Cartas,  543-4,  Cortt-s  says  this  expedition  cost  him  over  §60,000. 

25  Saavedra,  Relation  de  la  derrota  que  hizo  un  bergant'in  que  scdid  el  14  de 
Julio  del  aito  1527  del  puerto  de  Zacatnla  en  N"iteva  Espaiia,  juntamente  con  dos 
tiarios,  a  las  6r<lenes  de  Alvaro  Saavedra  Ceron,  etc. ,  etc.,  que  entro"  en  cl  puerto 
dt-  X,n,tiarjo  en  19°  y  40'  de  alfnra:  In  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  88-91.  The  follow 
ing  names  are  given:  Port  of  Sail  Cristobal,  Cape  Motiu,  Port  Mngdalena, 
and  Port  Santiago.  The  latter  port  near  Manzanillo  still  retains  the  name. 


24  CORTES  ON  THE  SOUTH  SEA  COASTS. 

his  departure  for  Spain  early  in  1528,  Cortes  ordered 
the  construction  of  four  vessels  at  Tehuantepec  to 
replace  those  sent  away  under  Saavedra,  intending 
to  despatch  them  to  the  same  destination  by  the 
northern  or  coast  route  and  thus  to  carry  out  his 
original  plan.  The  four  vessels  were  nearly  completed 
when  he  went  to  Spain,  and  a  fifth  was  subsequently 
built.26  Their  fate  is  told  in  the  captain -general's  let 
ter  of  October  10,  1530.  As  soon  as  the  members  of 
the  audiencia  arrived  in  Mexico  they  arrested  the 
superintendent  left  in  .charge  of  the  completion  of 
the  fleet,  probably  Francisco  Maldonado,  took  away 
the  pueblos  through  the  services  of  whose  inhabitants 
the  work  was  being  done,  doubtless  under  the  system 
of  repartimientos,  and  thus  caused  the  work  to  be 
abandoned.  The  rigging  and  every  movable  thing 
were  stolen  and  the  hulks  left  to  decay.  t  The  work 
men  passed  a  year  in  idleness,  and  the  hostile  oidores 
even  went  so  far  as  to  enforce  the  payment  of  their 
wages  during  this  time  from  Cortes'  estate.27  At  the 
time  of  writing  Cortes  tells  the  emperor  that  his 
workmen  are  scattered  and  the  vessels  much  damaged; 
he  knows  not  if  the  work  can  be  resumed.  He  regrets 
the  loss  of  20,000  castellanos  in  this  enterprise  more 
than  all  his  other  losses  aggregating  over  200,000 
castellanos.  Yet  he  does  not  altogether  lose  courage. 
"May  the  Lord  grant  that  the  devil  no  longer  impede 
this  great  work,"  he  writes,  and  expresses  great  expec 
tations  from  the  coming  of  the  new  audiencia.28 
Despite  the  loss  of  his  five  vessels,  as  we  learn  from 

2(5  It  is  stated  in  Dice.  Univ. ,  viii.  29,  that  Francisco  Maldonado  was  ordered 
to  build  these  vessels  to  replace  those  burned  at  Zacatula,  which  cannot  be 
correct  in  any  view  of  the  matter. 

27  There  was  something  to  be  said  on  the  other  side  in  these  troubles  of 
Cortds  with  other  authorities  as  may  be  seen  in  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.,  this  series. 

28  Cortes,  Cartas,  505-6.     Also  letter  of  April  20,  1532.  Id.,  513-14.     The 
name  of  CorteV  agent  having  been  Maldonado,  and  the  same  name  having  been 
connected  with  a  voyage  made,  or  claimed  to  have  been  made,  later,  some 
writers,  as  Ross  Brown,  L.  CaL,  14,  and  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Gal.,  49,  have 
confounded  the  two  dates,  and  speak  of  a  voyage  by  Maldonado  from  Zaca 
tula  northward  in  1528,  touching  at  Santiago  River,  but  never  returning.     I 
know  of  no  foundation  for  such  a  statement.     Hernandez,  Gc.og.  B.  CaL,  10- 
11,  tells  us  of  a  voyage  also  from  Zacatula  in  1524  in  two  vessels,  which 


DISCOURAGEMENT.  25 

a  letter  of  April  20,  1532,  Cortes  at  once  went  to 
work  on  four  others,  two  of  which  were  built  at  Te- 
huantepec  and  two  at  Acapulco ;  but  his  personal  ene 
mies  were  determined  to  prevent  the  realization  of  his 
plans.  In  the  work  of  transporting  material  and  fit 
ting  out  the  vessels  at  Acapulco  he  employed  some  of 
his  Indian  vassals,  paying  them,  as  he  claims,  for  their 
labor;  but  certain  alguaciles,  instigated  by  those  high 
in  authority,  forbade  the  employment  of  the  natives. 
Cortes  had  seen  a  royal  order  to  the  effect  that  the 
audiencia  were  not  to  interfere  in  any  way  with  mV 
expeditions  of  discovery,  and  now  he  was  much  dis 
heartened.  "  It  seems  that  neither  by  land  nor  by 
water  am  I  to  be  permitted  to  render  any  service ;  and 
if  they  had  told  me  so  before  I  had  expended  all  my 
estate  the  harm  would  have  been  less."2 

Thus  I  have  brought  the  record  of  the  conqueror's 
efforts  on  the  South  Sea  coast  down  to  1531,  at  which 
time  the  coast  from  Panama  to  Zacatula  had  become 
well  known  through  explorations  by  water.  One  trip 
had  been  made  to  Colima;  while  land  exploration  had 
extended  that  knowledge  still  farther  northward  to 
the  region  of  the  present  San  Bias.80  Vessels  had 
been  built  at  three  different  points;  communication  by 
water  between  the  Pacific  ports  had  become  of  quite 
common  occurrence;  and  voyages  had  been  made  be 
tween  New  Spain  and  the  true  India.  Four  vessels 
were  now  on  the  stocks  at  Acapulco  and  Tehuantepec, 
and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  other  small  craft  were  under 
sail  or  at  anchor  on  the  coast.  In  a  subsequent  chap 
ter,  when  the  thread  of  Cortes'  explorations  shall  again 
be  taken  up,  it  will  be  seen  that,  notwithstanding  his 
despondent  mood  at  the  time  just  referred  to,  his  brave 
spirit  was  by  no  means  daunted.31 

touched  at  Jalisco,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  or  California,  but  were  never  heard  of 
more.     Some  believe  the  commander  to  have  be6n  Juan  Aniano! 
^Cortc*,  Cartas,  513-14;  Navarrete,  Col.  Doc.,  iv.  175-7. 

30  That  is,  leaving  out  of  the  account  Guzman's  expedition  described  in  the 
next  chapter. 

31  Sec,  also,  references  to  CorteV  earlier  efforts  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  i.  18; 
Payno,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geo<j.t  2da  e>  ii.  198-9;  TutldWs  Hist.  Col.,  7. 


CHAPTEE  II. 

NUftO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 
1530-1531. 

GUZMAN'S  PLANS  AND  MOTIVES — A  GRAND  ARMY — NAMES  OF  OFFICERS — 
MURDER  OF  A  KING — MARCH  THROUGH  MICHOACAN  AND  JALISCO — 
CROSSING  THE  Rio  GRANDE — MAYOR  ESPANA — AT  OMITLAN  AND  AZTAT- 
LAN — AUTHORITIES — ADVANCE  TO  CHAMETLA — MAP— QUEZALA  PROV 
INCE — PlASTLA — ClGUATAN,  PROVINCE  OF  WOMEN — ON  TO  CULIACAN — 

TOWN  OF  COLOMBO — LOCAL  EXPLORATIONS — SAMANIEGO  REACHES  THE 
PETATLAN — SEARCH  FOR  THE  SEVEN  CITIES — LOPEZ  CROSSES  THE  SIERRA 
TO  DURANGO — FOUNDING  OF  THE  VILLA  DE  SAN  MIGUEL  DE  CULIACAN — 
SITE  AND  TRANSFERS — LIST  OF  POBLADORES — GUZMAN'S  RETURN  TO 
JALISCO — FOUNDING  OF  CHAMETLA — NUEVA  GALICIA — COMPOSTELA  THE 
CAPITAL — GUZMAN  GOVERNOR — His  DOWNFALL. 

THE  first  exploration  of  the  far  north  was  destined 
to  be  by  land  and  not  by  sea.  We  have  seen  Nufio 
de  Guzman  sent  to  Mexico  in  1528  from  Panueo  as 
president  of  the  audiencia  and  governor  of  New  Spain. 
The  year  during  which  he  held  these  positions  at  the 
capital,  like  every  other  year  of  his  New  World 
life,  was  one  of  dissensions.  By  the  end  of  1529  he 
had  made  himself  thoroughly  hated  by  nearly  all 
classes.  This  fact  did  not  trouble  him  seriously;  but 
the  signs  of  the  times  portended  for  him  clanger  and 
downfall.  Cortes,  his  foe,  but  lately  an  absent  crimi 
nal  on  trial  before  a  bitterly  hostile  tribunal,  was  now 
being  feted  in  Spain  as  a  mighty  conqueror.  His 
popularity  and  prospective  return  signified  for  Guz 
man  not  only  removal  from  office,  but  a  residencia, 
exposure  of  crimes,  persecution  by  foes  maddened 
with  long-continued  wrongs.  He  realized  that  ab 
sence  was  his  best  policy.  But  a  mere  running-away 

(26)' 


PLANS  OF  CONQUEST.  27 

from  present  dangers  was  by  no  means  all  of  the 
crafty  lawyer's  plan.  His  departure  should  be  with 
flying  colors,  and  in  its  ultimate  results  a  grand 
triumph.  Victory  was  to  be  wrested  from  the  jaws 
of  defeat  and  disgrace.  Cortes  owed  his  success  to 
his  having  won  a  new  kingdom  for  Charles:  Guzman 
might  also  triumph;  might  atone  most  effectually  in 
royal  eyes  for  past  offences,  humble  a  hated  rival,  and 
win  for  himself  wealth,  power,  and  fame  by  adding  to 
the  Spanish  domain  a  mightier  realm  than  had  yet 
been  conquered  in  the  New  World.  Where  should 
he  seek  for  such  a  field  of  conquest?  Nowhere 
assuredly  but  in  the  north-western  land  of  mystery. 
Guzman  was  well  acquainted  with  the  geographical 
ideas  of  navigators  and  scholars  of  his  time,  ideas 
which  I  have  noticed  in  the  preceding  chapter;  and 
there  is  some  evidence  that  he  had  thought  of  an 
expedition  to  the  north  even  in  the  days  of  his  high 
est  prosperity.1  He  had  just  presided  at  the  trial  of 
Cortes,  and  from  the  voluminous  testimony  offered 
had  become  familiar  with  the  great  captain's  schemes. 
He  now  resolved  to  make  those  schemes  his  own,  to 
execute  them  in  person,  and  to  reap  the  resulting 
benefits.  A  nobler  nature  might  have  hesitated  at 
taking  so  mean  an  advantage  of  his  rival's  absence; 
to  Guzman  such  an  advantage  but  brightened  his 
visions  of  success. 

^Having  once  determined  on  the  expedition,  Guz 
man,  in  view  of  the  expected  return  of  Cortes,  lost 
no  time  in  his  preparations;  nor  did  he  neglect  any 
of  the  advantages  afforded  by  his  high  position.  De 
tails  of  these  preparations,  however,  and  of  Guzman's 

1  It  is  also  said  that  Guzman  had  some  special  information  which  made 
him  the  more  sanguine.  An  Indian  in  his  service  from  the  country  north  of 
Punuco,  and  whose  father  had  visited,  the  regions  of  the  far  north-western 
interior,  told  of  rich  and  populous  towns.  Castaneda,  in  Ternaux-Compans^ 
serie  i.  torn.  ix.  1-5,  repeated  in  Davis"  El  Gringo,  58-9;  Schoolcrafi's  Arch., 
iv.  22;  Domenech''*  Deserts,  i.  1G7-8,  and  other  modern  works.  This  seems 
to  have  been  the  beginning  of  the  reports  respecting  the  Seven  Cities,  so 
famous  a  little  later.  Whether  the  tales  were  founded  on  a  knowledge  of  the 
Pueblo  towns  of  New  Mexico,  or  were  pure  inventions,  the  reader  can  judge 
perhaps  as  well  as  I;  either  foundation  is  perfectly  possible  and  satisfactory. 


28  NUfrO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 

march  through  Michoacan  and  Jalisco  have  already 
been  presented.2  In  December  1529  he  marched  from 
the  capital  at  the  head  of  five  hundred  Spanish  sol 
diers  and  ten  thousand  Aztec  and  Tlascaltec  allies, 
the  most  imposing  army  in  some  respects  that  had 
yet  followed  any  New  World  conqueror.  Peralrmndez 
Chirm os  and  Cristobal  de  Onate  were  his  chief  cap 
tains,  and  Pedro  de  Guzman,  a  kinsman  of  the  presi 
dent,  bore  the  standard,  a  golden  virgin  on  silver 
cloth.  Forty  are  said  to  have  been  hidalgos  of  Spain, 
gentleman-adventurers,  exempt  from  all  military  ser 
vice  except  fighting.3  The  native  warriors  were  decked 
in  all  their  finery,  Aztecs  and  Tlascaltecs  vying  with 
each  other  in  display  as  the  army  marched  proudly 
from  the  capital. 

The  route  lay  through  Michoacan  and  down  the 
Rio  Grande  de  Lerma  to  the  region  of  the  modern 
Guadalajara.  This  first  stage  of  the  advance  was  sig 
nalized  by  the  brutal  and  unprovoked  murder  of  King 
Tangaxoan  Caltzontzin,  after  he  had  been  forced  by 
torture  to  furnish  thousands  of  servants  for  the  north 
ern  expedition,  and  to  relinquish  all  the  little  wealth 
that  remained  to  him.  Later  progress  was  in  keep 
ing  with  the  bloody  beginning.  In  May  1530  the 
several  divisions  of  the  army  were  reunited  after 
having  overrun  the  whole  of  what  is  now  southern 
and  eastern  Jalisco.  Some  detachments  seem  to  have 
penetrated  as  far  northward  as  the  sites  of  Lagos, 

2  See  Hist.  Hex.,  ii.  293-5,  341  et  seq.,  this  series. 

3  The  names  of  officers  mentioned  in  the  different  narratives  of  the  expedi 
tion  are:  '  Jose'  Angulo,  Francisco  Arzeo,  Barrios,  Crist6bal  Barrios,  Francisco 
Barren,  Hernando  Perez  de  Bocanegra,  Diego  Vazquez  de  Buendia,  Juan  de 
Burgos,  Juan  del  Camino,  Hernari  Chirinos,   Pedro  A.   Chirinos,  Cristobal 
Flores,  Francisco  Flores,  Hernando  Flores,  Nuno  de  Guzman,  Pedro  de  Guz 
man,  Juan  Fernando  de  Hi  jar,  Miguel  de  Ibarra,  Lipan,  Gonzalo  Lopez, 
Francisco  de  la  Mota,  Juan  Sanchez  de  Olea,  Cristdbal  de  Otanez,  Cristobal 
de  Oiiate,  Juan  de  Onate,  Juan  Pascual,  Garcia  del  Pilar,  Diego  Hernandez 
Proafio,  Lope  de  Samaniego,  Hernando  Sanniento,  Juan  de  Samano,  Cristobal 
de  Tapia,  Torquemada,  Francisco  Verdugo,  Juan  de  Villalba,  Francisco  de 
Villegas,  Villaroel,  and  Zayas.    Two  chaplains  and  a  Franciscan  started  with 
the  army.  Frcjes,  Hist.  Breve.    Friars  Juan  de  Padilla  and  Andre's  de  Cordoba 
were  with  the  army  in  Sinaloa,  and  Brother  Gutierrez  became  cura  there. 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  in.  422-3;  Tetto,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  355. 


AT  AZTATLAK  29 

Aguas  Calientes,  Zacatecas,  and  Jerez.  Guzman's 
advance  was  marked  everywhere  by  complete  devasta 
tion,  and  few  pueblos  escaped  burning.  No  attention 
was  paid  to  the  rights  of  the  former  conquerors, 
Avalos  and  Francisco  Cortes,  but  the  policy  was  to 
make  it  appear  that  the  country  had  never  been  con 
quered,  and  that  the  present  conquest  was  not  an  easy 
one;  therefore  such  Indians  as  were  not  hostile  at 
first,  were  soon  provoked  to  hostility,  that  there 
might  be  an  excuse  for  plunder  and  destruction  and 
carnage,  and  especially  for  making  slaves.  This  chap-  ~ 
ter  of  horrors  continued  to  the  end  of  the  expedition, 
but  outrages  were  considerably  less  frequent  and  ter 
rible  in  the  far  north  than  south  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
A  garrison  was  left  at  Tepic,  the  germ  of  the  later 
Compostela,  and  on  May  29th  Guzman  crossed  the 
Rio  Tololotlan  into  unexplored  territory,  of  which  he 
took  formal  possession  under  the  name  of  Greater 
Spain,  a  title  designed  to  eclipse  that  of  New  Spain 
applied  to  the  conquest  of  Cortes.  Passing  on  up 
the  coast,  and  spending  forty  days  at  Omitlan,  on 
what  is  now  the  San  Pedro  River,  where  Guzman 
heard  of  Cortes'  arrival  and  the  downfall  of  the  first 
audiencia,  the  army  in  July  went  into  winter  quarters 
at  Aztatlan,  probably  on  the  River  Acaponeta,4  where 
they  remained  until  December,  suffering  terribly  from 
flood  and  pestilence,  and  being  obliged  to  send  back 
to  Michoacan  for  supplies  arid  for  Indians  to  fill  the 
place  of  the  thousands  that  had  perished.5 

4  On  the  location  of  Omitlan,  see  Hist.  Mex. ,  ii.  358-9,  this  series.     I  find 
in  Ponce,  Relation  Breve,  Iviii.  62-72,  some  additional  information  which 
seems  to  put  the  doubt  as  to  Aztatlan  between  the  Acaponeta  and  the  stream 
next  south  instead  of  the  one  next  north,  or  Canas.     He  travelled  in  the 
country  in  1587,  and  says:  '  Half  a  league  beyond  San  Juan  Omitlan  was  the 
Rio  San  Pedro,  which  used  to  run  farther  south  past  Centipac  one  league 
from  the  Rio  Grande;  eight  leagues  beyond  the  San  Pedro  was  the  Rio  Santa 
Ana,  after  passing  two  arroyos,  and  two  leagues  farther  was  the  Acapoueta 
River  and  pueblo.     Between  the  two  rivers,  or  on  the  Sta  Ana  (not  quite 
clear),  was  San  Felipe  Aztatlan.' 

5  The  leading  authorities  on  Guzman's  expedition  are  as  follows:  Guzman, 
Relation;  Id.,  Relallone;  Id.,  Relationes  Andnimas  (Ira,  £a,sra,  fla);   fd^ 
Ynformation  sobre  los  Acontccimientos  de  la  Guerra.  In  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas, 
Col.  Doc.,  xvi.  363-75;  Lopez,  Relation;  Filar,  Relation;  Sdmano,  Relation; 


30  NU&O  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 

Forced  to  leave  Aztatlan  lest  his  whole  army  should 
perish,  for  men  were  dying  every  day,  Guzman  sent 
an  exploring  force  under  Lope  de  Samaniego,  who 
brought  back  a  favorable  report  of  a  place  called 
Chametla  where  the  natives  were  friendly  and  had 
furnished  a  supply  of  food  for  the  army.  This  was 
the  first  entry,  November  1530,  of  Europeans  into  the 
territory  since  called  Sinaloa,  the  first  crossing  of  the 
line  which  marks  the  territorial  limits  of  this  volume. 
After  Samaniego's  return  Pilar  was  sent  southward 
in  search  of  Lopez,  who  had  long  been  expected  with 
supplies.  Then  Verdugo  and  Proano  were  sent  for 
ward  to  make  preparations;  and  in  a  few  weeks  Guz 
man  advanced  with  the  main  army,  leaving  Cristobal' 
de  Onate  at  Aztatlan  with  a  few  men.  Lopez  and 
Pilar  soon  came  up  from  Jalisco  with  reinforcements 
and  stores,  and  all  proceeded  northward  to  join  the 
governor. 

The  province  and  town  of  Chametla  were  on  the 
river  next  above  that  now  known  as  the  Canas,  the 
boundary  of  the  present  Sinaloa.  The  river  still  re 
tains  the  name  of  Chametla,  and  an  anchorage  at  its 
mouth  long  bore  the  same  name.6  It  is  the  region  of 

Carranza,  Relation  sobre  la  Jornada  qne  hizo  Nv.no  de  Guzman.  In  PacJieco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiv.  347-73.  The  preceding  are  narratives  of  men  who 
took  part  personally  in  the  expedition.  The  most  important  general  references 
are  Oviedo,  iii.  501-77;  Hen-era,  dec.  iv.  lib.  vii.  cap.  viii. ;  lib.  viii.  cap.  i.-ii. ; 
lib.  ix.  cap.  ix.-xii.;  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich;,  iii.  266-7,  352-422;  Mota  Pa- 
dilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  23-66;  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  41-68, 
118-21.  For  additional  information  about  these  authorities,  and  for  list  of 
many  more,  see  Hist.  Max.,  ii.  373-4,  this  series. 

6  Humboldt's  map  and  some  others,  however,  locate  the  port  of  Chametla 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Canas.  In  locating  rivers  and  towns  visited  by  early 
explorers  on  this  part  of  the  coast,  I  have  in  every  case  carefully  compared 
the  statements  of  the  original  authorities  with  the  best  modern  maps.  The 
result  in  nearly  every  instance  is  satisfactory,  although  I  have  not  the  space 
to  lay  before  the  reader  the  steps  by  which  it  has  been  reached,  and  although 
it  would  be  easy  in  most  cases  to  find  statements  in  some  document  not  con 
sistent  with  my  conclusion.  The  original  chroniclers  often  wrote  from  mem 
ory  after  a  lapse  of  time,  and  were  careless  and  contradictory  in  their 
statements  of  time  and  distance.  The  expedition  halted  usually  at  several 
towns  in  a  province  and  the  army  was  often  divided  along  the  route;  hence 
each  writer  in  estimating  distances  between  two  provinces  bases  his  estimate 
on  a  different  pueblo.  Moreover  no  account  was  taken  of  the  several  branches 
of  a  stream  or  of  several  crossings  of  the  same  stream.  It  was  always  'un  rio' 
and  'otro  rio.'  The  maps  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  with 


PROVINCE  OF  CHAMETLA. 


31 


the  present  Rosario.  The  natives,  hospitable  from 
the  first,  had  sent  back  food  for  the  famishing  army, 
and  had  furnished  a  thousand  carriers  to  bring  their 
luggage  from  the  southern  camp;  but  they  were  un- 


MAP  OF  GUZMAN'S  EXPEDITION,  1531. 

used  to  such  labor,  and  their  temporary  masters  inca 
pable  of  leniency  even  to  voluntary  servants;  therefore 

many  of  the  eighteenth,  some  25  or  30  of  which  are  before  me,  aid  but  little 
in  the  task,  since  they  were  evidently  made  from  some  of  the  documents  we 
are  considering,  and  consist  for  the  most  part  of  a  series  of  parallel  rivers 
running  into  the  sea  in  the  order  mentioned,  their  number  being  much  greater 
than  that  of  the  streams  actually  existing.  Taking  into  consideration  these 
sources  of  confusion,  together  with  the  imperfection  of  the  best  modern  maps, 
1  deem  it  remarkable  that  Guzman's  route  can  be  so  satisfactorily  located, 
and  that  writers  have  been  BO  much  perplexed  and  disagreed  so  widely. 


32  NU5TO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 

the  carriers  ran  away.  The  native  chiefs,  moreover, 
became  impatient  at  the  prospect  that  the  Spaniards 
would  remain  in  their  province  as  long  as  they  had 
in  Aztatlan.  Lopez  soon  arrived,  as  we  have  seen, 
from  the  south  with  warrior's,  carriers,  slaves,  and 
hogs;  the  carriers  from  Michoacan  were  distributed 
among  the  Spaniards,  and  the  slaves  from  Jalisco  sold 
at  one  dollar  a  head. 

Guzman  was  again  master  of  the  situation,  now  that 
his  army  was  restored  to  something  like  its  original 
strength;  and  finally  it  was  easy  to  provoke  acts  of 
hostility  sufficient  to  afford  the  slight  color  of  justifi 
cation  required  for  robbing  and  burning.  Yet  the 
work  was  much  less  complete  in  Sinaloa  than  in  north 
ern  Jalisco,  and  several  caciques  kept  up  their  friendly 
relations,  furnished  guides,  and  opened  roads  for  the 
northern  advance  undertaken  late  in  January  1531, 
after  a  stay  at  Chametla  of  about  a  month.7  The  16th 
of  January  Guzman  had  written  to  the  king  announc 
ing  his  intention  to  start  within  eight  days  for  the 
' province  of  women'  said  to  be  not  far  distant.  If  not 
prevented  by  excessive  cold  he  would  continue  his 
march  to  latitude  40°,  believing  Chametla  to  be  in 
25°;  then  he  would  turn  inland  and  cross  to  the  other 
sea.  He  had  heard  of  five  vessels  which  sailed  up 
this  coast  four  or  five  years  ago,  and  suspects  they 
belonged  to  Sebastian  Cabot's  East  Indian  fleet.8 

A  march  of  four  or  five  days  brought  the  army  to 
a  province  of  Quezala  seven  or  eight  leagues  beyond 

7  From  20  days  to  two  months  according  to  different  narratives.     Accord 
ing  to  Tello,  Hi$t.  N.  Gal.,  351-5,  an  army  of  natives  between  Aztatlan  and 
Chametla  made  a  show  of  resistance  merely,  as  they  explained  later,  to  see 
the  'big  deer,'  or  horses  run.     This  author,  followed  by  Navarrete,  ignores 
all  resistance  of  the  natives  of  Sinaloa  and  also  for  the  most  part  all  outrages 
committed  on  them.     His  narrative  is  largely  rilled  with  a  description  of  re 
ception  ceremonies  at  each  pueblo.     No  hens  were  found  north  of  Chametla. 
Guzman,  Ira  Rd.  Anon.,  288-9;  Lopez,  JKeL,  444.     The  start  was  about  Jan. 
24th,  according  to  Guzman's  letter. 

8  Jan.  16,  1531,  Guzman  to  king,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiv. 
408-14.     The  letter  is  chiefly  filled  with  complaints  of  the  way  he  is  being 
treated  by  the  authorities  in  Mexico,  and  charges  against  Cortds.     He  has 
discovered  three  large  islands  named  Conception.    Another  letter  of  Jan.  15th, 
Id.,  xiv.  406-8,  is  to  the  Consejo  de  Indias  on  legal  matters. 


QUEZALA  AND  PIASTLA.  33 

Chametla  on  a  smaller  stream.  It  was  apparently 
the  region  about  the  modern  Mazatlan.9  The  people 
were  different  in  language,  dwellings,  and  in  other 
respects  from  those  met  farther  south,  but  they  made 
little  or  no  opposition,  though  Herrera  says  several 
towns  were  destroyed.  The  country  before  them  was 
barren,  mountainous,  or  obstructed  by  lagoons,  and 
explorers  were  sent  forward  from  each  halting-place. 
The  army  moved  on  from  Frijolar,  the  last  Quezala 
village,  in  the  first  week  of  February.10 

Piastla  was  the  next  province,  ten  or  twelve  leagues 
farther  up  the  coast  on  a  river  that  still  retains  the 
name.  The  inhabitants  were  hostile  and  several  en 
counters  occurred  with  the  uniform  result  that  the 
natives  were  defeated  and  their  towns  destroyed.  The 
auxiliaries  here  became  clamorous  to  return  home; 
several  were  hanged  and  one  burned  in  the  attempt  to 
quell  insubordination.  One  squadron  escaped  but 
were  killed  by  the  natives  in  attempting  to  reach 
Jalisco,  except  one  man  who  returned  to  camp  to  tell 
the  story.11  Here  the  houses  for  purposes  of  defence 
were  built  round  interior  courts;  horrid  masses  of 
snakes  with  intercoiled  bodies  and  protruding  heads 
lay  in  the  dark  corners  of  the  dwellings,  where  they 
were  tamed,  venerated,  and  finally  eaten;  and  it  was 
noted  that  the  women  were  more  comely  here  than 
elsewhere.  Ash  Wednesday,  February  22d,  was 
passed  at  Bayla  village,  and  about  the  first  of  March 
the  army  Amoved  on. 

Ciguatan,  "place  of  women/'  was  a  province  of  eight 

9  Cazala,  Culipara  or  Colipa,  Quezala,  and  Frijolar,  or  Frijoles — the  latter 
so  named  from  the  abundance  of  beans — were  the  rancherias  passed,  none  of 
which  names  seem  to  have  been  retained.     Puimos  is  also  named  by  Lopez. 
Relation,  440. 

10  Three  Spaniards  died  at  Culipara  and  two  at  Quezala.     Two  Spanish  offi 
cers  were  degraded  in  rank  here  for  an  attempt  to  desert.   Guzman,  Sra  ReL, 
An6n.t  449;  Filar,  Relation,  258;  Guzman,  #«  ReL  Anon.,  474;  Sdmano,  ReL, 

11  The  Piastla  towns  in  the  order  visited  were:  Piastla,  Pochotla,  La  Sal, 
Bayla,  and  Rinconatla;  but  Samaniego,  sent  to  explore,  found  both  banks  of 
the  river  lined  with  pueblos  down  to  the  sea.     La  Sal,  so  named  from  heaps 
of  salt  found  there,  was  probably  on  the  northern  branch  of  the  river. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    3 


34  NUftO  DE  GUZMAN  IN'SINALOA. 

pueblos  on  a  river  of  the  same  name,  also  called  in 
Spanish  Bib  de  las  Mugeres,  and  apparently  to  be 
identified  with  the  stream  now  known  as  Bio  de  San 
Lorenzo.  The  name  Quild,  used  in  the  narratives  is 
still  applied  to  a  town  on  that  river.  The  rich  and 
mysterious  isles  of  the  Amazons  had  been  from  the 
first  one  of  the  strongest  incentives  to  north-western 
exploration  in  the  minds  of  both  Cortes  and  Guzman. 
The  cosmographer  by  his  vagaries  had  furnished  the 
romancer  with  sufficient  foundation  for  the  fable;  the 
tales  of  natives  from  the  first  conquest  of  Michoacan 
had  seemed  to  support  it;  and  as  Guzman  proceeded 
northward  and  drew  nearer  to  Ciguatan  his  hopes 
were  greatly  excited.  Natives  along  the  route  were 
willing  to  gratify  the  Spanish  desire  for  the  marvel 
lous,  or  perhaps  the  interpreters'  zeal  outran  their 
linguistic  skill;  the  women  of  Ciguatan  were  repre 
sented  as  living  alone  except  during  four  months  of 
the  year,  when  young  men  from  the  adjoining  prov 
inces  were  invited  to  till  their  fields  by  day  and 
rewarded  with  their  caresses  at  night.  Boy  babies 
were  killed  or  sent  to  their  fathers ;  girls  were  allowed 
to  grow  up.  These  details  with  some  variations  are 
repeated  by  each  writer  as  having  been  told  before 
they  arrived,  and  as  corroborated  more  or  less  com 
pletely  by  what  they  saw  and  heard  at  Ciguatan, 
where  they  found  many  women  and  few  men.  But, 
as  several  of  them  admit,  it  was  soon  discovered  that 
the  men  had  either  fled  to  avoid  the  Spaniards  or  to 
make  preparations  for  an  attack.12  The  Amazon  bub 
ble  had  burst;  but  the  soldiers  were  by  no  means  in 
clined  to  forget  the  marvels  on  which  their  imagina- 


12  Lopez,  Rd.,  443,  says  only  three  males  and  1,000  women  were  found  in 
one  town.  Armienta,  Apuntes  para  la  Hlstorla  de  Stnaloa,  says:  '  Estos 
pueblos  se  hallaban  en  la  e"poca  habitados  por  mugeres  solas,  en  cumplimiento 
de  un  voto  religiose  que  las  oblige  d,  vivir  separadas  de  los  hombres  por  un 
periodo  de  20  anos  Aztecas.'  He  calls  the  Amazon  towns  Abuya  and  Binapa 
at  the  base  of  the  Tacuchamona  range,  on  the  other  side  of  which  was  Qnezala, 
confounded  with  the  later  and  more  northern  Cosala.  He  also  describes  the 
reception  at  Navito  by  60,000  natives.  This  narrative,  written  for  a  Sinaloa 
newspaper,  seems  to  be  mainly  taken  from  Tello's  work. 


CIGUATAN  AND  CULIACAN.  35 

tions  had  so  long  feasted ;  they  continued  to  talk  long 
after  they  returned  to  Mexico  of  the  wonderful  City 
of  Women.13 

About  the  middle  of  March  Guzman  left  Ciguatan, 
where  a  conspiracy  of  the  Spaniards  had  been  revealed 
and  the  ringleader  hanged,  and  passing  Quila,  Aqui- 
mola,  or  Quimola,  and  Las  Flechas,  passed  on  to  the 
southern  branch  of  the  river  next  northward,  that 
now  known  as  the  Rio  Tamazula,  arriving  at  a  town 
called  Cuatro  -Barrios*1*  Thence  the  army  marched 
down  the  river,  crossing  at  Leon  and  passing  Humaya, 
a  name  still  applied  to  the  northern  branch  of  the 
river,  until  they  reached  Colombo,  which  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  the  largest  towns  in  the  Culiacan 
province,  and  was  perhaps  not  far  from  the  junction 
of  the  two  rivers  or  the  modern  site  of  Culiacan. 
The  inhabitants  had  fled,  but  were  pursued  and  de 
feated,  first  by  Sarnaniego  and  then  by  Guzman,  who 
took  many  captives,  including  a  brother  of  the  pro 
vincial  ruler.15  Colombo  was  the  head-quarters  of  the 
army  during  the  stay  of  seven  months,  and  but  little 
is  said  of  the  town  of  Culiacan,  which  seems  to  have 
been  a  little  farther  down  the  river. 

From  Colombo  the  Spaniards  marched  down  the 
river  nearly  to  the  sea,  passing  many  native  towns; 
but,  finding  no  satisfactory  prospect  of  farther  advance 
north-westward  by  the  coast,  they  returned,  and  after 
some  additional  explorations  meagrely  and  confusedly 
described,  celebrated  holy  week,  2d  to  9th  of  April,  at 
Colombo.  After  easter,  Lopez,  the  maestre  de  campo, 
was  sent  to  explore,  'by  another  way,'  perhaps  up  the 

13  Oviedo,  iii.  576-7,  heard  these  tales  from  the  soldiers  in  Mexico;  but 
meeting  Guzman  later  in  Spain  was  told  the  truth.  This  author  says  the 
chief  pueblo  was  a  well-built  town  of  6,000  houses.  He  also  names  Orocomay 
as  another  Amazon  pueblo.  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  iii.,  calls  the 
town  Zapuatan. 

uArmienta,  Apunteft,  speaks  of  Cuatro  Barrios  as  now  called  Barrio  y 
Moras.  He  also  speaks  of  a  spot  on  the  way  thither  still  called  Vizcaino  for 
a  native  of  Vizcaya  who  died  there. 

15  Lopez,  Relaclon,  446-8,  implies  that  military  operations  in  this  part  of 
the  expedition  were  chiefly  under  Cristobal  de  Onate  and  himself.  He  gives 
many  details. 


36  KUJsO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 

Rio  Humaya16  to  a  village-  of  Cinco  Barrios,  whither 
Guzman  marched  and  waited  twenty  days,  while  Lopez 
penetrated  some  fifteen  leagues  northward  into  the 
mountains;  but  no  further  pass  being  found  all  re 
turned  again  to  Culiacan.  Samaniego  was  sent  again 
to  attempt  the  coast  route,  and  succeeded  without 
much  difficulty  in  reaching  the  Rio  cle  Petatlan — so 
called  from  the  petates,  or  mats,  with  which  the  natives 
covered  their  dwellings — now  the  Rio  cle  Sinaloa. 
But  he  found  no  large  towns  or  rich  provinces,  only  a 
comparatively  barren  tract  inhabited  by  a  rude  people, 
and  returned  to  join  his  commander. 

As  a  matter  of  fact  the  country  north  of  Culiacan 
was  by  no  means  impassable;  nor  were  the  difficulties 
much  greater  than  had  already  been  overcome;  but 
after  the  disappointment  respecting  the  Amazon  coun 
try,  of  which  so  much  had  been  expected,  the  north 
west  had  no  charms  that  could  rekindle  the  hopes 
of  Guzman  and  his  men.  Two  destinations  had  been 
talked  of  when  the  expedition  left  Mexico,  the  Ama 
zon  isles  and  the  Seven  Cities.  Disappointed  in  his 
search  for  the  former,*  Guzman  now  determined  to 
seek  the  latter  by  crossing  the  sierra  eastward.  Dur 
ing  Samaniego's  absence  two  exploring  parties  had 
been  sent  out,  and  one  of  them  had  found  a  pass.  In 
May  the  army  set  forth,  and  marched  some  twenty- 
five  leagues,  much  of  the  way  up  the  Mugeres  River, 
the  headwaters  of  which  they  also  crossed  far  up  in 
the  mountains  later,  to  a  town  of  Guamochiles.  Lo 
pez  was  sent  forward,  and  after  twenty  clays  sent 
back  a  message  that  he  had  crossed  all  the  sierras, 
had  reached  a  town,  and  was  about  to  start  for  a 
large  province  three  days  distant.  Guzman  at  once 
despatched  Captain  Sarnano  to  join  the  maestre,  and 
soon  started  himself,  although  so  ill  that  he  had  to  be 

16  But  possibly  the  Tamazula.  The  way  in  which  the  narrators  speak  of 
'a  river,'  'the  river,'  'another  river,'  Rio  de  Mugeres,  Rio  cle  Pascua,  etc., 
is  simply  exasperating.  Samano,  however,  Relation,  285,  says  the  explora 
tion  was  up  a  river  flowing  into  that  of  Culiacan;  and  Lopez,  Relation,  450-3, 
also  mentions  a  junction  of  streams. 


ACROSS  THE  SIERRA.  37 

carried  in  a  litter.  For  many  days  the  Spaniards  and 
allies  pursued  their  toilsome  way  over  difficult  moun 
tain  passes,  forty  leagues  in  all,  as  Garcia  del  Pilar 
estimates  it,  and  when  almost  across  the  range  met 
Lopez  returning  with  the  report  that  a  march  of 
seventy  leagues  across  the  plains  had  led  to  nothing. 
The  country  afforded  no  supplies,  and  to  advance  was 
sure  destruction.  Slowly  and  despondently  Guzman 
retraced  his  steps,  with  great  hardships  and  losses, 
especially  of  horses,  to  Culiacan,  or  Colombo,  where 
he  arrived  on  Santiago  day,  or  July  25th.  Exactly 
what  regions  Lopez  had  explored  it  is  impossible  to 
say,  since  no  points  of  the  compass  are  given  and  the 
distances  are  evidently  much  exaggerated.  In  a  gen 
eral  way  we  may  suppose  that  he  ascended  the  Tama- 
zula,  crossed  the  sources  of  the  Mugeres,  or  San 
Lorenzo,  reached  a  branch  of  the  Elo  Nazas,  and 
advanced  nearly  to  the  eastern  limit  of  Central  Du- 
rango.17 

Back  in  Culiacan  Guzman  occupied  himself  with 
the  foundation  of  the  Villa  de  San  Miguel,  also  send 
ing  out  several  minor  expeditions  in  different  direc 
tions  to  keep  the  natives  in  subjection  and  obtain 
supplies.18  Captain  Diego  de  Proano  was  made  al- 

17  Lopez,  Relation,  455-60,  gives  a  somewhat  detailed  account  of  his  trip, 
which  is  briefly  as  follows,  and  may  be  compared  with  the  map  in  this  chap 
ter:  Ouate  had  found  a  pass  in  the  region  where  Lopez  had  been  before. 
From  Guamochiles  (there  are  some  indications  that  this  town  was  near  that 
of  Cinco  Barrios)  crossed  the  Rio  de  Mugeres  near  its  source,  over  a  range  4 
leagues  up  and  G  down  to  a  pueblo;  8  or  U  days  up  and  down  to  some  plains, 
a  fine  river,  and  a  pueblo;  had  a  battle  on  the  river  near  a  great  bend;  somo 
explorations  up  and  down  the  river;  a  messenger  sent  back  to  Guzman.    Then 
'east  as  before'  nearly  GO  leagues  through  a  Chichimec  country,  to  a  river  '  very 
large  for  one  flowing  inland;'  it  flowed  sometimes  east  and  sometimes  south; 
down  it  a  short  distance;  then  left  it  and  went  south  3  days  with  nothing  to 
eat  to  a  river  and  a  settlement  of  50  houses.     Left  Hernau  Chirinos  and  re 
turned  with  5  men  by  a  different  route  through  great  valleys  in  3  days  to  the 
river  where  the  fight  had  occurred.     Here  met  Samano  with  news  that  Guz 
man  was  coming.     Lopez  went  to  meet  Guzman,  who  against  Lopez'  advice 
resolved  to  recall  the  men  and  give  up  the  exploration. 

18  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  explorations  of  Ofiate  and  Angulo  to  be 
mentioned  in  a  subsequent  chapter  and  represented  by  most  authors  as  having 
been  made  after  Guzman's  departure,  should  be  included  in  these  expeditions. 
In  one  of  them  Samaniego  visited  the  coast,  and  according  to  Guzman,  3rcl 
Rel.  Antfn.,  459,  discovered  a  fine  bay  which  he  named  San  Miguel,  formed 
by  an  island  eight  leagues  in  circumference  and  about  one  league  from  the 


38  NUftO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINALOA. 

calde  mayor  of  the  new  villa,  and  one  hundred  sol 
diers,  fifty  cavalry,  and  fifty  infantry  were  left  as 
vecinos,  Brother  Alvaro  Gutierrez  being  the  curate 
in  charge.  Land  was  allotted  to  each  citizen  with 
such  swine  and  cattle  as  could  be  spared  from  the 
army.  Many  of  the  surviving  carriers  from  the  south 
were  obliged  to  remain  much  against  their  will;  by  a 
system  of  repartimientos  each  settler  was  entitled  to 
the  services  of  a  certain  number  of  natives;  and 
authority  was  granted  to  enslave  all  hostile  Indians. 
Large  stores  of  beads  and  other  trifles  were  also  left 
to  be  bartered  with  the  natives  for  food.  It  is  diffi 
cult  to  determine  the  exact  site  which  was  chosen 
for  the  villa,  or  that  to  which  it  was  transferred  in 
this  or  the  following  year,  and  from  which  it  was  at 
an  unknown  date  again  moved  to  or  near  the  spot 
now  occupied  by  the  city  of  Culiacan.  It  is  prob 
able,  however,  that  the  original  location  was  on  the 
Rio  de  Mugeres,  or  San  Lorenzo,  near  its  mouth.39 

Having  completed  his  arrangements  for  the  new 
settlement,  Guzman  with  his  army  started  southward 
in  the  middle  of  October,  and  returned  to  Jalisco  by 
the  same  route  he  had  come,  without  incidents  calling 

'  O 

for  mention.     On  the  way,  however,  or  very  soon  after 

main.  Herrera,  Descrip.  de  las  Ind.,  cap.  xx.  ii.(ed.  1730),  not  only  describes 
such  an  island  under  the  name  of  Guayabal,  but  locates  it  on  his  map  as  ex 
tending  nearly  the  whole  distance  from  the  Rio  de  Culiacan  (Pascua)  to  the 
Petatlan  (Nra  Senora).  This  is  remarkable,  as  110  such  island  exists. 

19  Lopez,  Rel.,  461,  says  it  was  on  the  Rio  de  Mugeres.  In  Guzman, 
3a  Rel.  An6n,  459,  it  is  located  on  the  Rio  de  Aguatan  (Ciguatan?).  Herrera, 
dec.  iv.  lib.  ix.  xi.,  says  it  was  near  the  Mugeres.  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  355, 
and  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii.  421-2,  say  it  was  at  Navito,  which  is  near 
the  mouth  of  the  San  Lorenzo.  According  to  the  IraRel,  Antfn.,  292,  and 
#<ta  Rel.  An6n.,  304,  it  was  in  the  Horabti  Valley,  soon  moved  down  the  river 
five  leagues  to  a  site  two  leagues  above  tide-water;  and  finally  many  old  maps 
put  San  Miguel  on  the  stream  next  south  of  the  Culiacan.  Tello,  who  says 
the  town  was  transferred  the  same  year  (erroneously  given  as  1532)  to  Culia 
can,  tells  us  that  Melchor  Diaz  was  made  alcalde  mayor — as  he  was  a  little 
later — and  names  as  the  first  pobladores  the  following: — Pedro  de  Tobar, 
Diego  Lopez,  Estevan  Martin,  Juan  de  Medina,  Pedro  de  Najera,  Cristobal 
de  Tapia,  Juan  de  Bastida,  Lazaro  de  Cebreros,  Maldonado  Bravo,  Pedro 
Alvarez,  Alonso  Mejia  Escalante,  Juan  Hidalgo  de  Plasencia,  Diego  de  Men- 
doza,  Pedro  de  Garnica,  Pedro  Cordero,  Juan  de  Barca,  Diego  de  Torres, 
Juan  de  Soto,  Juan  de  Mintanilla,  Juan  de  Baeza,  Alvaro  de  Arroyo,  Sebas 
tian  de  Evora,  Alonso  Cordero,  Pedro  de  Amenxlia,  Alonso  de  Avila,  Juan 
Munoz,  and  Alonso  Rodriguez. 


RETURN  MARCH.  39 

his  return,  he  formed  a  small  settlement  at  Chametla,20 
of  whose  early  annals  we  know  little  or  nothing  be 
yond  the  fact  that  it  maintained  for  years  a  precarious 
existence,  sometimes  being  abandoned  altogether. 

Back  in  Jalisco  Guzman  gave  but  the  slightest  at 
tention  to  the  far  north,  confining  his  efforts  to  the 
organization  of  his  government,  the  distribution  among 
his  partisans  of  lands  south  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  the 
regions  which  he  pretended  to  have  reconquered,  and 
in  the  foundation  of  Spanish  towns.  By  royal  order 
the  name  of  Nueva  Galicia  was  substituted  for  the 
more  pompous  one  of  Mayor  Espana,  applied  by  Guz 
man  ;  it  included  all  the  newly  discovered  regions  from 
Jalisco  northward;  and  Don  Nuno  was  made  its  gov 
ernor,  retaining  for  a  time  his  title  also  of  governor  of 
Panuco,  and  even  pretended  to  retain  that  of  president 
of  New  Spain.  Compostela  was  made  the  capital. 
Soon  the  governor  became  involved  in  troubles  which 
brought  about  his  downfall;  but  these  troubles  have 
been  fully  recorded  in  another  part  of  my  work,  where 
also  an  analysis  of  Guzman's  character  has  been  given.21 
Of  this  pioneer  explorer  in  the  far  north  much  may 
be  said  in  regard  to  his  ability,  but  otherwise  his  char 
acter  presented  not  a  single  praiseworthy  or  attractive 
feature.  He  died  in  poverty  and  disgrace;  but  the 
misfortunes  of  his  last  years  awaken  no  sympatli3r,  nor 
would  they  do  so  had  they  included  burning  at  the 
stake.  I  shall  still  have  occasion  to  refer  to  some  of 
his  acts  in  opposition  to  the  efforts  of  Cortes. 

20Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  184,  says  that  Guzman  founded  Chametla  on  his  way 
north. 

21  See  Hist.  Hex.,  ii.  365-72,  457-61. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 
1532-1536. 

VOYAGE  OF  HURTADO  DE  MENDOZA — INSTRUCTIONS  AND  MISHAPS — GUZMAN'S 
VERSION — A  NEW  FLEET — VOYAGE  OF  BECERRA  AND  GRIJALVA — MUTINY 
OF  JIMENEZ — DISCOVERIES — EXPEDITION  OF  HERNAN  CORTES — MARCH 
THROUGH  NUEVA  GALICIA — COLONY  AT  SANTA  CRUZ — FAILURE — EVENTS 
AT  SAN  MIGUEL  DE  CULIACAN — VAGUELY  RECORDED  EXPLORATIONS — 
ON  ATE  AND  ANGULO — EXPEDITION  OF  DIEGO  DE  GUZMAN — To  THE  Rio 
YAQUI — INDIAN  TROUBLES  AT  SAN  MIGUEL — RAIDS  FOR  PLUNDER  AND 
SLAVES — SPANIARDS  FOUND  IN  THE  NORTH — NARVAEZ  IN  FLORIDA— 
CABEZA  DE  VACA  IN  TEXAS — WANDERINGS  ACROSS  THE  CONTINENT — 
ROUTE — DID  NOT  REACH  NEW  MEXICO — ARRIVAL  ON  THE  YAQUI  AND  AT 
SAN  MIGUEL — SUBSEQUENT  CAREER. 

WE  left  Cortes  in  1530  disheartened  at  the  success 
ful  efforts  of  his  enemies  to  impede  the  construction 
of  four  vessels  then  on  the  stocks  at  Acapulco  and 
Tehuantepec.1  The  new  audiencia,  however,  gave  him 
at  first  a  little  encouragement,  and  even  ordered  him 

O  ' 

to  persevere  in  his  schemes  of  north-western  discov 
ery.2  It  required  but  little  to  rekindle  all  the  con 
queror's  old  enthusiasm,  and  accordingly  early  in  1532 
he  had  the  two  vessels  at  Acapulco,  the  San  Miguel 
and  San  Marcos,  ready  to  start.3  Diego  Hurtado  de 

1  CorUs,  Escritos  Sueltos,  205-8. 

2  And  this  according  to  the  royal  order  of  July  12,  1530,  by  which  the 
audiencia  is  to  notify  Cortes  that  he  must  begin  the  building  of  his  vessel* 
within  a  year  and  have  his  fleet  ready  to  sail  in  two  years,  under  penalty  of 
losing  his  privilege.  Pitfja,  Cedulario,  41. 

3Sr  Navarre te,  Sutil  y  Mex.  Viacjc,  introd.,  xi.-xii.,  states  that  Corte'a 
bought  these  two  vessels  in  Nov.  1531  from  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Villafuerte. 
As  this  author  obtained  his  informariou  from  a  precio*o  manuscrito  in  the 
royal  academy  I  will  not  question  the  accuracy  of  the  assertion;  at  the  same 
time  I  think  they  were  the  same  vessels  already  referred  to  as  built  by  Cort«?s 
at  Acapulco.  If  he  bought  them  of  Villafuerte  it  was  perhaps  because  he 
had  sold  them  to  that  officer  in  the  time  of  his  despondency.  Guzman 


HURTADO  DE  MEXDOZA.  41 

Mendoza,  a  kinsman  of  the  captain-general,4  was 
chosen  to  command  this  fleet,  the  first  to  navigate  the 
Pacific  above  Colima.5  Hurtado's  instructions  are 
extant  and  in  several  respects  interesting.6  He  is  to 
follow  the  coast  at  a  distance  of  eight  or  ten  leagues 
afc  sea,  but  always  in  sight  of  land,  and  to  keep  a 
specially  sharp  lookout  seaward  for  land  in  the  west. 
In  case  such  land  is  discovered,  great  precautions  are 
prescribed  in  dealing  with  the  natives,  the  present 
purpose  being  not  to  conquer  but  to  avoid  a  conflict 
and  seek  information.  Great  care  must  be  used  to 
learn  what  vessels  the  natives  have,  and  if  they  prove 
superior  to  those  of  the  Spaniards  the  fleet  is  not  to 
risk  capture,  but  is  to  return  and  report.  Twenty 
leagues  beyond  the  latitude  of  Colima,  if  the  western 
land  be  not  found  sooner,  the  fleet  was  to  turn  west 
ward  for  twelve  or  fifteen  leagues,  and  at  that  distance 
to  continue  up  the  coast  until  the  limit  of  Guzman's 
exploration  was  passed.  This  limit  was  to  be  recog 
nized  by  the  sierra  approaching  the  sea,  the  obstacle 
which  had  stopped  Guzman's  progress.  Beyond  this 
point  Hurtado  was  to  land  and  take  possession  at  dif 
ferent  places,  exploring  the  shore,  ports,  and  rivers 
for  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and 
thence  to  return,  and  report  to  Cortes  from  the  first 
Spanish  port  he  might  reach. 

The  two  vessels  sailed  from  Acapulco  in  May  or 
June  1532,7  the  San  Marcos  as  flag-ship,  while  the 

claimed,  Proceso  del  Marquts,  344,  very  likely  the  document  consulted  by 
Navarrete,  that  he,  Guzman,  had  built  the  vessels  for  a  pearl  voyage,  but 
they  were  confiscated  by  the  oidores  after  his  departure  and  sold  to  Villafuerte 
and  by  him  to  Cortes.  They  were  not  fit  for  discovery,  nor  were  supplies  and 
arms  sufficient. 

* '  Un  primo  mio  que  se  dice  Diego  de  Hurtado.'  Cortts,  Cartas,  304.     See 
also  Proce-w  dd  Marquis  del  Vaile,  in  Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  xv.  301. 

5  We  have  seen  that  three  of  Saa,vedra's  vessels  in  1527  went  up  to  Port 
Santiago  in  Colima.     Rumors  of  other  and  earlier  expeditions  by  Cortes, 
Anian,  Maldonado,  etc.,  have  no  foundation  in  fact.     'J'ai  trouve"  dans  un 
manuscrit  conserve  dans  les  archives  de  la  vice-royaute"  de  Mexico,  que  la  Cali- 
fornie  avoit  6te  de"couverte  en  1526.     J'ignore  sur  quoi  se  fonde  cette  asser 
tion.'  Humboldt,  Ess.  Pol.,  309. 

6  Cortes,  Escritos,  196-205;  Col  de  Doc.  Ined.,  para  la  Hist,  de  Espana,  iv. 
167-75.     The  instructions  bear  no  date. 

7  Corte"s,  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  541,  says  they  sailed  in 


42  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

San  Miguel  was  under  the  command  of  Juan  de  Ma- 
zuela.8  Touching  at  the  port  of  Santiago  in  Colima, 
just  above  the  modern  Manzanillo,9  where  he  took  on 
board  some  supplies.  Hurtado  sailed  to  the  port  of 
Jalisco,10  where  he  wished  to  obtain  water,  but  was 
forbidden  by  Nuno  de  Guzman's  orders,  and  was  ob 
liged  to  set  sail  immediately  by  a  gale  of  wind,  though 
Guzman  charged  him  with  having  landed  and  taken 
supplies  by  force. 

Some  months  later  one  of  the  vessels,  probably  the 
San  Miguel,  was  driven  ashore  in  the  bay  of  Banderas, 
just  below  Matanchel,  and  her  company,  weakened 
by  sickness  and  famine,  were  attacked  by  the  natives 
and  all  killed  save  two  or  three,  who  escaped  to  Co 
lima  to  tell  the  story,  while  Guzman  took  possession 
of  all  that  could  be  saved  from  the  wreck;  or  at  least 
he  was  accused  by  Cortes  of  having  done  so.11  From 

May.  Gomara,  Conq.  Mez. ,  288,  makes  the  date  Corpus  Christi,  or  May  24th, 
in  which  he  is  followed  by  Ramusio,  Navig. ,  iii.  339.  Lorenzana,  Cortes,  Hist. , 
323,  Venegas,  Not.  Cat.,  i.  151-2,  and  Burney,  Chron.  Hist.  Discov.,  i.  165-7, 
give  the  date  as  May  simply.  I  think  May  24th  was  probably  the  date,  but 
have  left  it  indefinite,  because  Navarrete,  with  access  perhaps  to  original  docu 
ments,  says  positively  it  was  June  30th.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  91,  follows 
Navarrete.  Payno,  Soc.  Max.  Geog.,  2&*  Ep.,  ii.  199,  says  May  1530.  In 
the  Notidas  de  Exped.,  670,  the  date  is  given  as  March  20,  1531.  Taylor,  in 
Browne's  L.  CaL,  14,  makes  it  June  3,  1531.  The  matter  is  not  important 
as  no  other  date  is  known  in  connection  with  the  voyage. 

8  Also  treasurer,  Francisco  de  Acuna  was  maestro  of  the  San  Miguel; 
Alonzo  de  Molina,  purveyor;  Miguel  Marroquin,  maestre  de  campo;  Juan 
Ortiz  de  Cabex,  alcalde  mayor;  Melchor  Fernandez,  pilot.  Gomara,  Hist. 
Mex.,  288. 

9Navarrete  calls  the  port  also  Guatlan.  Cortds  in  his  instructions  to 
Saavedra  in  1527,  Navarrete,  Col.  Viages,  v.  454,  calls  it  Aguatan. 

10  The  port  of  Jalisco,  or  Matanchel,  was  immediately  south  of  the  modern 
San  Bias,  and  not  apparently  identical  with  it.  I  find  no  name  for  any  cor 
responding  harbor  on  modern  maps.  Beaumont,  Cr&n.  Mich.,  iii.  490-1,  says 
it  was  the  port  of  Banderas  where  Hurtado  was  forbidden  to  enter. 

"Guzman's  story,  as  told  in  connection  with  later  legal  proceedings, 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  439-49,  is  as  follows:  The  maestre  of 
the  vessel  landed  with  six  men  to  find  out  what  part  of  the  coast  they  were 
on.  Four  of  them  were  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  three  came  to  Purificacion 
and  reported  to  the  alcalde,  Hi  jar,  who  went  to  see  the  vessel.  On  arrival  it 
was  found  that  she  had  gone  to  pieces,  and  the  remaining  17  men,  under 
Francisco  Rodriguez,  had  gone  inland,  where  all  were  killed  by  the  Indians. 
From  the  vessel  nothing  was  saved  but  a  few  broken  and  rotten  spars,  ropes, 
sails,  etc.  In  1534  Guzman  could  not  swear  to  details,  since  Hi  jar  had 
attended  to  the  matter;  but  the  property  was  his  because  found  abandoned 
in  his  territory,  and  because  Cortes'  expedition  was  unauthorized.  Still  if 
any  one  thought  he  had  a  claim  he  might  bring  suit  and  justice  would  be 
done. 


NORTH-WESTERN  SURVEYS. 


43 


(R.  Santa      ^ 

g«=  v 


EXPLORATIONS,  1532-6. 


44  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

these  survivors  were  learned  some  particulars  respect 
ing  the  voyage.  Having  at  the  start  discovered  and 
taken  possession  of  the  group  of  islands  which  they 
called  Magdalena,  since  known  as  the  Tres  Marias,12 
they  were  tossed  about  in  a  storm  for  seven  or  eight 
days,  and  finally  landed  in  an  "arm  of  the  sea"  ex 
tending  eight  or  ten  leagues  inland.13  Here  they  re 
mained  over  twenty  days,  until  their  provisions  were 
nearly  exhausted  and  the  men  became  mutinous. 
Finally  Hurtado,  taking  with  him  a  part  of  the  force 
on  one  vessel,  sailed  northward  to  continue  the  ex 
ploration,  while  the  malcontents  attempted  to  return 
southward,  with  what  result  we  have  seen.14  "  Nunca 
mas  se  supo  de  el"  is  the  conclusion  of  several  writers 
respecting  Hurtado;15  but  the  next  year  Diego  de 
Guzman,  exploring  northward  from  Culiacan,  found 
relics  of  the  ill-fated  crew,  and  learned  from  the 
natives  that  the  commander  with  twenty  or  thirty 
men,  having  left  the  vessel  and  gone  up  the  Rio 
Tamotchala,  now  the  Rio  Fuerte,  to  the  villages, 
were  killed  when  sleeping,  sickness  and  fatigue  having 
rendered  them  careless.16  The  few  men  left  in  charge 
of  the  vessel  were  also  killed  by  the  Indians  a  little 

12  Yet  it  appears  that  in  March  1532  Pedro  de  Guzman  was  in  command 
of  a  brig  at  Matanchel;  and  that  sailing  on  the  18th  he  took  possession  for 
Don  Nuuo  of  the  islands  called  Ramos,  Nuestra  Senora,  and  Magdalena.     So 
at  least  it  was  claimed  in  1540.  Proceso  del  Marques,  319-21.     Guzman,  in 
Id.,  344-6,  complains  of  Hurtado's  act  in  taking  new  possession. 

13  Gomara  and  Herrera  state  that  this  port  was  200  leagues  beyond  Jalisco; 
Navarrete's  authority  says  the  voyagers  located  it  in  27°;  Taylor  thinks  it 
was  near  the  Mayo  River.     Of  course  conjectures  on  the  matter  amount  to 
very  little. 

14  It  is  fair  to  give  also  Guzman's  version.     He  says  they  anchored  in 
Chametla,  where  38  men  refused  to  go  on,  and  remained  with  the  vessel. 
Twenty  of  them  came  by  land  to  Compostela,  where  they  were  arrested.    The 
other  18,  under  Francisco  Cort<?s  (Rodriguez?),  came  down  by  sea  to  Purifica- 
cion  and  landed,  as  elsewhere  described  (see  note  11).  Proceso  del  Marques, 
346.     Navarrete  also  says  that  20  men  came  down  by  land. 

15  We  are  informed  by  Navarrete  that  Hurtado  and  his  men  were  drowned, 
and  he  implies,  while  Mofras  states  clearly,  that  they  met  their  fate  at  the 
Tres  Manas. 

1G6-u.rwa»,  JMacion,  101-2;  Guzman,  2&*  Rd.  An6n.,  297.  See  also  Her 
rera,  dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  vii.;  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii.;  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  iii.  485, 
490-1;  Air-fire,  Hint.  Conip.  Jesus,  i.  235.  Guzman,  Proceso  d<>l  Marqute, 
346,  says  that  Hurtado,  a  negro,  and  an  Indian  slave  were  killed  for  their 
outrages  on  the  natives. 


BECERRA,  GRIJALVA,  AOT)  JIMENEZ.  45 

later,  and  the  'wooden  house'  in  which  the  strangers 
came  was  driven  ashore  and  broken  up  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Petatlan,  now  the  Sinaloa.  Cortes  attrib 
uted  the  failure  of  this  expedition  to  the  hostility  of 
Guzman,  preventing  his  landing  for  supplies  and  re 
pairs.17 

Assured  that  the  San  Miguel  was  lost,  and  receiving 
no  tidings  of  the  San  Marcos,  Cortes  had  still  left  two 
other  vessels  on  the  stocks  at  Tehuantepec.  He  went 
in  person  to  the  coast  to  superintend  their  completion 
and  out-fitting.18  The  command  was  given  to  Diego 
Becerra,  like  Hurtado  a  relative  of  Cortes/9  who 
sailed  on  the  Conception  as  capitana  with  Fortun 
Jimenez20  as  piloto  mayor.  Hernando  de  Grijalva 
commanded  the  San  Ldzaro  with  Martin  de  Acosta 
as  piloto.21  They  set  sail  from  Tehuantepec  on  the 
29th  or  30th  of  October  1533.22 

The  second  night  out  of  port  the  vessels  were  sepa 
rated  and  never  met  again.  Captain  Becerra  was  an 
arbitrary  and  disagreeable  man,  disliked  by  all  under 
his  orders,  and  it  is  more  than  probable  that  Grijalva 
had  no  desire  to  rejoin  his  commander.  The  official 

11  Real  Provision,  1534,  35. 

18  Cortes  states  that  he  lived  for  a  year  and  a  half  in  a  small  house  on  the 
shore  and  even  aided  personally  in  the  work.  Heal  Provision,  1534,  35-G. 
See  also  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  422,  this  series;  Pacheco&nd  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii. 
541-51. 

19  Ib.  The  hidalgo  Diego  Bezerra  de  Mendoza,  one  of  the  Bezerras  of  Bada- 
joz  or  Merida.  Denial  Diaz,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  232-3. 

20ABiscayan,  whose  name  is  written  Fortunio,  Ortuiio,  and  Ortun. 

21  Romay,  Cncnta  de  lo  que  ha  rjastado  el  Marques  del  Voile,  Armada  de  1533, 
in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  298-313,  names  also  the  following 
officers:  Juan  Ochoa,  escribano;  Francisco  Palazuelos,  surgeon;  and  padres 
Martin  de  la  Coruiia,  Juan  de  San  Miguel,  and  Francisco  Pastrana.     Military 
officials  besides  Becerra  and  Grijalva:   Bernaldino   de   Hinojosa,   treasurer; 
Pedro  de  Fuentes,  alguacil  mayor;  Juan  de  Carasa,  contador;  Antonio  de 
Ulloa,  maestre  de  campo;  and  Fernando  de  Alvarado,  veedor.     Juan  de  los 
Pinos,  maestre,  and  Martin  Perez  de  Lescano,  contra-maestre,  of  the  Concep 
tion-,  Juan  Garcia,  maestre  of  the  San  Ldzaro.     There  were  43  sailors  and 
maritime  officials,  to  whom  was  paid  7,499  pesos. 

22  From  the  'puerto  de  Jucatan  (Jucutlan?),  llamadola  Bah  fa  de  Santiago 
de  Buena  Ksper-anza,   donde  se   fabricaron  los  navios,'  Grijalca,  Relation. 
Probably  the  modern  San  Diego  in  10°  1'.    Navarrete,  in  SittU  y  Mex.,  Vw/c, 
xiii.-xvii. ;  Venegas,  Not.  Ceil.,  i.  52-4,  and  Loreuzana,  Cortes  Hist.,  323-4, 
say  that  the  expedition  sailed  in  1534. 


46  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

diary  of  Grijalva's  voyage  has  been  preserved,23  but 
unfortunately  it  is  of  slight  importance  for  my  purpose, 
as  it  only  records,  for  the  most  part,  a  series  of  nautical 
minutiae  of  adventures  in  open  sea,  of  courses  and  lati 
tudes  not  to  be  depended  on,  and  all  apparently  south  of 
the  latitude  of  Cape  Corrientes.  In  the  course  of  his 
wanderings,  however,  Grijalva  discovered  the  islands 
now  known  as  the  Revilla  Gigedo  group,  landing  on 
Socorro,  and  naming  it  Santo  Tomas  from  the  day  of 
that  saint,  Dec.  20th.  The  northern  islands  of  this 
group  were  styled  Los  Inocentes.  From  a  point  on 
the  Colima  coast  the  San  Ldzaro  sailed  southward  in 
February  1534  to  Acapulco,  where  after  refitting  she 
was  sent  on  another  expedition  in  a  vain  search  for 
islands  in  the  south  and  south-west. 

Grijalva,  it  appears,  was  not  the  only  one  in  the 
fleet  who  desired  to  be  rid  of  Captain  Becerra;  but 
the  pilot  Jimenez  and  his  companions  accomplished 
their  purpose  in  a  more  criminal  manner.  Soon  after 
parting  with  the  San  Ldzaro  they  murdered  Becerra 
while  asleep,24  wounded  the  few  who  cared  to  oppose 
their  acts,  and  at  the  earnest  request  of  two  Franciscan 
friars  on  board  landed  both  padres  and  the  wounded 
on  the  Colima  coast  at  Motin,25  whence  some  of  the 
party  brought  the  news  to  Cortes. 

23  Relation  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  a  descubrir  en  la  Mar  del  Sur  el  Capitan 
Hernando  de  Grijalva,  etc.,  in  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  1G3-72;  also  in  Pacheco, 
Col.  Doc.,  xiv.  128-42.     I  have  also  the  MS.  copy  made  from  the  original  in 
Spain  by  Mr  Buckingham  Smith.     This  belonged  to  the  valuable  collection  of 
the  late  E.  G.  Squier,  added  to  my  own  since  that  gentleman's  death.     Some 
drawings  in  this  manuscript,  representing  mermaids,  or  '  men-fish'  seen  on 
several  occasions  during  the  voyage,  have  been  published  as  above,  and  in  the 
atlas  of  Sutll  y  Mex.  Viage.     Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iii-iv.,  doubtless 
saw  this  document. 

24  '  Decretando  en  el  cruel  tribunal  de  su  alevosa  intencion,  apagar  las  luces 
de  sus  sentidos  con  la  funesta  mano  de  su  atrevimiento, '  etc.,  is  the  flowery 
style  in  which  Salazar  tells  the  story.  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  442-4.     Bernal  Diaz 
says  some  of  Becerra's  men  were  also  killed.     In  Proceso  del  Marques  del 
Voile,  301,  the  murderer  is  called  Martin  Ruiz  de  Bertincloua,  and  this  in  a 
legal  document  by  the  representative  of  Cortes. 

25  The  name  Motin  was  not,  as  might  be  supposed,  given  at  the  time.     A 
Cape  Motin  is  mentioned  in  the  diary  of  the  first  voyage  between  Zacatula 
and  Santiago.  Saavedra,  Relacion,  89.     Taylor,  L.  Ceil.,  14-15,  thinks  it  was 
in  the  vicinity  of  Mazatlan.  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  iii.  485-6,  490,  says  P. 
Martin  de  Jesus  was  one  of  the  friars.     He  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  of 
early  Franciscans  in  Michoacan.  See  note  21. 


DISCOVERY  OF  SANTA  CRUZ.  47 

Some  time  later — we  have  no  exact  dates — three  or 
four  sailors  brought  the  Conception  into  the  port  of 
Chametla,  or  perhaps  Matanchel,26  and  their  brief  tale 
is  all  we  can  ever  know  of  their  companions'  fate.  It 
seems  that  the  wicked  Jimenez,  freed  from  uncongenial 
authority,  sailed  on  in  accordance  with  the  dead  cap 
tain's  instructions  till  he  reached  a  bay  on  an  island 
coast  as  he  supposed.  Attempting  to  land  and  take 
possession,  he  was  killed  with  over  twenty  of  his  com 
panions,  and  the  few  left  took  advantage  of  a  favorable 
wind  to  bring  the  vessel  to  Chametla.27  Nuno  de 
Guzman  at  once  conceived  the  idea  of  refitting  the 

O 

craft  thus  providentially  thrown  into  his  hands,  and 
undertaking  a  voyage  of  discovery  on  his  own  account. 
The  sailors  brought  from  the  new  island  reports,  and 
perhaps  samples,  of  pearls,  which  proved  an  additional 
incentive.  He  at  once  seized  the  vessel  and  by  a 
pretence  of  trial  and  legal  formalities  tried  to  detain 
the  surviving  sailors  and  thus  keep  Cortes  in  ignor 
ance  of  his  plans,  but  they  managed  to  escape  and 
were  not  long  in  acquainting  the  captain-general  with 
what  had  occurred.28 

2GGomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  288-9,  says  two  sailors.  Cortes,  Icazbalceta,  Col. 
Doc. ,  ii.  33-6,  says  that  two  started  to  come  to  him  to  report,  but  were  arrested 
by  Guzman.  In  Icazbalceta 's  introduction  to  torn.  ii.  xxv.-vi.  it  is  stated  that 
20  men  escaped  to  Jalisco.  Salazar,  Hist.  Conq.  Hex.,  442-4,  makes  them  re 
turn  to  the  port  of  Jalisco  instead  of  Chametla.  Guzman,  Proceso  del  Mar 
ques,  34G-7,  says  the  vessel  grounded  at  Espiritu  Santo.  See,  also,  Oviedo, 
iv.  GOT,  on  this  voyage. 

21  Guzman  testified,  Proceso  'del  Marques,  346-7.  that  two  men  came  across 
from  the  island  before  the  massacre  -to  Purificacion,  and  thence  by  land  to 
Compostela,  one  being  killed  on  the  way  and  the  other  arrested  by  Oiiate  on 
arrival.  (See  note  26. )  One  man  on  shore  escaped  the  massacre  and  swam 
off  to  the  vessel,  on  which  were  four  or  five  men. 

28  It  appears  that  the  report  which  first  reached  Corte"s  was  to  the  effect 
that  Jimenez  had  with  his  men  joined  Guzman  against  the  captain-general. 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xii.  430.  According  to  theNoticiadeEvpe- 
diciones,  670,  this  expedition  consisted  of  three  vessels  under  Barrera  and  Gri- 
jalva.  They  went  up  to  26°,  saw  rivers  which  they  named  Santiago,  San 
Pedro,  and  Clota,  when  they  heard  that  Hurtado  was  yet  sailing  along  the 
coast.  Parted  by  a  hurricane,  Barrera  returned  to  Acapulco,  while  Grijalva 
took  refuge  behind  a  small  island  which  he  called  Ballenas,  between  28°  and 
29° !  Mr  Jarves  founds  his  romance  of  Kiana  on  the  theory  that  two  of  Gri- 
jalva's  ships  were  never  heard  of  except  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  where  the 
arrival  of  Spaniards  in  olden  time  is  recorded  in  native  tradition.  Unless  his 
information  respecting  the  tradition  is  more  correct  than  that  on  the  voyage, 
I  fear  his  theories  will  not  be  generally  accepted. 


48  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

Other  vessels  must  have  been  far  toward  comple 
tion  when  Becerra's  fleet  sailed  from  Tehuantepec, 
for  as  early  as  September  1534  Cortes  stated  to  the 
audiencia  that  he  had  four  large  ships  ready  to  con 
tinue  the  exploration.  No  sooner  was  the  result  of 
Becerra's  voyage  known  from  the  sailors  who  had 
landed  at  Chametla,  than  complaint  was  made  to  the 
audiencia  of  Guzman's  acts.  Consequently  that  tri 
bunal  the  19th  of  August  ordered  the  governor  of 
New  Galicia  to  give  up  the  vessel  he  had  seized  and 
by  no  means  to  undertake  any  expedition  to  the  island 
discovered  by  Jimenez;  but  again  the  2d  of  Septem 
ber  another  order  was  issued  enjoining  Cortes  also 
from  undertaking  a  voyage  to  that  island,  on  the 
ground  that  Guzman  was  understood  to  have  already 
sent  a  ship  thither  and  '  scandal '  was  feared  in  case 
the  two  hostile  leaders  should  meet.  This  was  made 
known  to  the  marquis  on  the  4th,  and  the  next  day  he 
presented  a  long  protest  against  that  order,  recapitu 
lating  his  past  services  and  the  sacrifices  he  was  mak 
ing  at  an  advanced  age  in  the  emperor's  service.  He 
called  attention  to  the  great  cost  of  the  vessels  that 
had  been  lost  and  of  those  now  ready  to  sail,  alluding 
to  his  direct  authority  from  the  government  to  under 
take  voyages  of  discovery,  and  finally  declared  that 
Guzman  neither  had  sent  nor  could  send  an  expedition, 
as  he  had  neither  men  nor  vessels,  the  Conception 
being  stranded  on  the  coast.29 

Respecting  the  action  taken  by  the  audiencia  on 
this  protest  we  only  know  that  Gonzalo  de  Ruiz  was 
sent  to  New  Galicia  to  investigate  Guzman's  acts  and 
arrest  other  offenders,  restoring  any  property  that 
might  have  been  taken  from  Cortes.30  But,  either 
disgusted  with  the  slowness  of  that  tribunal  to  do  him 

29  The  documents  referred  to  are  given  in  the  Real  Provision  solre  Descu- 
brimientos  en  el  Mar  del  Sur. 

30  Commission  and  instructions  to  Ruiz  dated  Sept.  14th,  22d,  in  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  CoL  Doc.,  xii.  429-39.     Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  vii.  cap.  iv.,  says 
the  audiencia  informed  Cortes  it  could  do  nothing,  Guzman's  province  being  a 
separate  government  not  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mexican  tribunal. 


EXPEDITION  OF  CORTES.  40 

justice,  or  more  probably  fortified  by  some  document 
ary  authority  from  its  oidores,  Cortes  resolved  not 
only  to  despatch  a  third  expedition,  but  to  command 
it  in  person.  Volunteers  .were  called  for,  including 
families  for  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  new 
island.  The  prestige  of  the  great  conqueror,  the  ap 
parent  confirmation  of  his  well  known  views  respect 
ing  the  South  Sea  islands,  and  the  current  report  of 
the  pearl  discovery  were  all-powerful;  Cortes  soon  had 
more  applicants  than  he  could  accommodate.  A  large 
store  of  supplies  was  prepared,31  and  late  in  1534  or  at 
the  beginning  of  1535  three  vessels  were  despatched 
from  Tehuantepec  for  Chametla,  probably  under  Her- 
nando  de  Grijalva.  They  were  the  San  Ldzaro,  Santa 
Agueda,  and  Santo  Tomds,  and  arrived  safely  at  their 
first  destination,  no  particulars  of  the  voyage  being 
known. 

A  little  later,  in  the  spring  of  1535, 32  Cortes  started 
for  Chametla  by  land  at  the  head  of  a  large  force,33 
not  at  all  averse  as  we  may  well  believe  to  a  conflict 
with  the  governor  of  New  Galicia.  But  Guzman,  too 
weak  to  make  a  successful  fight,  kept  out  of  the  way, 
being  called  to  the  valley  of  Banderas  by  Indian  diffi 
culties,  and  afforded  the  cap  tain -general  no  pretext 
for  hostilities.  There  was,  however,  some  correspond 
ence  between  the  two  rivals.  The  20th  of  February 
Guzman,  at  Compostela,  commissioned  Pedro  de  Ulloa 
to  go  and  meet  Cortes,  and  to  serve  on  him  a  legal 
warning  not  to  enter  his  jurisdiction,  or  if  he  had 
already  done  so  to  retire.  Ulloa  found  Cortes  four 
days  later  at  Iztlan,  and  at  Ahuacatlan  on  the  25th 

31  But  Mendoza  in  hjp  letter  to  Carlos  V.  says  the  expedition  was  composed 
of  '  quelques  faiitassins  et  un  petit  nombre  de  cavaliers  assez  mal  pourvus  des 
objets  necessaires.'  Tenaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s<§rie  i.  torn.  ix.  286-7.     Also  in 
HdUuyfa  Voy.,  iii.  364-5. 

32  Xavarrete,  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Viafje,  xvii.;  Id.,   Viages  Ap6c.,   27-8,  says 
erroneously  it  \vas  in  Aug.  1534.    Taylor  gives  the  date  Aug.  1531. 

3a  A  witness  in  a  subsequent  lawsuit  testified  that  there  were  400  Spaniards 
and  300  negroes.  Also  in  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  92-3.  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Vcr~ 
dad.,  233-4,  says  the  colony  consisted  of  320  persons,  including  34  married- 
couples. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    4 


50  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

received  his  formal  reply.  The  captain-general  denied 
the  right  of  the  governor  to  prevent  the  passage 
through  his  province  of  an  officer  engaged  in  the  ser 
vice  of  his  Majesty,  warning  Guzman  to  place  no 
impediment  in  his  way  under  penalty  of  punishment. 
This  reply  reached  the  governor  before  March  9th, 
on  which  date  he  wrote  to  the  audiencia  protesting 
against  his  rival's  determination  to  invade  New  Gali- 
cia.84  The  sea  and  land  expeditions  having  been  re 
united  at  Chametla,  Cortes  sailed  for  the  north-west 
about  the  middle  of  April,35  taking  on  board  his  fleet 
of  three  vessels,  for  the  Concepcion  seems  to  have  been 
found  in  such  a  condition  as  to  be  unserviceable,30 
about  one  third  of  his  entire  force  with  thirty  horses.37 
Having  sighted  a  point  named  San  Felipe,  and  an 
island  of  Santiago  whose  identity  is  purely  con 
jectural,  the  fleet  entered  on  May  3d  the  bay  of  Santa 
Cruz,  so  named  from  the  day,  where,  according  to  the 
statement  of  the  survivors,  Jimenez  had  perished  with 
his  company;  and  where,,  in  fact,  relics  of  that  unfor 
tunate  band  were  shortly  found.  This  bay  was  on 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  peninsula  later  known  as 
California,  and  is  generally  supposed  to  be  identical 
with  the  present  La  Paz.3S  On  the  day  of  landing 

^Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc.,  xii.  448-50;  xiii.  443-5.  Hijar,  alcalde 
at  Purificacion,  testified  later  that  Cortes  entered  his  office  and  by  force  took 
from  Tinder  his  bed  two  tiros  de  artilleria.  Id.,  xvi.  539-47.  Guzman  writes 
June  7th  and  8th,  1535,  giving  an  account  of  Indian  troubles  claimed  by  him 
to  have  been  caused  by  the  bad  policy  of  Cortes  while  passing  through  Jalisco. 
Id.,  xiii.  416,  445.  Corte"s  in  a  letter  of  June  5,  1536,  speaks  of  having  stopped 
a  few  days  at  Compostela  during  this  trip.  Corte's,  Cartas,  535-7,  559-GO. 

33Navarrete,  Sutily  Mex.,  Viage,  xvii.-xxi.,  says  on  April  15th.  Guzman 
in  letters  of  June  7th,  8th,  1535,  says  April  18th.  Corte*,  Cartas,  537;  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  415-17,  448.  Most  writers,  save  such  as  have 
followed  Navarrete,  make  the  year  1536. 

36  Although  Lorenzana,  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Espana,  324,  Clavigero,  Storia 
Cal,  149-51,  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  155-8,  and  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iii. 
555,  say  that  she  was  refitted. 

37  According  to  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  289,  300  Spaniards,  37  women,  and 
130  horses  were  left  under  Andres  de  Tapia.    Guzman  says  he  took  113  peones 
and  40  horsemen,  leaving  60  horsemen.   Cortes,  Cartas,  537;  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  417,  448. 

38  There  is  so  far  as  I  know  no  very  strong  proof  for  or  against  this  iden 
tity;  but  it  was  favored  by  the  Spaniards  from  the  earliest  times.     Marcou, 
Notes,  5,  says  the  bay  became  known  in  later  years  as  Bahia  de  los  Muertoa 
on  account  of  the  massacre  of  Jimenez,  Becerra  (!),  and  others. 


COLONY  AT  SANTA  CEUZ.  51 

formal  possession  was  taken  for  Spain,  and  the  act 
duly  recorded  in  legal  form.39 

Remaining  at  Santa  Cruz  with  his  smallest  vessel 
Cortes  sent  the  other  two  across  to  the  main  to  bring 
over  a  part  of  the  remaining  force  and  supplies. 
These  vessels  seem  to  have  made  the  trip  successfully 
and  were  sent  back  to  bring  the  remaining  colonists.40 
In  this  attempt  they  were  less  fortunate,  being  driven 
up  the  coast  to  a  river  which  they  called  San  Pedro 
y  San  Pablo,  where  they  were  detained  several  months. 
Finally  they  came  down  to  the  port  of  Guayabal/1- 
learned  that  the  colonists  had  come  up  overland  to  San 
Miguel,  and  started  for  Santa  Cruz  with  supplies, 
more  needed  than  additional  mouths  to  feed  as  was 
correctly  judged.  One  vessel  crossed  the  gulf  suc 
cessfully,  but  the  other,  probably  the  San  Ldzaro, 
was  wrecked  on  the  Jalisco  coast,  and  her  men  re 
turned  to  Mexico,  as  did  the  colonists  from  San  Mi 
guel,  perhaps,  since  we  hear  no  more  of  them. 

At  the  earnest  request  of  his  men  Cortes  now  took 
command  of  one  of  the  two  remaining  vessels,  and 
with  Grijalva  in  charge  of  the  other,  again  crossed 
over  to  Guayabal;  narrowly  escaped  shipwreck  at  the 
entrance  of  that  harbor;  and,  having  loaded  both 
vessels  with  supplies,  started  to  return.  The  voyage 
was  a  rough  one.  A  falling  yard  killed  the  pilot, 
Anton  Cordero,  and  Cortes  was  obliged  to  steer  him- 

39  Cortes,  Auto  de  Posesion  que  de  las  Tierras  que  habia  descubierto  en  el 
Mar  del  Sur,  tomd  el  Marques  del  Valle  en  el  puerto  y  bahia  de  Santa  Cruz, 
3  <Ie  Mayo  1535.     In  Navarrete,  Col.  Viajes,  iv.  190-2;  Proceso  del  Marques, 
306-8.     Martin  de  Castro  was  the  escribano,  and  the  witnesses,  Dr  Juan 
Gonzalez  de  Valdivieso,  alcalde  mayor,  Juan  de  Jaso,  Alonso  de  Navarrete, 
Fernando  Arias  de  Saavedra,  Bernardino  del  Castillo,  and  Francisco(?)  de 
Ulloa.     May  10th,  Cortds  caused  to  be  publicly  read  the  royal  order  author 
izing  him  to  rule  over  the  countries  he  might  discover.     Same  witnesses,  ex 
cept  Castillo,  and  Alonso  de  Ulloa  instead  of  Francisco,  all  captains.  Pachtco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xii.  490-6. 

40  Cortes,  Escritos,  292-3,  followed  by  Navarrete.    Others  say  that  all  three 
vessels  were  sent  across  at  first,  the  smallest  returning;  then  Cortes  went  over 
with  that  vessel  and  met  Grijalva 's  vessel  laden  with  supplies  bought  at  San 
Miguel. 

41  Eighteen  leagues  from  San  Miguel  according  to  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib. 
viii.  cap.  ix.  Respecting  this  port  and  island  of  Guayabal,  see  chap  ii.  note  18 
of  this  vol. 


52  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  BE  VACA. 

self;  but  at  last  he  succeeded  in  reaching  the  coast, 
and  after  being  driven  southward  some  distance,  re 
turned  and  anchored  at  Santa  Cruz,  where  some  of 
the  colonists  had  died  of  hunger,  and  others  now  died 
of  over-eating.42  Grijalva  also  succeeded  in  touching 
the  new  coast  far  south  of  Santa  Cruz,  but  was  forced 
to  cut  his  cables  and  was  driven  to  Matanchel.  Cor 
tes  waited  in  vain  for  his  companion,  and  realizing 
that  with  only  one  vessel  the  colony  must  surely 
perish,  decided  to  return  to  New  Spain  to  fit  out  a 
new  fleet  and  send  relief.  Another  motive  for  this 
resolve  was  the  news  that  Mendoza  had  arrived  as 
viceroy.  This  information,  with  an  earnest  request 
from  the  wife  of  Cortes  for  his  return,  was  brought 
up  by  a  vessel  said  to  have  been  under  Francisco  de 
Ulloa.  The  latter  was  left  in  command  of  the  colony 
of  thirty  Spaniards,  with  twelve  horses  and  supplies 
for  ten  months;  Cortes  rejoined  Grijalva  at  Matan 
chel;  and  both  returned  in  the  Santa  Agueda  and 
Santo  Tomds  to  Acapulco.43 

Of  events  that  immediately  followed  the  return  of 
the  captain-general  we  know  but  little;  of  the  colo 
nists'  experiences  at  Santa  Cruz,  absolutely  nothing; 
but  in  accordance  with  Viceroy  Mendoza's  advice  or 
orders,  with  his  wife's  entreaties,  and  not  improbably 

42  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  23  died  of  hunger  and  half  the  remainder  of  over 
eating. 

43  Memorial  of  Corte"s  to  the  emperor  in  1539,  in  Id.,Escritos,  292-3,  301-2; 
Wavarrete,  Col.  Viajes,  iv.  203-4.     Respecting  this  returning  fleet  there  is 
much  confusion  in  the  authorities.     Navarrete  does  not  mention  any  vessel 
sent  after  Cortes,  and  thus  implies  that  the  colony  remained  without  vessels, 
and  that  only  the  two  mentioned  returned  to  Acapulco.     But  all  others  state 
that  the  vessel  was  sent,  and  Bemal  Diaz  tells  us  that  Ulloa  was  in  command. 
Cortes  himself,  Proceao  del  Marques,  317,  says  three  vessels  were  sent  to  him. 
Most  of  the  authorities  also  state  that  two  other  vessels  were  despatched  by 
Mendoza  which  met  Corte"s  returning  fleet  and  returned  with  it.     Gomara, 
Conq.  J\Icx.,  290,  says  Corte"s  returned  with  six  vessels,  having  been  joined  at 
Santiago  by  the  two  sent  out  by  his  wife.     According  to  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib. 
viii.  cap.  x.,  Cortes  with  two  vessels  met  the  Santo  Tomds  at  sea;  all  three 
returned  to  Jalisco;  set  afloat  the.  vessel  already  stranded  there  (the  San 
Ldzaro?);  met  two  craft  at  Santiago;  and  returned  to  Acapulco  with  six. 
Cavo,  Tres  Sir/los,  i.  120,  says  he  returned  with  five  vessels  after  having  left 
others  for  Ulloa  and  the  colony.     Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  156-7,  affirms  that 
Grijalva's  vessel,  having  returned,  was  one  of  those  sent  by  the  viceroy  to 
bring  back  Cortes. 


RETURN  OF  THE  COLONY.  53 

with  his  own  inclinations  at  the  time,  the  result  of 
the  expedition  having  been  a  bitter  disappointment, 
Cortes  sent  vessels  to  bring  back  the  unfortunate  colo 
nists,  perhaps  at  the  end  of  1536.  Respecting  the 
voyage  of  these  vessels  nothing  whatever  is  known.44 
It  should  be  noted  that  there  was  as  yet  no  suspicion 
that  the  newly  found  land  was  anything  but  an  island, 
and  that  no  other  name  than  Santa  Cruz  had  been 
applied  to  it. 

We  have  seen  the  vessels  of  Hurtado,  Jimenez,  and 
Cortes  successively  touching  at  different  points  on  the 

44  Mendoza  says  most  of  the  colonists  died  of  hunger.  Tcrnaux-Compans, 
Voy.,  serie  i.  torn.  ix.  28G-7.  Lorenzana,  Cortes,  Hist.,  324,  and  other  writers 
date  the  return  early  in  1537;  but  most  of  them  also  place  the  beginning  of 
the  voyage  in  1536  instead  of  1535.  Cortes,  Escritos,  292-3,  301-2;  Navar- 
rete,  Col.  Doc.,  iv.  203-4,  says  he  intended  to  return  with  aid;  but  the  rela 
tives  of  some  of  the  colonists  complained  to  the  viceroy,  who  ordered  him  to 
bring  them  back,  and  he  obeyed.  The  king  in  1541,  Proceso  ael  Marques, 
398-9,  has  been  told  that  Mendoza  took  all  the  accounts  and  maps  of  the  voy 
age,  and  refused  to  give  Cortes  a  license  to  send  succor  to  the  officer  left  in 
command  of  the  colony.  Guzman's  version,  Id. ,  347-8,  is  that  he  welcomed 
Cortes  in  New  Galicia,  though  he  maltreated  Indians  on  the  way,  kept  him 
in  his  own  house  four  days,  supplied  the  army  all  they  needed,  and  helped 
them  on  to  Espiritu  Santo  (Chametla),  whence  Cortes  sent  a  vessel  to  Ma  tan - 
chel  for  maize.  Having  sent  his  men  across  by  Guzman's  aid,  Cortes  found 
nothing  to  live  on,  and  his  men  were  on  the  point  of  starvation  until  succored 
again  by  Guzman.  By  abandoning  the  country  Cortes  had  given  up  all  claim 
if  he  ever  had  any.  Moreover  at  the  end  of  1535,  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  xvi.  1-37,  Guzman  had  four  or  five  witnesses  examined  under  oath,  all 
of  whom  testified  to  the  poverty  of  the  country  discovered;  to  the  fact  tbatr 
many  perished  of  hunger,  and  more  would  have  died  but  for  succor;  that 
Cortes  treated  his  men  badly,  taking  away  their  clothing,  etc. ;  that  Tapia 
and  Cortes  had  taken  away  Indians  against  their  will;  that  the  Indians  of 
Santa  Cruz  were  very  low  beings,  eating  their  own  excrement,  cohabiting  in 
public,  and  approaching  their  women  from  behind  like  beasts;  and  that  the 
country  had  no  .gold.  This  evidence  was  submitted  in  1541  to  the  courts  in 
Madrid. 

The  following  are  miscellaneous  references  for  brief  and  more  or  less  super 
ficial  accounts  of  Cortes'  expeditions  to  California  under  Hurtado,  Becerra, 
and  Cortes,  most  of  them  being  additional  to  those  given  in  the  preceding 
pages:  March  y  Labors,  Marina  E^panola,  ii.  194-200;  Galvano,  in  To//. 
Select.,  39-41;  Glteeon's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  35-7;  Salaa'ir  y  Olartc,  Hint.  Con'q. 
Mex.,  441-50;  Cavo,  Tres  Si'/los,  i.  109-21;  HumboMt,'  Essai  Pol,  i.  309; 
Kohl's  Hist.  Discov.,  i.  200-12;  DalrymplSs  Hint..  Col.,  Voy..  i.  35-G;  Dom4- 
nech'*  Deserts,  i.  224-5;  Calf,',  Xof.  Meni.  Sac.,  108;  Cal.,  Hist.  Chret.,  ii.  15- 
16;  Itibas,  Hist.  Trinmphos,  441-2;  Robertson's  Hist.  Amer.,  ii.  144;  Rnsc.h- 
enberr/er's  Voy.,  ii.  422-3;  Orcenliow'n  Or.  and  Cal,  52-4;  Greenhow's  Mem., 
25;  Forbes1  Cal.,  7-9;  Payno,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Gco'j.,  BoL,  2da  t-p.  ii.  199-209; 
Lassrpas,  B.  Cal.,  165;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s<?rie  iv.  pt.  v.  7-S;  Hi«t.  Mar/.,  vi. 
312-14;  Laet,  Norvs  Orbis,  292-3;  Camarf/o,  in  Nonr.  An.  I'oi/.,  xcix!  184; 
Walpotes  Four  Years,  ii.  210-11;  TiithiWs  Hist.  Cal.,  S-9;  Murray's  Hist. 


64  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

northern  coast  between  1532  and  1536.  Respecting 
events  of  the  same'  period  on  the  main  at  and  about 
San  Miguel,  where  Diego  de  Proano  had  been  left 
at  the  end  of  1.531  with  one  hundred  vecinos,  the 
records  are  not  only  confused  but  meagre.  Many 
writers  dispose  of  the  period  by  stating  that  Nuno  de 
Guzman  on  departing  from  Culiacan  for  Jalisco  left  an 
army  in  the  north,  which  he  divided  into  three  divi 
sions  under  captains  Chirinos,  Oiiate,  and  Jose  de 
Angulo,  with  orders  to  explore  the  country  northward 
and  eastward;  that  Angulo  and  Onate  crossed  the 
sierra  toward  the  east  and  north-east  by  different 
routes  not  definitely  known,  reaching  the  plains  of 
Guadiana,  or  Durango,  but  finding  only  savage  tribes 
and  accomplishing  nothing  in  the  way  of  conquest  or 
settlement;  and  that  Chirinos  with  his  force  pene 
trated  up  the  coast  to  the  Yaqui  River.45  Several 
of  the  number  add  erroneously  that  Chirinos  or  his 
officers  during  this  expedition  met  Cabeza  de  Yaca, 
of  whom  more  hereafter. 

Of  the  expeditions  of  Onate  and  Angulo  nothing 
is  known  beyond  the  preceding  vague  references,  but 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  one  or  both  of  them 

Acct.  N.  Amer.,  ii.  66-7;  Dufey,  Resume,  i.  5,  213;  Kennedy's  Texas,  i.  209; 
Ty tier's  Hist.  Discov.,  69-70;  Findlay's  Directory,  i.  292-3;  Hntchiw/s'  May., 
i.  111;  iii.  399-400;  v.  264-5;  Farnham's  Life  CaL,  119-24;  Fedix,  'I'Orcr/on, 
54;  Frifjnet,  La  CaL,  6;  Saint  Amant,  Voy.,  392-3;  Cortes,  Brieven,  ii. ;  Cortes, 
Avcnluras,  300;  Hassel,  Mex.  Guat.,  177;  Holmes'  Annals  Amer..  i.  59,  68; 
Larenaudiere,  Mex.  Guat.,  139;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  90;  Monylave,  Resumt, 
139-40;  Marchand,  Voy.,  i.  iii.-iv. 

45  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  76,  82;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  111-14;  Ram 
irez,  Proceso,  211-12;  Navarrete,  Hist.  Jal.,  57;  Gil,  iuSoc.  Mex.  Gcor/.,  viii. 
479-80;  Payno,  in  Id.,  2da  Ep.,  ii.  137-8;  Escudcro,  Not.  Dur.,  8;  lit.,  Not. 
Son.,  26-7;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  488  et  seq.  Beaumont  and  Tcllo, 
Hist.  N.  Gal,  256,  give  fuller  accounts  of  Angulo's  trip,  but  add  nothing  to 
the  above  save  that  lie  had  50  Spaniards  and  400  Indians,  and  had  orders  to 
cross  over  to  Tampico,  but  was  prevented  by  cold  and  want  of  food.  Tello 
says  that  Onate  'followed  the  rivers  and  coasts  to  the  port  of  Bato  and  Ostial,' 
rested  at  Culiacan,  and  in  a  few  days  continued  his  march  to  Las  Vegas  and 
Vizcaino,  and  thence  to  the  sierra  of  Capirato.  According  to  Mota-Padilla 
and  Navarrete  Ofiate  went  to  Aldato,  Hostial,  and  Capirato.  Escudero  tells 
us  that  Angulo  went  to  the  coast  of  the  gulf  of  California;  while  according  to 
Gil,  he  -\vent  through  central  Sinaloa  to  the  region  of  Alamos.  It  is  quite 
evident  that  none  of  these  writers  have  the  slightest  idea  of  what  they  are 
talking  about.  Beaumont,  however,  implies  that  the  expeditions  took  place 
after  the  foundation  of  the  Jalisco  towns. 


DIEGO  DE  GUZMAN.  55 

should  be  included  in  the  miscellaneous  explorations 
already  mentioned  as  having  been  undertaken  by  Guz 
man's  orders  before  he  left  Culiacan  in  the  autumn  of 
1531.4G  The  northern  trip  to  the  Yaqui  is  better 
recorded.  It  was  accomplished,  however,  not  imme 
diately  after  the  governor's  departure  by  forces  which 
he  left  at  San  Miguel,  but  in  1533  and  probably  by  a 
force  sent  north  from  Jalisco.  It  was  not  commanded 
by  Chirinos,  who  probably  never  visited  northern 
Sinaloa,  having  left  Guzman  on  the  way  in  1530  and 
returned  to  Mexico,  but  was  under  the  command  of 
Diego  de  Guzman;  neither  was  it  connected  in  any 
way  with  the  arrival  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  an  event 
of  much  later  date.  We  have  no  definite  record  of 
the  sending  of  troops  from  Jalisco;47  but  of  the  north 
ern  campaign  we  have  two  original  accounts,  one 
written  by  the  commander  Diego  de  Guzman,  and  the 
other  by  one  of  his  officers  whose  name  is  not  known.48 
It  will  be  remembered  that  while  Nufio  de  Guzman 
was  at  Culiacan  in  1531,  Alcalde  Samaniego  had  been 
sent  northward  by  the  coast  route  and  had  reached 
and  named  the  river  of  Petatlan.  It  also  appears 
that  after  Guzman's  departure  Alcalde  Proano  sent 
out  one  of  the  vecinos  of  San  Miguel  who  reached 
the  small  river  next  north  of  the  Culiacan,  now  known 

46  See  chap.  ii.  of  this  vol.  Tello's  statement  that  Guzman  accompanied 
Ofiate's  division  in  person  confirms  this  supposition. 

41  Unless  it  be  the  statement  of  the  author  of  the  1™  Rd.  An6n.,  295,  <y  a 
mi  mandome  que  f  uese  a  la  villa  de  San  Miguel,  que  habia  dejado  en  Culiacan 
despues  que  el  Cristobal  de  Barrios  oviese  poblado,  que  dende  alii  me  diese 
gente  que  me  acompanase  hasta  la  villa. ' 

48  The  first  is  the  Relation  de  lo  que  yo  Diego  de  Guzman  he  descubierto  en 
la  costa  delMardclSurporS.  M.  y  por  el  Ittm°  Sr  Nuno  de  Guzman,  in  Florida, 
Col.  Doc.,  94-103,  and  in  Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  xv.  325-38.  The  second  is  the 
Guzman,  2da  Rel.  An6n.  The  first  is  an  official  diary  giving  all  details  of 
dates,  distances,  pueblos,  and  minor  events,  written  during  the  trip  and  sent 
to  the  authorities;  while  the  other  is  a  more  general  account,  omitting  most 
details,  naming  only  the  principal  rivers,  and  paying  more  attention  to  the 
general  features  of  the  country  and  the  customs  of  the  natives,  apparently 
written  from  memory  some  time  after  the  occurrence  of  the  events  described. 
Icazbalceta,  CcL  Doc.,  ii.  xlv.,  thinks  the  anonymous  narrative  refers  to  the 
expedition  of  Cebreros  and  Alcaraz,  and  deems  it  remarkable  that  no  mention 
is  made  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca;  but  there  is  no  possible  doubt  that  the  narrative 
relates  to  a  much  earlier  expedition.  Herrera,  dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  vii.-viii. ,  gives 
an  account  evidently  taken  from  the  anonymous  relation,  under  the  date  of 
1532. 


56  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

as  the  Mocorito,  and  gave  it  his  own  name  Sebastian 
cle  fivora.  The  present  expedition  under  Diego  de 
Guzman  left  Culiacan  Valley  early  in  July  1533,49  by 
the  same  route  that  Samaniego  had  followed,  and  a 
week  later  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Petatlan, 
the  Sinaloa  of  modern  maps.  Exploring  this  river 
five  leagues  toward  the  sea  the  Spaniards  obtained  a 
quantity  of  maize,  and  heard  of  a  town  called  Tamot- 
chala  on  a  river  toward  the  north.  Francisco  Velas 
quez  with  twenty  men  was  sent  in  advance  and  took 
the  town  by  assault,  the  inhabitants  for  the  most  part 
jumping  into  the  river  and  escaping.  The  rest  of  the 
army  coming  up,  remained  here  eight  days  and  ex 
plored  the  river  down  to  a  village  called  Oremy. 
This  stream  of  Tamotchala,  named  by  Guzman  at 
this  time  Santiago,  was  the  Rio  del  Fuerte,  the  later 
boundary  between  Sinaloa  and  Sonora.50  Finding 
but  a  small  store  of  supplies,  though  the  banks  were 
well  dotted  with  petate  huts,  the  army  marched  up 
the  river  nearly  to  the  sierra,  and  early  in  August 
arrived  in  the  province  of  Sinaloa,  which  has  given  its 
name  to  the  modern  state.  Here  the  dwellings  were 
better,  and  large  fields  of  maize,  in  the  milk  at  the 
time,  gave  promise  of  plentiful  supplies.  The  natives 
at  first  ran  away  in  fright,  but  presently  returned  with 
green  reeds  in  their  hands  which  they  placed  on  the 
ground  in  token  of  friendship  and  submission;  yet 
they  were  suspected  of  treacherous  intent  and  closely 
watched.51 

The  1 7th  of  September  crossing  the  river  in  balsas 

49  The  diary  has  it  Aug.  4th,  obviously  an  error  of  copyist  or  printer.  It 
may  have  been  July  4th. 

60  July  28th,  formal  possession  taken  of  the  Bio  Santiago  15  1.  from  the 
Petatlan.  Proceso  del  Marquts,  322.  Guzman  makes  the  distance  from  the 
Petatlan  12  1.;  the  anonymous  narrative  20  1.  This  river  has  also  been 
called  Zuaque,  Ahome,  and  even  Sinaloa.  The  name  Tamotchala,  or  Tama- 
zula,  has  also  been  applied  to  rivers  to  the  south,  thus  causing  some  confusion 
in  historical  narratives,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  Tamotchala,  or  Santi 
ago,  of  the  first  explorers  was  the  Fuerte. 

51  The  anonymous  writer  speaks  of  leaving  the  main  force  and  marching  up 
the  river  with  a  small  party.  This  in  connection  with  Guzman's  statement 
that  he  sent  such  a  party  confirms  the  fact  that  the  former  writer  was  one  of 
Guzman's  chief  officers. 


ON  THE  RIO  YAQUI.  '5f 

and  guided  by  a  Sinaloa  native,  the  Spaniards  resumed 
their  march,  and  having  passed  three  days  later  the 
town  of  Teocomo  on  a  small  stream,  arrived  on  the 
24th  at  the  Rio  Mayo,  where  they  found  plenty  of 
dry  maize  and  salt,  and  spent  five  days  killing  their 
hogs  which  had  been  driven  up  to  this  point.  They 
named  the  river  San  Miguel,52  and  went  on  in  search 
of  a  town  of  Nevame,  possibly  the  origin  of  the  tribal 
name  Nevome,  on  a  larger  river;  crossed  the  river 
the  4th  of  October,  and  halted  at  the  town  of  Yaquimi 
on  its  northern  bank,  where  they  remained  seventeen 
days,  but  were  unable  to  overcome  the  fears  of  the 
natives,  who  had  fled  at  their  approach.  This  river, 
the  largest  they  had  crossed,  the  present  Yaqui,  was 
christened  San  Francisco.53  The  anonymous  narra 
tive  of  these  events,  followed  by  Herrera  and  others, 
describes  an  encounter  with  the  natives  at  this  town, 
only  vaguely  alluded  to  by  Guzman.  The  Yaquis 
appeared  in  large  numbers,  and  forbade  the  Spaniards 
to  pass  a  line  indicated  on  the  ground.  Guzman  ex 
plained  his  peaceful  intentions  and  asked  for  food. 
The  Indians  offered  to  bring  food  if  the  Spaniards 
would  first  allow  themselves  and  their  horses  to  be 
tied.  Guzman  did  not  accede  to  this  modest  request, 
but  ordered  his  men  to  charge  with  the  battle-cry  of 
Santiago,  and  the  Yaquis  were  routed  after  a  desper 
ate  struggle,  in  which  two  Spaniards  and  twelve 
horses  were  wounded. 

In  the  last  days  of  October  the  river  was  explored 
up  to  Nevame,  ten  or  twelve  leagues  above  Yaquimi, 
and  the  author  of  the  anonymous  account  also  went 

62  Guzman  calls  the  river  Mayomo.  Both  accounts  make  the  distance  from 
the  Tamotchala  30  leagues.  The  stream  crossed  before  reaching  the  Mayo  is 
the  Rio  Alamos  of  modern  maps.  The  lid.  An6n.  does  not  mention  it  or  the 
pueblo.  Possession  was  taken',  Sept.  29th,  of  the  San  Miguel,  40  leagues  from 
the^Santiago.  Proceso  del  Marque*,  323. 

53  Guzman  makes  the  distance  between  the  Mayo  and  Yaqui  18  leagues. 
It  is  evident  that  the  distances  given  are  of  little  importance,  since  we  have 
no  means  of  knowing  how  far  inland  or  in  what  direction  the  route  lay  be 
tween  the  streams.  The  Rel  An6n.  says  the  Yaqui  was  reached  on  the  day 
of  Nuestra  Senora,  or  Sept.  8th.  Formal  possession  of  the  Yaquimi,  or  San 
Francisco  on  Oct.  4th.  Proceso  del  Marques,  325. 


68  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

down  to  the  sea,  but  found  no  prospect  of  a  pass 
northward  by  the  coast.54  It  was  now  decided  to 
return,  and  they  started  the  2d  of  November.  Eight 
or  ten  days  were  spent  in  exploring  the  Rio  Mayo, 
and  six  days  on  the  Rio  Teocomo,  or  Alamos.  Here 
they  noticed  a  piece  of  blue  cloth  and  a  string  of  nails 
evidently  of  European  manufacture,  and  learned  of 
Hurtado's  arrival  and  murder  at  a  town  of  Orumeme, 
to  the  south.55  From  the  1st  to  the  13th  of  Decem 
ber  they  were  on  the  Rio  Tarnotchala,  reached  Oru 
meme  near  the  sea,  found  more  relics,  and  learned  the 
details  of  Hurtado's  fate.  Passing  the  Rio  Petatlan, 
on  Christmas  they  were  at  the  Rio  de  Sebastian  de 
Evora,  and  arrived  at  Culiacan  on  the  30th,  as  Guz 
man  states,  or  according  to  the  other  account,  on 
Christmas  eve.56 

Back  at  San  Miguel  from  the  north  Guzman's  party 
found  the  natives  in  revolt,  and  the  Christians  in  great 
fear  and  want.  The  author  of  the  anonymous  narra 
tive  proceeded  southward  with  a  small  escort  to  report 
to  the  governor  and  seek  aid.  He  found  the  settle 
ment  at  Chametla  in  much  the  same  condition  as  San 
Miguel,  the  Indians  having  revolted  and  killed  Captain 
Diego  de  la  Cueva  and  other  Spaniards.  Rut  little 
more  is  recorded  about  the  northern  settlements  during 
this  period.  The  colonists  at  San  Miguel,  instead  of 
cultivating  the  soil  at  first,  lived  on  the  supplies  left 

64  He  noted  the  western  projection  of  the  coast  in  what  is  now  the  Guay- 
mas  region,  and  after  returning  to  Mexico  and  learning  of  the  discovery  of  a 
western  land  by  Jimenez,  concluded  that  the  new  land  was  not  an  island  but 
a  south-western  projection  of  the  mainland,  the  mouth  of  the  Yaqui  being  the 
head  of  the  gulf  thus  formed.  Thus  early  was  the  theory  advanced  that  Cali 
fornia  was  a  peninsula.  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Midi.,  iii.  497,  also  vaguely  notices 
the  idea;  which  seems,  however,  not  to  have  found  a  place  on  any  early  map. 

55  The  Eel.  An6n.  says  the  relics  were  noticed  on  the  march  northward, 
but  that  definite  information  of  Hurtado's  fate  was  obtained  from  an  Indian 
woman  on  the  return. 

56Herrera,  as  I  have  said,  dec.  v.  lib.  i.  cap.  vii.-viii.,  follows  the  anony 
mous  narrative  almost  verbatim.  Tello,  Hist.  N.  Gal.,  356-9,  Mota-Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal,  79-82,  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  490-7,  Escudero,  Not. 
Son..  26-7,  and  others,  give  substantially  the  same  version,  drawn  evidently 
from  the  same  sources,  but  makes  Chirinos  the  commander  with  Cebreros  and 
Alcaraz  as  subordinate  officers,  thus  confounding  this  expedition  with  events 
that  occurred  over  two  years  later.  Tello  also  speaks  of  a  battle  on  the  Kio 
Sebastian  de  ISvora. 


AFFAIRS  AT  CULIACAN.  59 

by  the  governor,  and  on  others  bought  of  the  natives 
in  exchange  for  trinkets.  Peace  lasted  until  the  arti 
cles  of  trade  were  exhausted,  and  the  Christians  began 
to  live  by  plundering  the  natives,  and  by  seizing  them 
as  slaves  whenever  oppression  provoked  resistance. 
The  natives  then  gradually  ceased  to  cultivate  the 
land,  burned  their  remaining  towns,  and  fled  from 
their  persecutors  to  lead  a  wild  life  in  the  mountains. 
In  a  vain  effort  to  regain  lost  favor  at  court  Nuno  de 
Guzman,  regardless  of  his  own  past  policy  and  instruc 
tions,  caused  Captain  Proano  to  be  arrested  and 
brought  to  Compos  tela  for  trial,  on  charge  of  making 
slaves  in  violation  of  law.  Proano  was  sentenced  to 
death,  but  was  saved  before  the  audiencia  at  the  inter 
cession  of  the  Onates;  and,  according  to  Beaumont 
and  Eamirez,  Cristobal  de  Tapia  was  sent  as  alcalde 
mayor  to  San  Miguel. 

The  policy  of  kindness  introduced  by  Tapia,  as 
we  are  told,  so  disgusted  the  Spanish  vecinos,  by  de 
priving  them  of  the  profit  of  the  slave-trade,  and 
forcing  them  to  cultivate  their  own  fields,  or  hire  it 
done,  that  many  left  a  country  which  had  lost  all  its 
charm  for  them.  When  Tapia  assumed  the  position 
or  how  long  he  held  it  we  have  no  record;  but  in 
1536-7  Melchor  Diaz  was  alcalde  mayor.57  It  does 
not  appear,  however,  that  the  Indian  policy  in  this 
region  was  radically  changed  for  the  better  before 
1536;  for  it  was  a  party  of  Spanish  raiders  from  San 
Miguel  in  search  of  plunder  and  slaves  in  the  Petatlan 
country,  who  met  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  his  companions, 
of  whose  strange  wanderings  across  the  continent  I 
have  now  to  speak. 

57  Dec.  10,  1537,  Viceroy  Mendoza  writes  to  the  emperor  that  Diaz  had 
come  to  Mexico,  at  a  date  not  mentioned,  to  complain  on  behalf  of  the  settlers 
that  they  had  no  means  of  living  now  that  they  were  not  allowed  to  make 
slaves.  Mendoza  regarded  it  as  of  great  importance  that  the  villa  be  not 
abandoned,  and  had  sent  the  settlers  necessary  articles  to  the  value  of  1,000 
pesos,  until  the  emperor  should  decide  on  some  means  of  permanent  relief. 
Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  129-30.  See  also  on  the  matters  mentioned  in  the  text, 
Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  iii.  497;  iv.  71-4;  Ramirez,  Proceso.  225-6;  Guzman, 


ItlM.  An6n.,  293-4;  Id.,2^Rd.  An6n.,  303-5;  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal., 
87;  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  23-4. 


60  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

Panfilo  de  Narvaez  with  a  commission  as  governor 
to  conquer  and  rule  the  province  of  Las  Palmas 
north  of  P<inuco  on  the  gulf  coast,  sailed  from  Spain 
in  June  1527  with  a  fleet  of  five  ships  and  a  force  of 
six  hundred  men.  After  a  somewhat  disastrous  ex 
perience  of  storms  and  desertions  at  Espanola  and 
Cuba,  the  fleet  was  driven  by  a  storm  to  the  western 
coast  of  Florida  and  anchored  with  four  hundred  men 
and  eighty  horses  at  Tampa  Bay  in  April  1528.  Alvar 
Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca  was  treasurer  and  alcalde 
mayor  of  the  expedition,  and  of  Narvaez'  prospective 
government  of  Las  Palmas.  Against  the  remon 
strance  of  Ntniez,  the  governor  determined  to  march 
inland  while  the  vessels  should  follow  the  coast,  with 
which  a  pilot,  Miruelo,  professed  to  be  somewhat 
familiar.  The  separation  was  on  May  1st;  the  re 
uniting  of  the  sea  and  land  forces  was  never  effected. 
The  fleet,  losing  one  vessel  and  being  joined  by  an 
other  from  Cuba,  seems  to  have  spent  about  a  year 
on  the  coast,  and,  hearing  nothing  of  the  army,  to 
have  returned  to  the  islands. 

Narvaez  with  his  three  hundred  men  and  forty 
horses  followed  the  general  direction  of  the  coast,  but 
at  a  considerable  distance  inland,  suffering  many  hard 
ships  from  the  natural  difficulties  of  such  a  march, 
from  want  of  food,  and  from  occasional  though  not 
serious  Indian  hostilities.  In  August  they  again 
drew  near  the  sea  and  abandoned  the  idea  of  further 
progress  by  land.  At  a  bay  called  by  them  Bahia  de 
los  Caballos,  probably  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Apalachicola  River,  having  made  tools  from  their 
stirrups  and  other  articles  of  iron,  the  Spaniards  built 
five  boats.  Here  ten  men  were  killed  by  the  natives 
and  forty  died  from  sickness;  the  horses  were  killed 
for  food  and  for  their  skins  to  be  used  in  providing 
the  boats  with  water.  At  last,  in  September,  two 
hundred  and  forty-two  men  besides  the  officers,  all 
ignorant  of  navigation,  embarked  in  their  frail  craft 
to  coast  the  gulf  of  Pdnuco.  They  continued  the  voy- 


FATE  OF  NARVAEZ.  61 

age  about  six  weeks,  tossed  by  storms,  suffering  ter 
ribly  from  thirst,  hunger,  and  exposure,  landing 
occasionally,  and  attacked  several  times  by  savages, 
until  early  in  November  the  boat  commanded  by 
Cabeza  de  Vaca  and  one  of  the  others  were  stranded 
on  an  island  near  the  main,  and  the  surviving  navi 
gators,  naked  and  more  dead  than  alive,  were  thrown 
into  the  hands  of  the  natives,  who  were  in  a  condition 
hardly  less  deplorable  than  their  own. 

Four  of  the  strongest  survivors  were  despatched 
with  instructions  to  press  on,  and  if  possible  to  reach 
Panuco,  supposed  to  be  not  far  distant.  Famine 
and  pestilence  soon  reduced  the  Spaniards  from  eighty 
to  fifteen,  also  carrying  off  one  half  of  the  Indians. 
The  survivors  became  slaves  and  were  gradually  scat 
tered.  Alvar  Nunez  remained  over  a  year  on  the 
island,  very  harshly  treated,  and  employed  chiefly  in 
digging  from  under  the  water  a  root  used  as  food. 
He  afterwards  bettered  his  condition  by  becoming  a 
trader  on  the  main,  traversing  the  country  for  many 
leagues,  and  exchanging  shells  and  various  articles  of 
coast  merchandise  for  skins  and  other  island  products. 
He  remained  in  the  service  of  the  Indians,  naked  like 
his  masters,  for  nearly  six  years,  naming  the  island 
Malhado  from  his  misfortunes  there.  At  the  end  of 
that  time,  in  company  with  the  only  survivor  there, 
named  Oviedo,  he  escaped  from  his  masters,  and  went 
down  the  coast  to  a  bay  which  he  supposed  to  be 
the  Espiritu  Santo  discovered  in  1519,  crossing  four 
large  rivers  on  the  way.  Oviedo  returned  to  Malhado, 
but  Cabeza  de  Vaca  became  a  slave  in  another  tribe, 
and  soon  met  Andres  Dorantes,  Alonso  del  Castillo 
Maldonado,  and  Estevanico,  an  Arabian  negro  slave. 
All  these  were  of  the  party  wrecked  on  Malhado 
Island,  but  in  their  subsequent  wanderings  they  had 
gone  far  down  the  coast,  meeting  survivors  from  the 
other  boats,  and  learning  the  fate  of  Narvaez  and  his 
companions.  These  had  also  been  wrecked  and  had 
perished  one  by  one  with  very  few  exceptions.  Of  the 


62  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

four  sent  to  Pdnuco,  one  had  gone  southward,  two  had 
died,  and  one  was  still  with  the  Indians.  Of  nearly 
three  hundred  who  had  started  from  Florida,  besides 
the  four  now  reunited,  there  remained  only  five  not 
known  to  have  perished,  and  not  one  of  the  five  was 
ever  heard  of  afterward.  The  four  crossed  the  con 
tinent  and  reached  San  Miguel  in  New  Galicia  April 
1,  1536. 

The  wanderings  of  Alvar  Nunez  and  his  party, 
being  the  first  exploration  by  Europeans  of  a  large 
tract  of  the  territory  which  constitutes  my  subject, 
it  would  be  desirable  to  trace  accurately  and  in  detail ; 
but  unfortunately  the  data  extant  are  wholly  insuffi 
cient  for  the  purpose.  The  two  narratives,58  although 

58  One  was  by  Alvar  Nunez  after  his  return  to  Spain  in  1537.  It  was  first 
published  at  Zamora  in  1542,  as  the  Relation  que  di6  Alvar  Nunez,  etc. ;  re- 
published,  with  additional  matter  not  relating  to  this  part  of  the  author's 
career,  as  Relation  y  Comentarios  in  1550;  and  again  in  Barcia,  Historiadores 
Primitives  in  1736,  under  the  title  of  Naufragios  de  Alvar  Nunez,  followed 
by  the  Comentarios,  and  also  by  an  Exdmen  Apologetico  de  la  Historica  Nar 
ration^  etc. ,  by  Dr  Antonio  Ardoino.  The  Exdmen  was  a  refutation  of  Hon- 
orius  Philoponus,  or  Caspar  Plautus,  who  in  his  Nova  Typis  Transacta 
severely  criticised  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  accounts  of  miracles.  An  Italian  trans 
lation  appeared  in  Ramusio,  Navig.,  iii.  310-30;  a  French  translation  in 
Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  i.  torn.  vii. ;  and  an  English  translation  by 
Buckingham  Smith  in  1851.  In  1871  a  new  edition  of  this  translation  ap 
peared  with  copious  notes,  not  quite  completed,  however,  by  reason  of  the 
translator's  sudden  death.  This  is  the  most  convenient  edition  for  use,  and 
is  the  one  I  shall  refer  to  as  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  Relation. 

The  other  narrative  was  a  report  made  by  the  wanderers  to  the  audiencia 
in  Mexico  in  1536.  This  document  is  not  known  to  be  extant  in  its  original 
form;  but  from  it  Oviedo,  Hist.  Ind.,  iii.  582-618,  made  up  his  account.  Mr 
Smith  claims  to  have  noted  in  his  translation  all  the  differences  between  the 
two  narratives ;  but  either  because  he  did  not  live  to  complete  the  annotation 
or  from  some  other  cause,  the  work  is  imperfectly  done,  not  one  in  ten  of  the 
discrepancies  being  noticed.  Other  writers  have  apparently  consulted  only 
the  first  mentioned  narrative,  and  have  added  nothing  to  our  knowledge  of 
the  expedition.  Mr  Davis,  however,  in  his  Span.  Conq.  of  N.  Mex.,  20-108, 
has  given  many  careful  notes  and  suggestions.  The  following  works  mention 
the  journey  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  more  or  less  fully:  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos, 
24-6;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  73-8,  143-4;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i. 
326;  ii.  79;  Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  52-5;  Herrera,  dec.  iv.  lib.  iv.  cap.  v.-vi.; 
dec.  vi.  lib.  i.  cap.  iii. -vii.;  lib.  ix.  cap.  xi.;  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal., 
80-1;  Tdlo,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  358-9;  Villagrd,  Hist.  N.  Mex.,  13-14;  Clavirjero, 
Storia  delta  CaL,  152-3;  Datos  Biog.,  812-14;  Acosta,  De  Natura  Nov.  Orb. 
(Sulmanticte,  1589),  241;  Hist.  Mag.,  new  series,  141-3,  204-9,  347-57;  Al- 
bieuri,  Hist.  Mis.,  MS.,  28-38;  Larenaudibre,  Mex.  Gnat.,  145,227;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mcj.,  iv.  603-6;  Voiages  au  Nord,  iii.  257-67;  Overland  Monthly,  x. 
514-18;  Venegas,  Not.  Cab,  i.  162-3;  Alcedo,  Dice.,  iii.  183-4;  Salazar  y 
Olarte,  Hist.  Conq.  Mex.,  373-8;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  316-17;  Purchas, 
His  Pilgrimes,  iv.  1499-1528;  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  #^.,324;  Calle,  Not.  Sac., 


WANDERINGS  OF  ALVAR  NUftEZ.  63 

doubtless  presented  in  good  faith,  were  written  from 
memory  under  circumstances  extremely  unfavorable, 
and  while  agreeing  in  a  general  way  respecting  the 
adventures  of  the  wanderers,  they  differ  widely  as 
might  be  expected  in  dates,  directions,  distances,  and 
all  that  could  aid  in  tracing  the  route.  Moreover, 
the  statements  of  each  narrative  in  these  respects, 
even  if  unembarrassed  by  those  of  the  other,  are  frag 
mentary,  disconnected,  contradictory,  and  often  unin 
telligible.  Such  being  the  case,  a  full  discussion  would 
require  a  reproduction  of  both  narratives  in  full,  with 
a  large  amount  of  comment — in  fact  a  monograph  on 
the  subject,  which  of  course  would  be  altogether  out 
of  place  here.  I  shall  therefore  confine  my  comments 
to  remarks  of  a  general  nature. 

Malhado  Island  was  certainly  on  the  western  or 
northern  gulf  coast  and  west  of  the  Mississippi  River, 
because  the  Spaniards  had  not  crossed  that  river 
before  embarking  in  their  boats,  and  in  their  subse 
quent  wanderings  by  land  there  are  no  indications  that 
they  crossed  so  large  a  stream.59  The  opinion  of  the 
wanderers  themselves  that  the  bay  was  Espiritu  Santo 
is  not  of  much  weight;  but  some  great  sand-hills  are 
mentioned  by  Oviedo  as  a  prominent  landmark,  and 
the  Sand  Mounds  at  the  bay  called  later  Espiritu 
Santo,  the  highest  peak  of  which  is  seventy-five 
feet  above  the  bay,  are  also  noted  by  the  United 
States  coast  survey  as  "  forming  a  marked  feature  in 
that  otherwise  level  prairie  region."63  Of  all  the  defi- 

102;  Escudero,Not.Son.,  26-7;  March  y  Ldbores,  Marina  Espaii.,  ii.  175-87; 
Pino,  N.  Alex.,  5;  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  7-S;  Lafond,  Voy.,  i.  199-200;  Larenau- 
diere,  Mcx.  Guat.,  145;  Galvano,  in  Voy.  Select.,  35;  Laet,  Novvs  Orbis,  97; 
Davis'  El  Gringo,  59-60;  Harris'  Navig.,  i.  799-805;  Gleeson's  Hi*t.  Cath.  Ch., 
i.  45-64;  Browne's  L.  CaL,  16;  Domenech's  Deserts,  i.  168-9;  Gallalin,  inNouv. 


1869,  310. 

59  In  his  first  edition  Mr  Smith  seems  to  have  believed  Cabeza  de  Vaca's 
Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  identical  with  Mobile  Bay;  but  later  he  changed  that 
opinion.  I  can  find  in  the  narratives  not  the  slightest  foundation  for  the  route 
northward  from  Mobile  Bay  to  the  Mussel  Shoals  of  the  Tennessee  River,  and 
thence  westward  to  the  junction  of  the  Arkansas  and  Canadian. 

6(iOvitdo,  iii.  593;  U.  S.  Coast  Survey,  Report,  1859,  325.     There  seems  to 


64  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

nite  locations  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Texas,  and  I  have 
no  doubt  that  Cabeza  de  "Vaca  started  from  that  coast, 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  or  San  Antonio,  has  the  best 
claim  to  be  considered  the  initial  point  of  this  journey. 
The  journey  was  begun  in  the  summer  of  1535,  appar 
ently,61  when  the  captives  took  advantage  of  their 
masters'  annual  visit  to  the  interior  in  search  of  prickly 
pears  for  food,  to  effect  their  escape. 

They  seem  to  have  passed  north-westward  through 
Texas,  following  perhaps  the  general  course  of  the 
rivers;  but  of  time,  distance,  or  direction  nothing  defi 
nite  is  stated  until  after  having  forded  on  the  way  a 
breast-deep  river  as  wide  as  that  at  Seville,  they 
approached  the  base  of  a  mountain  range;  probably,  as 
Mr  Smith  believed,  the  San  Saba  mountains  of  Texas. 
Here  the  Indians  wished  them  to  go  down  toward 
the  sea,  but  they  insisted  on  going  up  a  river  for  a 
day  or  two  and  then  followed  the  base  of  the  mountains 
northward  from  fifty  to  eighty  leagues.62  Thence 
turning  westward  they  crossed  the  mountains  to  a 
village  on  a  fine  river,  where  they  received  among 

"be  no  other  point  on  this  coast  similarly  marked;  neither  is  there,  as  Mr 
Smith  thinks,  Relation,  89,  any  island  corresponding  to  Malhado  north  of 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay  with  four  large  intervening  rivers;  yet  why  may  not  the 
Galveston  Island  be  supposed  to  answer  the  condition  more  or  less  satisfac 
torily?— as  Bancroft,  Hist.  U.  8.,  i.  400-2,  indeed  thinks  probable. 

61  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Delation,  195,  says  on  his  arrival  at  San  Miguel  in  April 
1536,  that  he  had  travelled  unceasingly  10  months;  that  is  since  June  1535; 
but  he  also  says,  p.  86,  that  he  was  nearly  six  years  about  Malhado  Island; 
that  is.  taking  Oviedo's  statement,  iii.  592,  of  five  and  one  half  years  for  nearly  six 
years,  from  November  1528  to  May  1534;  then  waited  six  months  for  the  tuna 
season,  to  November  1534;  and  then  the  departure  was  postponed  again  fqr 
one  year,  or  to  November  1535.     Again  he  says,  p.  Ill,  they  started  Sept. 
13th,  or  13  days  after  the  new  moon  which  came  on  Sept.  1st,  and  it  is  true 
that  in  1535  the  new  moon  fell  within  a  day  or  two  of  Sept.  1st.     Oviedo,  iii. 
602,  says  that  they  met  to  escape  in  October  of  the  seventh  year,  probably 
meaning  1534,  and  then  postponed  their  flight  until  August  of  the  next  year, 
or  1535.     Cabeza  de  Vaca,  p.  122,  also  speaks  of  spending  eight  months  with 
one  tribe  soon  after  starting,  a  period  reduced  by  Oviedo,  iii.  603,  to  eight 
days.     The  above  may  serve  as  a  sample  of  the  confusion  that  appears  through 
out  the  narratives. 

62  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Relation,  145-9,  says  the  range  seemed  to  come  from  the 
North  Sea,  and  that  they  followed  the  mountains  inland  for  over  50  leagues. 
Smith  thinks  this  part  of  the  journey  was  westward.     Oviedo,  iii.   605-6, 
says  the  range  extended  directly  north,  and  was  followed  'derecho  al  norfce' 
80  leagues  more  or  less.     Both  narratives  mention  a  copper  hawk-bell  pre 
sented  by  the  Indians  at  the  end  of  this  stage  of  the  march,  and  Oviedo  gives 
the  total  distance  travelled  up  to  this  point  as  150  leagues. 


ROUTE  OF  THE  WANDERERS.  65 

other  things  " cowhide  blankets;"  that  is  they  were  not 
far  from  the  borders  of  the  buffalo  country.  At  this 
point  Cabeza  de  Vaca  breaks  off  what  little  continuity 
the  narrative  has  given  to  the  route,  by  the  remark 
that  they  passed  through  so  many  peoples  that  "the 
memory  fails  to  recall  them;"  then  they  crossed  a  great 
river  coming  from  the  north,  thirty  leagues  of  plain 
and  fifty  leagues  of  mountains,  forded  a  "very  large" 
river,  and  arrived  at  plains  lying  at  the  foot  of  moun 
tains.  Oviedo  disposes-  of  this  part  of  the  journey  by 
saying  that  they  went  forward  "many  days."  The 
two  great  rivers  would  seem  to  be  the  Pecos  and  Rio 
del  Norte;  but  they  were  guided  by  the  Indian  women 
to  where  a  river — possibly  'the'  river — ran  between 
ridges,  and  where  they  found  the  first  "fixed  dwell- 

O         '  t/ 

ings  of  civilization."  The  inhabitants  lived  on  beans, 
pumpkins,  and  maize,  and  were  called  the  Cow  Nation 
from  the  immense  number  of  buffalo  killed  farther  up 
the  river.  They  were  probably  still  on  the  Kio  del 
Norte,  since  no  large  river  is  mentioned  as  having 
been  crossed  to  the  west;  and  they  were  below  Paso 
del  Norte,  as  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  visited 
what  have  since  been  known  as  the  Pueblo  towns.63 

From  this  point,  after  much  argument  with  the 
natives  respecting  the  route  to  be  taken,  they  went 
up  a  river  for  seventeen  days,  apparently  westward, 
then  crossed  the  river  and  travelled  another  seventeen 
days,  also  west,  to  some  plains  lying  between  high 
mountains.64  Soon  after  they  came  to  a  land  of  maize, 

6JThat  the  'fixed  dwellings  of  civilization'  were  not  the  many-storied 
Pueblo  houses  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  if  so  they  would  surely  have  been 
mentioned  as  they  were  later  when  reported  in  the  north,  and  also  from  the 
fact  that  new  dwellings  of  the  style  used  here  were  built  for  the  accommoda 
tion  of  the  visitors.  Davis,  Span.  Conq.  JV.  3fex.,  97-8,  thinks  they  were  on 
the  Pecos  to  which  they  had  crossed  over  from  the  Canadian  or  Red  river.  I 
find  nothing  to  show  that  they  went  near  the  Canadian  or  Red  river,  and  as 
to  the  buffalo  killed  up  the  river,  perhaps  no  more  is  meant,  than  that  such 
was  the  general  direction  of  the  buffalo  country. 

64  Respecting  the  river  thus  followed  for  17  days  there  is  much  difficulty. 
According  to  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Relation,  160-6,  the  Indians  said  that  the 
maize  country  was  toward  the  west,  but  that  the  best  way  to  get  there  was 
by  going  up  the  river  northward;  otherwise,  that  is  by  going  directly  west, 
no  food  would  lie  found  for  17  days.  They  also  said  that  up  the  river  (another 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  5 


66  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

beans,  pumpkins,  and  cotton,  and  of  permanent  habi 
tations.  Some  small  houses  were  of  adobe,  but  most 
were  of  petates,  or  cane  mats.  Here  they  heard  of 
populous  towns  with  very  large  houses  in  the  north, 
clearly  the  Pueblo  towns,  and  were  given  some  tur 
quoises  and  emeralds  also  said  to  have  come  from 
there,  From  town  to  town  through  this  country 
they  travelled  for  eighty  or  a  hundred  leagues  as  they 
estimated  it,  to  a  town  which  they  named  Corazones, 
because  the  inhabitants  gave  them  deer's  hearts  for 
food.  This  Pueblo  de  Corazones  was  in  north-eastern 
Sonora  on  the  head- waters  of  the  Yaqui  or  Sonora 
rivers.  One  day  later,  at  least,  they  were  on  the 
Yaqui  and  heard  of  other  Christians.65 

From  the  foregoing  it  appears  that  Alvar  Nunez 
and  his  companions,  Castillo,  Dorantes,and  Estevanico, 
starting  from  the  Texas  coast  in  the  region  between 
Galveston  and  mouth  of  the  Rio  San  Antonio,  trav 
ersed  the  present  states  of  Texas  and  Chihuahua  to 
north-eastern  Sonora;  that  they  did  not  probably  at 
any  time  reach  so  high  a  latitude  as  the  Canadian  and 
Arkansas  rivers;66  that  the  mountains  first  met  in 

river?)  were  their  enemies  who  could  give  no  food,  and  advised  the  Spaniards 
not  to  take  that  route.  The  Spaniards,  however,  were  not  willing  to  go  up 
the  river  north  to  the  buffalo  country,  because  that  would  be  a  circuitous 
way;  therefore,  against  the  advice  of  the  natives,  they  went  up  the  river 
westward  and  found,  as  the  Indians  had  predicted,  no  food  for  17  days. 
This  is  all  absurd  except  in  the  supposition  that  they  were  at  or  near  the 
junction  of  two  streams  and  went  up  the  Conchos  westward  instead  of  the 
Rio  del  Norte  north-westward.  But  Oviedo,  iii.  609,  implies  on  the  other 
hand,  that  they  went  up  the  river  northward  for  15  days,  and  then  turned 
west  for  twenty  days  to  the  land  of  maize. 

65  According  to  the  Relation,  173,  one  day's  journey  beyond  Corazones  they 
were  detained  15  days  by  the  rising  of  the  river.  This  swollen  river  was 
certainly  the  Yaqui,  because  it  is  spoken  of  later,  p.  176,  as  'the  river  to 
which  Diego  de  Guzman  came,  when  we  first  heard  of  Christians.'  But 
Oviedo,  iii.  611,  tells  us  the  swollen  river  was  30  leagues  from  the  Corazones, 
implying  perhaps  that  the  latter  was  not  on  the  Yaqui.  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
speaks  of  Corazones  as  'the  entrance  to  many  provinces  on  the  South  Sea.' 
Coronado  was  here  a  few  years  later,  and  nearly  all  the  early  writers  speak 
of  the  town,  several  locating  it  in  the  valley  of  the  Sonora.  Yet  it  is  also 
said,  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  se"rie  i.  torn.  ix.  p.  49,  that  Arrellano  of 
Coronado's  expedition  founded  a  town  of  San  Geronimo  de  los  Corazones 
here,  and  later  transferred  it  to  the  'Valley  of  Sefiora.'  Its  exact  location  is 
unknown  and  not  very  important. 

06  By  Castaiieda,  Relation,  120,  122,  Coronado's  expedition' is  said  to  have 
learned  that  Vaca  and  Dorantes  passed  through  a  pueblo  on  the  plains  far 


FROM  TEXAS  TO  SOXORA. 


coming 


from  the  east  were  the  San  Saba  range  of 
western  Texas;  that  the  Rio  Grande  was  crossed, 
between  Paso  del  Norte  and  the  Presidio  del  Norte; 
that  in  passing  through  Chihuahua  they  either  went 
up  the  Conchos67  and  thence  north- westwardly,  or  up 
the  Rio  Grande63  and  thence  westwardly  to  the  head- 


CABEZA  DE  VACA'S  ROUTE. 

\vaters  of  the%Yaqui;  that  they  did  not  visit  the 
Pueblo  towns  of  New  Mexico  or  Arizona,  although 
they  heard  of  them;69  and  that  there  is  nothing  to 
indicate  a  journey  down  the  Gila  Valley. 

northeast  of  Santa  Fe".  This  report  is  probably  the  only  foundation  for  the 
opinion  of  Davis  and  Smith;  but  the  latter  seems  to  have  changed  his  opinion, 
though  his  editor  did  not.  But  this  testimony  of  Castaneda  is  completely 
overthrown  by  that  of  Jaramillo  in  his  narrative  of  the  same  expedition,  Re 
lation  in  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  159;  Ternaux,  37,  that  they  met  an  old  Indian 
who  said  he  had  seen  four  other  Spaniards  'mas  acia  la  Nueva  Espaiia, '  that 
is  farther  south. 

67  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  relation  favors  this  route,  and  Espejo  in  1582  heard 
among  the  Jumanas,  not  far  above  the  mouth  of  the  Conchos,  that  the  party 
had  passed  that  way.  Evpejo,  delation,  107;  Hdkluyt'a  Voy.,  iii.  385.    Davis' 
objection  that  the  Conchos  is  not  long  enough  for  a  journey  of  34  days  along 
its  banks,  is  of  little  weight,  since  it  is  not  implied  in  the  narrative  that  the 
last  17  days'  trip  was  on  the  river.     Smith,  Relation,  162,  169,  favors  a  west 
erly  course  from  the  Conchos  junction. 

68  Oviedo's  narrative  would  favor  this  route. 

69  The  editor  of  Smith's  translation,  235,  thinks  the  route  from  the  Arkansas 
'marked  by  indications  which  leave  little  room  for  doubt 'and  clearly  implies 
that  the  wanderers  passed  through  the  Pueblo  towns.    Davis,  Span.  Conq.  N. 
Mcx.,  70,  96,  seems  to  hold  the  same  opinion,  but  qualifies  that  opinion,  and 
shows  his  doubts  on  the  subject,  by  the  remark  that  New  Mexico  then  extended 
much  farther  south  than  now. 


68  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

Respecting  the  personal  adventures  of  this  first 
party  of  overland  travellers  in  the  north,  there  is  not 
much  to  be  said.  Soon  after  leaving  the  coast  of 
Texas  they  were  called  upon  by  the  natives  to  heal 
their  sick,  and  were  so  fortunate  as  to  be  very  suc 
cessful  in  their  first  cases.  Their  reputation  as  medi 
cine-men  of  remarkable  powers  was  thus  firmly  estab 
lished.  Their  method  of  healing  was  by  laying-on 
of  hands  and  repeating  the  prayers  of  their  church. 
The  Spaniards  believed  as  firmly  as  did  the  Indians 
that  they  were  aided  in  their  cures  by  supernatural 
interposition,  and  devout  Catholics  yet  believe  this.70 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause  of  their  success, 
it  satisfactorily  accounts  for  the  safety  with  which 
they  made  the  trip.  They  were  received  with  uni 
form  kindness  by  each  new  tribe,  supplied  always  with 
the  best  the  natives  had,  besieged  at  each  town  with 
petitions  for  a  longer  stay  and  exercise  of  their  heal 
ing  powers,  and  finally  escorted  to  the  next  people  on 
the  way,  often  by  thousands  of  attendants.  The  nar 
ratives  are  largely  filled  by  descriptions  of  the  man 
ners  and  customs  of  the  different  tribes  visited. 

On  the  Yaqui  River  the  wanderers  saw  a  buckle 
and  horseshoe  in  the  possession  of  a  native,  and  on 
making  inquiries  heard  that  other  Christians  had  vis 
ited  the  country  by  sea,  the  reference  being  perhaps 
to  Hurtado  and  Cortes.  As  ihey  passed  southward 
down  the  river  they  heard  of  other  visits  during 
which  the  strangers  had  pillaged  the  country,  burned 
the  pueblos,  and  carried  away  men,  women,  and  chil 
dren  as  slaves.  Soon  traces  of  Spanish  invasion  be 
came  frequent;  reports  were  current  that  the  invaders 
were  even  now  in  the  province;  the  natives  had  left 
their  fields  and  towns,  were  hiding  in  the  mountains, 
and  begged  the  new-comers  to  protect  them,  refusing 
to  believe  Nunez  and  his  party  to  be  in  any  way  con- 

70Gleeson,  Hist.  Catli.  Ch.,  i.  45-04,  advocates  this  view.  The  criticism 
of  Caspar  Plautus  in  the  Nova  Typis  Transacta,  already  referred  to,  was 
directed  not  so  much  against  the  probability  of  miracles  as  against  the  prob 
ability  that  such  miracles  would  be  wrought  for  any  but  a  priest. 


ARRIVAL  AT  SAN  MIGUEL.  69 

nected  with  the  destroyers  of  their  race.  At  last 
they  met  the  Spanish  raiders  under  Diego  de  Alcaraz 
on  the  Rio  Petatlan;  by  whom  of  course  they  were 
kindly  received,  and  to  whom  they  were  at  once  most 
useful;  for  the  soldiers  had  for  some  time  been  unable 
to  find  either  Indians  or  food,  and  were  much  dis 
couraged.  Under  promise  of  protection  by  their  new 
found  friends,  the  natives  agreed  to  return  to  their 
towns  and  again  cultivate  the  soil.  Alcaraz,  however, 
if  we  may  credit  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  when  his  immediate 
necessities  had  been  relieved  found  the  pledges  given 
great  obstacles  to  his  plans,  sent  the  wanderers  south 
under  Cebreros,  and  renewed  his  outrages  on  the  na 
tives. 

JThe  travellers  were  met  at  Culiacan  by  Melchor 
Diaz,  the  alcalde  mayor,  most  hospitably  entertained, 
and  taken  to  San  Miguel,  where  they  arrived  on  the 
1st  of  April  and  remained  until  the  middle  of  May. 
We  have  already  seen  in  what  condition  the  province 
was  at  this  time.  "The  deserted  land  was  without 
tillage  and  everywhere  badly  wasted;  the  Indians 
were  fleeing  and  concealing  themselves  in  the  thickets, 
unwilling  to  occupy  their  towns."  Alvar  Nmiez  and 
Dorantes  were  urged  by  Diaz  to  give  the  unhappy 
province  the  benefit  of  their  influence  on  the  natives. 
Difficulties  were  encountered  at  first  on  account  of 
the  outrages  of  Alcaraz;  but  the  faith  of  the  Indians 
was  strong  in  the  wise  men  from  the  east;  the  captain 
"made  a  covenant  with  God  not  to  invade  or  consent 
to  invasion,  nor  to  enslave  any  of  that  country  and 
people  to  whom  we  had  guaranteed  safety ;"  and  Cabeza 
de  Vaca  had  the  pleasure  of  knowing,  before  his  de 
parture,  that  many  of  the  natives  had  returned  to 
their  homes.  The  writer  adds  most  positively  that  if 
the  Indians  have  not  since  behaved  properly,  it  is  the 
Christians'  fault. 

Sent  southward  under  a  strong  escort,  the  party 
were  well  received  by  Governor  Guzman  at  Compos- 
tela,  and  also  by  the  viceroy  and  by  the  marques  del 


70  CORTES,  GUZMAN,  AND  CABEZA  DE  VACA. 

Valle  in  Mexico,  where  they  arrived  July  25,  1536. 
After  having  prepared  a  report  of  their  travels,  and 
according  to  Beaumont  a  map  of  the  countries  visited, 
for  the  viceroy  and  audiencia,  the  company  separated. 
The  negro  Estevanico  became  the  slave  of  Mendoza. 
Alonso  del  Castillo  Maldonado  seems  to  have  remained 
in  Mexico,  but  is  not  again  heard  of  in  connection 
with  northern  history.  Andres  Dorantes  started  for 
Spain,  but  returned  arid  entered  Mendoza's  service 
for  projected  northern  explorations,  which  never  were 
carried  out,  while  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca  arrived 
in  Lisbon  in  August  1537.  The  latter  was  again  sent 
to  the  New  World  in  1540  as  governor  and  captain- 
general  to  rule  over  the  fierce  tribes  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata  in  South  America.  His  experience  in  this  new 
field  was  but  a  series  of  contentions  with  rivals  and 
enemies,  who  charge  him  with  deeds  of  cruelty  and 
injustice  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  the  man's 
character  which  is  formed  by  reading  his  relation. 
He  returned  to  Spain  in  1545  as  a  prisoner,  and  in 
1551  was  condemned  by  the  council  of  the  Indies  to  loss 
of  all  his  titles  and  banishment  to  Africa.  Whether 
or  not  the  sentence  was  executed  is  not  known.  There 
is  some  evidence  that  he  was  afterward  pardoned.71 

71  Many  notes  might  be  added  on  the  discrepancies  between  different 
writers,  but  this  would  amount  simply  to  a  list  of  errors  by  such  writers  in 
taking  their  information  from  the  original  narratives.  The  prevalent  state 
ment  that  Chirinos  was  in  command  of  the  party  that  met  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
has  already  been  noticed.  Another  error  frequently  met  is  the  division  of 
the  name  Alonso  del  Castillo  Maldonado,  making  Maldonado  a  fifth  member 
of  the  party;  this  is  done  by  Mota-Padilla,  Tello,  Beaumont,  Clavigero, 
Gomara,  and  by  many  later  writers.  It  is  stated,  and  perhaps  correctly,  by 
Alegre,  Ribas,  Tello,  and  Beaumont,  that  some  500  of  the  friendly  natives 
who  served  Alvar  Nunez  as  escort,  changed  their  homes  and  settled  perma 
nently  on  the  Rio  Petatlan.  If  so  they  came  merely  from  a  little  farther 
north  in  Sonora  and  not  from  Florida,  Texas,  New  Mexico,  or  even  Chihuahua, 
as  some  writers  imply. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

NIZA,   ULLOA,   CORONADO,   AND  ALARCOK 
Io37-1542. 

GOVERNORS  TORRE  AND  CORONADO  IN  NEW  GALICIA — MENDOZA  A  RIVAL 
OF  CORTES — EXPEDITION  OF  MARCOS  DE  NIZA — DISCOVERY  OF  CIBOLA — 
FACT  AND  FICTION — CORTES  AGAIN  IN  THE  FIELD — RIVAL  CLAIMS — 
VOYAGE  OF  FRANCISCO  DE  ULLOA — CALIFORNIA— CASTILLO'S  MAP — 
EXPEDITION  OF  FRANCISCO  VAZQUEZ  DE  COROXADO— THROUGH  SONORA — 
To  ZUNI,  MOQUI,  COLORADO  CANON,  NEW  MEXICO,  AND  QUIVIRA — 
FAILURE  AND  RETURN — SETTLEMENT  IN  SONORA — SAN  GERONIMO  DE 
LOS  CORAZONES — MELCHOR  DlAZ  CROSSES  THE  RjO  DEL  TlZON — HlS 
DEATH — INDIAN  HOSTILITIES — SAN  GER6NIMO  ABANDONED — VOYAGE  OF 
HERNANDO  DE  ALARCON  TO  HEAD  OF  THE  GULF — UP  THE  BUENA  GUIA 
IN  BOATS— CORTES  GIVES  UP  THE  STRUGGLE— PEDRO  DE  ALVARADO  ON 
THE  COAST— MIXTON  WAR — NEW  GALICIA  TO  END  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

DIEGO  PEREZ  DE  LA  TORRE,  appointed  governor  of 
Nueva  Galicia  in  1536,  arrived  the  year  following  at 
Compostela,  where  Cristobal  de  Oiiate  had  been  act 
ing  as  governor  for  ,a  short  time  since  Guzman's  de 
parture.  Torre's  Indian  policy  was  radically  different 
from  that  of  Guzman,  and  it  was  not  without  a  marked 
effect  for  the  good  of  the  province;  but  it  was  too 
late  to  atone  for  past  outrages,  or  to  evade  the  storm 
of  general  revolt  that  was  gathering.  The  governor, 
however,  was  spared  the  humiliation  of  failure. 
While  engaged  in  a  campaign  against  revolting  tribes, 
after  winning  a  hard-fought  battle,  he  was  accidentally 
killed  early  in  1538.  Onate  again  became  acting 
governor;  but  before  the  end  of  the  year  the  viceroy 
appointed  Francisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado  to  succeed 
Torre.  The  new  ruler  left  Onate  still  in  command  as 
lieutenant-governor,  and  himself  made  a  tour  of  his 

(71) 


72  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

province,  subsequently  engaging  in  an  expedition  to 
the  far  north.  An  attempt  was  made  to  continue 
Torre's  policy  toward  the  natives,  and  for  a  few  years 
the  general  outbreak  was  deferred.1 

Guzman  was  now  out  of  the  way,  but  Cortes  had  a 
new  and  powerful,  though  more  honorable,  rival  in 
Viceroy  Mendoza,  who  also  cherished  an  ambition  to 
acquire  fame  and  wealth  as  a  conquistador,  and  like 
the  others  looked  northward  for  a  field  of  conquest. 
To  his  credit  it  may  be  said  that  he  proposed  to  found 
his  fame  largely  on  a  lenient  and  just  treatment  of  the 
native  races.  When  Alvar  Nunez  and  his  party  came 
to  Mexico  Mendoza  had  frequent  interviews  with  them 
respecting  the  lands  they  had  visited;  he  bought  the 
negro  Estevanico,  and  finally  secured  the  services  of 
Andres  Dorantes  to  go  with  fifty  men  on  a  new  expe 
dition.  This  project  was  never  carried  out;2  but  it 
was  arranged  that  Governor  Coronado,  soon  after  his 
appointment,  should  go  north  to  San  Miguel  on  a 
visit  of  inspection,  and  with  him  were  sent  several 
Franciscans  accompanied  by  the  negro  Estevanico  and 
by  a  party  of  liberated  slaves  from  the  region  of 
Culiacan.  The  plan  was  to  introduce  the  new  Indian 
policy  or  to  confirm  the  changes  already  made  by  the 
influence  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  and  under  cover  of  this 
policy  to  send  out  a  small  party  to  prepare  for  the 
advance  of  a  larger  force  of  conquerors. 

After  some  preliminary  embassies  from  San  Miguel, 
composed  of  the  freed  slaves,  or  as  certain  authors 
say  of  friars,3  by  which  the  natives  were  convinced  of 

1  See  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  chap,  xxii.,  this  series. 

2 '  Je  ne  sais  pas  comment  il  se  fit  que  1'affaire  n'eut  pas  de  suite. '  Men 
doza,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  i.  torn.  ix.  287;  liamusio,  Naviy.,  iii. 
355. 

3  Torquematla,  iii.  357-8,  and  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  141-5,  speak  of 
two  Franciscans  who  went  in  1538  with  a  captain  bent  on  conquest  and  gold. 
At  a  certain  place  the  captain  turned  to  the  right,  was  stopped  by  the  sierra, 
and  returned.  The  padres  went  to  the  left;  one  of  them  returned  on  account 
of  illness;  the  other  advanced  over  200  leagues  until  he  heard  of  a  people 
wearing  clothes,  houses  of  many  stories,  walled  towns  on  a  great  river,  the 
Seven  Cities,  and  Quivira.  This  padre,  who  was  probably  Juan  Olmedo, 


MAP  OF  THE  NORTH-WEST. 


73 


EXPLORATIONS  OF  1539-42. 


74  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORCNADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

the  Spaniards'  good  faith,  Marcos  de  Niza,  chief  of 
the  Franciscan  band,  with  father  Onorato,  Estevanico, 
the  freedmen,  and  many  natives  of  Culiacan,  left  San 
Miguel  March  7,  1539.4  At  the  Rio  Petatlan  Ono 
rato  was  left  ill,  and  Niza  pursued  his  way  northward 
"as  the  holy  ghost  did  lead  him,"  being  received  with 
kind  attentions,  gifts,  and  triumphal  arches  all  along 
the  way.5 

Some  twenty-five  leagues  beyond  Petatlan,  by  a 
route  not  far  inland  apparently,  the  friar  met  Indians 
whom  he  understood  to  have  come  from  the  land 
where  Cortes  had  been,  and  who  affirmed  it  to  be  an 
island  and  not  a  part  of  the  continent;  in  fact  Niza 
himself  saw  the  natives  pass  to  and  from  the  island, 
which  was  only  half  a  league  from  the  main.  Thus 
early  in  his  narrative6  does  the  venerable  padre  begin 

returned  and  reported  to  his  superior  Marcos  de  Niza.  See  also,  Salmeron, 
Relaciones,  6-7;  Gil  in  Soc.  Mcx.  Geoy.,  viii.  481.  Arricivita  Cron.  Serc'if., 
prologo  3,  mentions  this  trip  as  having  been  made  by  P.  P.  Juan  de  la  Asun 
cion  and  Pedro  Nadal.  It  extended  COO  leagues  to  a  river  in  35°.  Garce"s, 
Doct.  Hist.  Mcx.,  seYie  ii.,  i.  384-5,  also  names  P.  Asuncion.  I  think  it  most 
likely  that  these  accounts  refer  to  Niza's  trip  confounded  als®  perhaps  with 
later  ones,  although  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  103-4,  seems  to  regard  it  as  a  dis 
tinct  expedition. 

4  Instructions  of  November  1538  given  in  Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  325-8; 
Ternaux-Compans,    Voy.,  se"rie  i.  torn.  ix.  249-53;  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  vii. 
cap.  vii.    They  present  no  noteworthy  feature.    The  country  was  of  course  to 
be  carefully  explored,  and  frequent  reports  were  to  be  sent  back. 

5  There  are  some  vague  and  confusing  statements  respecting  a  province  of 
Topira  in  the  mountains,  rich  in  gold  and  emeralds,  whose  inhabitants  were 
warlike,  fighting  with  silver  weapons,  but  willing  to  be  Christians.     Some 
documents" seem  to  imply  that  Niza  found  this  province  soon  after  starting; 
others  that  it  was  reached  by  Coronado  or  his  men  after  Niza's  departure. 
The  province  was  probably  that  known  later  as  Topia,  embracing  parts  of 
Sinaloa  and  Durango.     See  letters  of  Coronado  and  Mendoza  in   Ternaux- 
Compans,  Voy.,  se"rie  i.  torn.  ix.  287-90,  349-54;  JRamnsio,  Nuv/y.,  iii.  354-5. 

*  Descubrimiento  de  las  Siete  Ciudades  por  el  P.  Fr.  Marcos  de  Niza,  in 
Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  325-50.  This  is  Niza's  diary  from  the  original  in  the 
Spanish  archives.  Italian  translation  in  Ramusio,  Navifj.,  iii.  356-9;  Eng 
lish,  in  HalduyCs  Voy.,  iii.  366-73;  French,  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie 
i.  torn.  ix.  256-84.  Also  letters  of  Mendoza,  Coronado,  and  other  officials, 

fiving  original  but  unimportant  information  on  certain  parts  of  the  trip  in 
(/.,  287-90,  349-54;  Ramusio,  Nctrig.,  iii.  354-5;  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  136; 
Oviedo,  iv.  18-19.  Castaneda's  inaccurate  account,  in  Ternaux,  as  above, 
10-14,  is  also  probably  from  original  sources.  Andres  Garcia  testified  in 
Spain,  1540,  that  his  son-in-law  was  a  barber  who  shaved  Niza  and  heard 
from  him  many  details  of  the  trip !  Others  testified  in  a  general  way  to 
Niza's  return  and  reports.  Proccso  del  Marque*,  393  et  seq.  A  full  account 
from  the  original  diary  in  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  vii.  cap.  viii.  Whipple,  in 
Pac.  JK.  It.  Explor.,  iii.  104-8,  and  Davis,  Span.  Conq.  N.  Mex.,  114-31,  have 


MARCOS  DE  NIZA.  75 

to  draw  on  his  imagination  for  facts.  He  also  heard 
of  thirty  other  inhabited  islands  where  pearls  were 
to  be  found.  There  is  clearly  something  worse  than 
exaggeration  in  this  part  of  the  diary,  whatever  may 
be  the  truth  of  the  charge  made  by  Cortes  that  all 
of  Niza's  pretended  discoveries  were  pure  inventions 
or  founded  only  on  the  reports  of  natives  brought  to 
Mexico  by  Cortes  himself.7 

A  journey  of  four  days  across  a  desert  brought  the 
friar  to  a  tribe  who  had 'never  heard  of  the  Christians, 
but  who  gave  food  and  called  their  guest  Hayota,  or 
Sayota,  "man  of  God,"  and  told  him  of  large  settle 
ments  four  or  five  days  inland,  where  the  people 
dressed  in  cotton  and  had  golden  ornaments  and  im 
plements.  Three  days  later  he  reached  a  large  town 
called  Vacapa,  or  Vacupa,8  where  he  remained  from 
March  28th  until  after  easter,  or  the  6th  of  April, 

given  in  notes  their  ideas  of  the  route  which  Davis  places  nearer  the  coast 
than  Whipple.  For  a  poetical  version  printed  in  1G10,  see  Villar/rd,  Hist.  N. 
Mex.,  15.  Other  accounts  more  or  less  full  and  accurate,  but  containing 
nothing  original,  are  found  in  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Sera/.,  prologo,  3;  Ribas, 
IIi*t.  Triumphos,  27;  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  iv.  145-9;  Bcrual  Diaz,  Hist. 
Verda<L,  235;  Torquemada,  iii.  358,  372;  Gomara,  Hi*i.  hid.,  271-3;  Vcnc- 
fjas,  Not.  Col.,  i.  163-4;  Alecjre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  236-7;  Kalmcron,  Rela- 
ciones,  7;  Alarcon,  in  Ramusio,  Navlg.,  iii.  368.  Additional  references:  G a/la 
tin,  in  N.  An.  Voy.,  cxxxi.  245-6;  Greenhow's  Or.  CaL,  56-60;  MollJtauscn, 
Relsen,  i.  432;  ii.  156,  211;  Galvano,  Voy.  Select.,  43;  Bimiry's  Chron.  Hist. 
lJi«:<>r.,  i.  189-93;  Helps'  Span.  Conq.,  iii.  375;  Davis'  El  Grhic/o,  61,  70-1; 


80;  Barreiro,  Ojeada,  5;  Montanus,  Neue  Welt,  234-5;  Montanm,  N.  Weercld, 
207-9;  Frost's  Half  Hours,  122-8;  Barber's  Hist.  West.  St.,  546-8;  Larenau- 
dicre,  Mex.  Guat.,  145;  Iml.  Aff.  Rcpt.  1863,  388;  Murray's  N.  Amer.,  ii. 
69-72;  Hutching*'  Mag.,  i.  Ill;  Lardner's  Hist.  Mar.  Discov.,  ii.  98;  Laet, 
JVb/vx  Orbis,  292,  297-9;  Taylor,  in  CaL  Farmer,  June  12,  1863;  Mayer's 
Mex.  Aztec,  i.  145;  Urintfs  Hist.  Voy.,  374. 

7  CorteY  memorial  of  June  25, 1540,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  xxviii.-ix. ; 
CortcK,    Escritos,    299-304;    Navarrete,    Col.    Viages,   iv.    209,    etc.     Cortes 
states  that  with  a  view  of  enlisting  Niza's  services,  he  had  imparted  to  him 
what  he  had  learned  from  the  natives  during  his  voyage.     The  friar  treacher 
ously  disclosed  the  information  to  the  viceroy  and  on  it  founded  his  narrative. 
It  is  stated  that  Xiza  had  been  guilty  of  like  dishonorable  conduct  in  Guate 
mala  and  Peru. 

8  "\Vhipple,  Pac.  R.  R.  Repts.,  iii.  104,  conjectures  that  the  eastern  settle 
ment  heard  of  was  that  now  represented  by  the  Casas  Grandcs  of  Chihuahua. 
For  a  description  of  those  ruins  see  Native.  Races  of  the  Pac.  States,  iv.  604-14, 
this  series.     Whipple  also  locates  Vacupa  at  Magdalena  on  the  Rio  de  San 
Miguel.     This  is  nothing  but  a  conjecture,  but  perhaps  as  accurate  a  one  as 
could  be  made.     It  13  adopted  by  some  other  writers. 


76  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

sending  native  messengers  to  the  coast,  and  also  de 
spatching  the  negro  in  advance  and  arranging  a  system 
of  signals  by  which  he  might  report  his  discoveries. 
Four  days  after  his  departure  there  came  messengers 
with  a  large  cross,  the  sign  agreed  upon  to  indicate 
that  Estevanico  had  discovered  or  heard  of  a  country 
larger  or  richer  than  New  Spain;  and  also  a  verbal 
message  of  such  wonderful  things  that  even  the  credu 
lous  friar  hesitated  to  believe  them.  The  Indians 
sent  to  the  coast  also  returned  and  brought  back 
natives  with  reports  of  thirty-four  inhabited  but  bar 
ren  isles,  the  people  of  which  were  large  and  strong, 
wearing  ornaments  of  pearl-oyster  shells,  and  bearing 
cow-hide  shields.  Three  Indians  of  a  tribe  called 
Pintados,  from  the  east,  and  claiming  to  know  some 
thing  of  Cibola,  together  with  two  of  the  islanders, 
set  out  with  Niza  to  overtake  Estevanico,  who  had 
sent  a  second  cross.  In  three  days  he  came  to  the 
people  who  had  told  the  negro  of  Cibola  and  its  seven 
cities,  thirty  days'  journey  beyond,  where  they  had 
been  to  get  turquoises.  They  also  spoke  of  the  prov 
inces,  or  kingdoms,  of  Marata,  Acus,  and  Totonteac. 
For  five  days  the  party  went  on  through  settlements, 
the  last  of  which,  well  watered  and  pleasant,  near  the 
site  of  Tucson  as  Whipple  thinks,  was  not  far  from 
the  borders  of  a  desert  crossed  in  four  days. 

Details  of  Niza's  subsequent  adventures,  observa 
tions,  and  falsehoods,  with  conjectures — for  nothing 
more  definite  is  possible — respecting  the  route  fol 
lowed,  belong  to  another  part  of  my  work.9  It  suffices 
here  to  say  that  he  continued  his  journey  until  late  in 
May  when  he  looked  from  a  hill  upon  Cibola,  which 
he  regarded  as  larger  than  Mexico,  though  said  to  be 
the  smallest  of  the  seven  cities.  A  cross  being  raised, 
possession  was  taken  of  the  country  as  New  San  Fran 
cisco.  Fray  Marcos  could  not  enter  the  town,  as  the 
people  were  hostile  and  had  killed  the  negro  and  sev- 

9  See  Hist.  New  Mex.  and  Ariz.,  this  series. 


NEW  EFFORTS  BY  CORTES.  77 

eral  of  his  native  companions.  In  latitude  estimated 
as  35°  it  was  understood  that  the  coast  opposite  turned 
abruptly  westward.  The  return  was  by  the  same 
route  "with  more  fear  than  food;"  and  Niza  reached 
Compostela  at  the  end  of  June,  accompanying  Coro- 
nado  to  Mexico  late  in  August.  There  seems  to  be 
no  good  reason  to  doubt  that  the  friar  really  went 
from  Culiacan  through  Sonora,  across  the  Gila  Val 
ley,  and  thence  north-westward  to  Cibola,  one  of  the 
Zuiii  pueblos.  Despite  the  gross  exaggerations  result 
ing  from  Niza's  credulity  and  lively  imagination,  it  is 
evident  enough  that  his  story  may  have  been  remotely 
founded  on  the  true  state  of  things  at  that  time.  Ex 
cept  the  so-called  turquoises  there  was  no  foundation 
for  the  tales  of  great  wealth  to  which  this  explorer's 
reports  gave  currency  in  Mexico. 

Though  bitterly  disappointed  at  the  failure  of  his 
colonization  scheme  of  1535-6,  the  marques  del  Valle 
was  by  no  means  ready  to  give  up  all  the  brilliant 
hopes  which  had  so  long  filled  his  heart;  or,  if  he  had 
such  an  inclination  at  first,  the  reports  of  Alvar  Nunez 
kindled  his  enthusiasm  as  they  did  that  of  Mendoza. 
So  long  as  northern  conquest  promised  but  slight  re 
ward,  relations  between  captain-general  and  viceroy 
were  somewhat  friendly;  but  with  reports  of  great 
cities  causing  renewed  popular  interest,  serious  hos 
tility  was  developed  between  the  two.  Cortes  claimed 
the  exclusive  right  to  make  explorations  in  the  north. 
In  September  1538  he  wrote  to  the  council  of  the 
Indies  that  he  had  nine  good  vessels  ready  for  a  voy 
age,  only  lacking  pilots.10  Mendoza's  act  in  despatch 
ing  Niza,  to  whom  Cortes  had  confided  all  he  had 
learned  about  the  north,  was  strenuously  but  vainly 
opposed  by  the  captain-general,  who,  on  hearing  the 
friar's  marvellous  tales,  became  alarmed  lest  another 
should  reap  the  fame  and  wealth  for  which  he  had 

10  Col.  Doc.  Incd.,  iv.  193;  Cortes,  Escritos,  280-1. 


78  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

toiled  so  earnestly,  and  resolved  to  get  the  start  of  his 
rival  by  sending  out  a  fleet  at  once.11 

The  Santa  Agueda,  Trinidad,  and  Santo  Tomds,  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty,  thirty-five,  and  twenty  tons 
respectively,  were  put  under  the  command  of  Fran 
cisco  de  Ulloa,  and  having  on  board  sixty  soldiers  and 

11  In  his  memorial  of  June  28,  1540,  Cortes,  Escritos,  303-4;  Col.  Doc.  Ined., 
iv.  213,  says  that  Mendoza  hearing  of  Ulloa's  departure  sent  men  to  the 
ports  where  the  fleet  might  touch  to  prevent  the  voyage:  and  also  on  the 
return  to  hear  what  had  been  accomplished.  Thus  a  messenger  sent  from 
Santiago  to  Corte"s  was  seized  and  tortured  with  a  view  of  obtaining  informa 
tion.  The  viceroy  also  ordered  that  no  person  be  allowed  to  leave  New  Spain 
without  his  permission,  so  that  no  aid  could  be  sent  to  Ulloa.  Bernal  Diaz, 
however,  Hist.  Verdad.,  234,  says  the  expedition  was  sent  by  the  express 
order  of  the  audiencia.  In  his  memorial  of  1539  Cortes  announces  that  Ulloa 
is  ready  to  sail,  and  asks  that  no  restrictions  be  placed  on  his  sending  expedi 
tions  to  the  countries  he  had  discovered.  Escritos,  294-5.  The  state  of  feeling 
between  the  different  would-be  conquerors  after  the  receipt  of  Niza's  reports 
is  best  shown  by  legal  proceedings  in  Spain  in  1540-1.  Proceso  del  Marques, 
300-408.  Cortes,  Guzman,  Alvarado,  and  Soto  each  by  an  attorney  urged 
upon  the  royal  council  his  title  to  Cibola.  Each  had  a  license  for  northern 
discovery,  obtained  in  the  hop,e  that  in  the  vague  northern  somewhere  was  a 
mighty  nation,  etc.,  to  make  the  finder  famous,  powerful,  and  rich.  Now  this 
prize  had  been  found  by  a  fifth  party,  the  viceroy,  through  Niza,  and  Men 
doza  was  said  to  be  preparing  to  follow  up  the  discovery.  Something  must 
be  done.  Soto  was  authorized  to  conquer  and  govern  200  leagues  on  the 
Florida  coast,  and  was  at  the  time  engaged  in  active  explorations.  That 
Cibola  was  included  in  his  territory  was  a  fact  known  to  all  the  world,  so 
clear  that  a  child  might  comprehend  it.  As  yet  his  obtuse  adversaries  had 
the  assurance  to  deny  that  Cibola  was  in  Florida. 

Cortes,  who  in  general  terms  would  admit  the  right  of  no  other  to  make 
northern  discoveries  at  all,  had  authority  to  explore  and  conquer  on  the  South 
Sea  coasts  toward  the  Gran  China;  he  had  spent  large  sums  of  money,  had 
sent  several  armadas,  and  had  another  ready;  indeed  he  had  already  dis 
covered  Cibola,  or  the  lands  immediately  adjoining.  It  was  doubtful  Avhetlier 
Niza  had  found  anything,  but  he  had  probably  merely  repeated  the  reports 
obtained  from  Cortes.  Had  it  not  been  for  Guzman's  opposition  he  would  now 
be  in  full  possession  of  Cibola  and  the  country  far  beyond.  Everybody  knew 
that  Soto's  claim  was  absurd,  Florida  being  a  long  way  off.  As  for  Don 
Nufio,  he  was  simply  governor  of  New  Galicia,  and  would  do  well  to  attend 
to  his  own  business.  Guzman,  for  his  part,  was  also  licensed  to  make  northern 
conquistas,  and  had  done  so  for  many  leagues.  Both  the  lands  discovered  by 
Cortes  (Santa  Cruz)  and  Cibola  were  notoriously  in  his  jurisdiction,  just  ad 
joining  in  fact  his  actual  settlements.  Corte"s  never  had  any  right  to  go  north, 
his  license  being  for  the  west,  or  toward  India;  but  if  he  had  any  such  right 
he  had  forfeited  it  by  not  retaining  possession  of  the  island  he  claimed  to 
have  discovered.  He  could  not  have  made  the  voyage  anyway  without  Guz 
man's  aid;  nor  could  Niza  have  gone  so  far  north  but  for  Guzman's  earlier 
conquest.  Alvarado  figured  less  prominently,  but  he  too  had  a  license  for 
South  Sea  exploration,  and  thought  it  well  to  keep  his  claim  alive  before  the 
consejo.  All  agreed  on  one  point,  that  Mendoza  had  110  right  to  continue  his 
efforts.  The  fiscal  rendered  an  opinion  that  each  party,  being  so  strongly 
opposed,  was  probably  wrong !  and  the  council  at  last  gave  30  days  to  prove 
where  Cibola  was,  the  decision  being  practically  in  favor  of  the  viceroy  as 
representing  the  crown. 


ULLOA'S  VOYAGE.  79 

three  friars  in  addition  to  the  crew,  sailed  from  Aca- 
pulco  July  8,  1539.12  Just  before  reaching  Santiago 
the  Santa  Agueda  broke  her  mast  in  a  storm  and  the 
fleet  did  not  leave  this  port  till  the  23d  of  August. 
The  details  of  Ulloa's  voyage  have  for  the  most  part 
no  geographical  importance,  as  but  very  few  of  the 
points  mentioned  can  be  identified;  yet  as  the  first 
exploration  of  the  gulf  to  its  head,  the  voyage  has  a 
certain  degree  of  historic  value,  and  I  therefore  con 
dense  the  details  in  a  note.13  The  Santo  Tomds  having 
been  lost  on  the  Culiacan  coast,  the  other  two  vessels 

12  There  is  no  doubt  about  this  date.    The  many  errors  of  different  writers 
need  not  therefore  be  noticed  here. 

13  Sailed  from  Santiago  Aug.  23d;  Sto  Tomds  lost  Aug.  27th-8th,  and  the 
others  driven  to  Guayabal;  thence  across  to  Sta  Cruz,  which  they  left  Sept. 
12th.     Two  days  across  to  Rio  S.  Pedro  y  S.  Pablo,  having  an  island  in  front 
4-5  miles  out;  15  leagues  up  the  coast  to  two  large  rivers  two  1.  apart;  18  1. 
to  large  lagoons  and  shallows;  171.  passing  a  bay  of  4-5 1. ;  161.;  at  noon  next 
day  a  cape  of  white  sand  on  a  level  coast  in  29°  45'  named  C.  Rojo;  near  by 
was  a  river  forming  a  lagoon,  and  several  other  rivers;  next  day  a  fine  port 
with  two  entrances  in  a  fine  country  (Guaymas?);  two  days  and  a  half  or  40 1. 
to  many  islands  on  the  left,  also  Cape  Llagas;  30  1.  to  where  the  coasts  were 
only  121.  apart  with  two  islands  in  the  middle  4  1.  apart;  a  river  seemed  to 
enter  here;  50  1.  of  sandy  and  barren  shores;  water  chalky  white,  high  mount 
ains  to  be  seen  in  the  N.  w. ;  10  1.  to  where  the  water  was  black  and  turbid 
and  only  5  fathoms  deep;  crossed  over  to  western  shore  where  depth  wras  still 
less;  a  strong  flux  and  reflux  of  the  waters  every  six  hours,  the  sea  appearing 
to  flow  into  and  from  a  lagoon,  or  else  there  was  a  great  river;  viewed  from 
the  mast-head  the  shores  seemed  to  unite  at  a  distance  of  1  league;  posses 
sion  was  taken,  apparently  on  the  California  side. 

Down  western  coast  a  few  leagues  to  a  large  port  on  a  mountainous  coast, 
having  an  island  in  front;  passed  between  a  mountainous  island  and  the  coast 
into  port  S.  Andre's  (Gomara  and  Venegas  seem  to  locate  this  port  at  the  head 
of  the  gulf);  between  coast  and  another  island  over  180  1.  in  circumference 
1  or  2  1.  out;  Oct.  llth,  another  large  island  (Tortuga?)  on  left  and  a 
great  bay  on  right;  Oct.  13th  in  a  fine  bay  surrounded  by  mountains,  with 
two  small  islands  and  rivers;  Oct.  16th,  a  cape  with  high  mountains  near  Sta 
Cruz  (La  Paz);  Oct.  18th,  entered  Sta  Cruz;  sailed  Oct.  29th;  Nov.  10th,  they 
were  54  1.  from  California  (from  Sta  Cruz?)  and  saw  the  Pearl  Island;  vessels 
separated  3  clays;  Nov.  18th,  70  1.  from  Sta  Cruz;  Nov.  24th,  vessels  sepa 
rated;  land  seen  in  the  N.  w. 

^  Nov.  26th  they  met  near  a  lagoon  30  1.  in  circumference  (Magdalena  B., 
Navarretc]  with  a  deep  narrow  channel,  near  a  mountain;  fight  with  Indians 
Nov.  29th  (or  Dec.  2d);  Dec.  4th,  sailed  8-10  1.  to  a  fine  port  S.  Abad  with 
rivers  (Magdalena  B.,  Burney — Sta  Marta  B.,  Navarrete);  20  1.  farther  lost 
anchors,  and  driven  back  to  the  lagoon  (or  to  S.  Abad);  Dec.  17th,  to  Pt  Trin 
idad  (on  Margarita  Isl.,  Navarrete)  and  thence  to  where  the  anchors  were  lost, 
35  1.  from  the  lagoon;  63  1.  farther  by  Jan.  1,  1540,  to  a  point  in  front  of 
several  high  mountains;  35  1.  in  five  days  to  Cedros  Isl.,  large  and  inhabited, 
the  chief  of  the  S.  Stephano  group  of  three,  possession  taken  Jan.  22d;  ad 
vanced  18  1.  but  driven  back;  several  vain  attempts  to  go  farther  north  until 
Mar.  24th;  Sta  Ayueda  sent  back  April  5th;  April  18th  arrived  at  Santiago. 
These  details  are  from  Preciado's  account  in  Ramusio. 


80  NIZA,  ULLOA,  COEONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

after  crossing  over  to  Santa  Cruz  followed  up  the 
Sonora  coast,  entering  probably  the  port  now  called 
Guaymas,  noting  the  numerous  islands  a  little  above, 
and  finally  reaching  a  point  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Colorado  where  the  low  sandy  shores  seemed  to  unite 
about  a  league  off.  It  was  the  opinion  of  most  of  the 
officers  that  they  did  so  unite,  forming  a  gulf  and 
making  Santa  Cruz  a  part  of  the  main.14 

The  18th  of  October,  having  passed  down  the 
peninsula  coast,  the  fleet  anchored  in  Santa  Cruz 
Bay.  Rounding  the  cape  in  November,  Ulloa  con 
tinued  up  the  outer  coast,  entered  probably  Magda- 
lena  Bay,  was  wounded  in  a  battle  with  the  natives, 
and  remained  from  January  to  April  at  or  near  Cedros 
Island,  since  known  as  Cerros.  Thence  he  made  sev 
eral  ineffectual  attempts  to  sail  northward,  but  accord 
ing  to  the  diary15  the  farthest  point  reached  was  only 
about  eighteen  leagues  above  the  island.  The  map 
made  by  Domingo  Castillo  in  1541,  from  the  results 
of  this  voyage  only,  so  far  as  the  outer  coast  is  con 
cerned,  names  the  northern  limit  Cabo  del  Engano, 
or  Cape  Disappointment,  as  does  also  the  historian 

14  Below  on  the  California  coast  some  are  said  to  have  been  disgusted  at 
the  idea  of  making  so  long  a  voyage  without  positively  settling  the  question; 
but  this  doubt  was  in  relation  to  an  inlet  just  above  Sta  Cruz  which  it  was 
thought  might  be  a  strait.  Ramusio,  Navig.,  iii.  343. 

15  Ulloa,  Eelatione  dello  Scoprimento  che  nel  nome  di  Dio  va  &  far  Varmata 
dcirilluttrissimo   Fernando   Cortese,    etc.     In   Ramusio,    Viaggi,    iii.   339-54; 
Hakluyfs  Voy.,  iii.   397-424.     The  writer  was  Francisco  Preciado,  perhaps 
one  of  the  friars,  but  I  think  not,  from  the  part  he  took  in  the  fighting.    Full 
accounts  from  the  same  source,  or  exhibiting  a  few  variations  of  unexplained 
origin,  are  given  mllerrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  ix.  cap.  viii.-x. ;  Sutll  yMex.,  Viaje, 
xxi.-v.,  app.  15;  Laet,Novvs  Orbis,  293-7.    See  also  Navarrete,  Viaj(sAp6c., 
28-9;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  234;  Gomara,  Conq.  Mex.,  292-3;   Vene- 
gas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  158-60;  Burners  Chron.  Hist.  Discov.,  i.  193-210;  Clavigero, 
Stor.  CaL,   151;    Cortts,    Hist.,   324;    Cortes,   Escritos,   280-1,  294-5,   303-4; 
Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  93-4;  Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,  v.  856;  Galvano,  in  Voy. 
Select.,  43;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  123,  128;   Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  142-3; 
Salazar  y  Olarte,  Hi»t.  Conq.  Mex.,  450;  Broicne's  L.  CaL,  15-16;  Greenhow's 
Mem.,  26-7;  Id.,  Or.  and  CaL,  56-7;  TuthUVs  Hist.  CaL,  9;  Gotffriedt,  Neive 
Welt,  605-7;  Montanus,  N.  Weereld,  205-7;  Id.,  N.  Welt,  232-4;  Mora,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geofj.,  ix.  311;  Gordon's  N.  Amer.,  92;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch..  i.  68-9; 
Hiiies*  Voy.,  349;  Findlay's  Directory;  DomenecJi's  Deserts,  i.  225-6;  Farn- 
ham's  Life  in  CaL,  124-5;  Fedix,  rOregon,  55;  Forbes' CaL,  9;  Larenaudiere, 
Mex.  Guat.,  151;    Hutching*1  Mag.,  iii.  4CO;   Murray's  Hist.  Trav.,  ii.  68; 
Poussin,  rOregon,  18-19;  Ruschenbcrger,  Voy.,  ii.  424;  Taylor,  in  CaL  Farmer, 
April  18,  1864;  Tytler's  Hist.  Discov.,  70-3;  Frost's  Half  Hours,  110-19. 


FATE  OF  ULLOA. 


81 


Gomara.16  At  last,  on  April  5th,  the  vessels  parted 
company,  the  Santa  Agueda,  the  weaker  of  the  two, 
being  sent  back  under  command  of  the  chief  pilot  to 
report  to  Cortes.  She  arrived  at  Santiago  April 
18th,  remained  a  few  days,  and  then  went  south.17 
Of  Ulloa's  voyage  on  the  Trinidad  after  the  separa 
tion  absolutely  nothing  is  known.  It  is  probable 
that  he  never  returned,  the  only  original  evidence  to 


CASTILLO'S  MAP,  1541. 

the  contrary  being  the  statement  of  Bernal  Diaz  that 
he  came  back  to  Jalisco,  where  he  was  soon  waylaid 
and  killed  by  one  of  his  own  men.18 

16 Map  published  by  Lorenzana  in  Cortes,  Hist.,  328.  The  author  also 
went  with  Alarcon  in  1540,  but  did  not  in  that  voyage  visit  the  western 
coast  of  the  peninsula. 

17  This  must  have  been  the  occasion  already  referred  to  (note  11  of  this 
chapter)  when  the  messenger  to  Cortes  was  tortured  by  Maldonado  acting 
under  Mendoza's  orders.  Cortes  states  further,  Escrltos,  303-4,  that  the 
vessel,  having  lost  her  boat  and  anchors,  was  obliged  to  enter  the  port  of 
Guatulco,  when  the  crew  were  seized  and  the  vessel  was  lost. 

ls//i.s'£.  Verdad.,  234.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  83-4,  says  Ulloa  came  back 
to  Acapulco  in  May  1540. 

HIST.  N.  Mzx.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    6 


82  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCOtf. 

It  should  be  noted  here  that  the  name  California 
was  first  applied  to  the  region  before  known  as  Santa 
Cruz  in  the  narrative  of  Ulloa's  voyage.  It  was  ap 
plied  to  a  locality,  probably  that  of  Santa  Cruz  itself, 
though  this  is  not  quite  certain;  and  it  was  soon  ex 
tended  to  the  whole  peninsula.  The  origin  of  the 
name  afforded  grounds  for  much  conjecture,  no  evi 
dence  beyond  conjecture  being  adduced,  until  the 
truth  was  known.  The  most  plausible  theory  was 
that  the  name  was  a  corruption  of  some  imperfectly 
understood  native  Avords;  another  being  that  it  was 
deliberately  formed  by  Cortes  and  his  associates  from 
Latin  or  Greek  roots.  In  1862  Edward  E.  Hale  dis 
covered  the  source  from  which  the  name  was  obtained 
in  an  old  romance,  the  Sergas  de  Esplandian  by  Or 
donez  de  Montalvo,  popular  among  the  adventurers 
of  the  time  of  Cortes,  and  in  which  was  mentioned 
an  island  of  California  "on  the  right  hand  of  the 
Indies,  very  near  the  terrestrial  paradise."  There  is 
no  evidence  respecting  the  circumstances  under  which 
the  name  was  given,  nor  is  any  likely  ever  to  be 
found.  It  was  given  between  1535  and  1539,  and  not 
by  Cortes,  for  he  never  even  used  the  name.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  Ulloa  was  left  on  the  peninsula 
in  command  of  the  colony  in  1536;  and  I  hazard  the 
conjecture  that  the  place  of  their  sufferings,  or  pos 
sibly  one  of  the  islands  in  the  vicinity,  was  named 
California  by  the  disgusted  colonists  on  their  depar 
ture,  as  a  term  of  ridicule.  This  may  be  the  reason 
that  Don  Hernan  never  wrote  the  name.  I  treat  the 

general  subject  somewhat  more  fully  elsewhere.19 

• 

Governor  Coronado  received  Niza's  report,  de 
spatched  Melchor  Diaz  and  Juan  de  Zaldivar  with 
fifteen  men  to  verify  it,  and  hastened  to  Mexico  to 
raise  an  army  for  the  conquest  of  Cibola  and  its 
seven  cities.  At  the  capital  the  friar  scattered  his 
marvellous  tales  broadcast;  he  was  made  provincial  of 

19  See  Hist.  Cal,  i.  64-8,  this  series. 


VAZQUEZ  DE  CORONADO.  83 

the  Franciscans  and  thus  was  secured  the  earnest 
cooperation  of  that  order.  Coronado  affected  secrecy 
and  mystery  the  better  to  excite  popular  interest. 
Mendoza,  no  less  enthusiastic,  lent  to  the  scheme  the 
full  aid  of  his  influence  and  authority.  The  response 
was  as  immediate  and  satisfactory  as  had  been  those 
to  the  calls  of  Guzman  in  1529  and  of  Cortes  in  1539, 
notwithstanding  the  disastrous  termination  of  both 
expeditions.  Three  hundred  Spaniards,  including 
many  gentlemen  of  good  family  and  high  rank,  with 
ei<rht  hundred  Indian  allies  were  enlisted  without 

O 

difficulty.  Mendoza  wished  at  first  to  take  command 
in  person,  but  the  state  of  affairs  in  Mexico  making 
this  impracticable  Coronado  was  made  cap  tain -general 
of  the  expedition.  He  had  the  entire  confidence  of 
the  viceroy,  and  was  at  this  time  popular  with  his 
men;  though  it  appears  that  he  had  no  real  military 
authority  over  many  of  his  gentleman  officers,  who 
were  bound  only  by  their  promise.  Mendoza  went 
to  Cornpostela,  and  cheered  the  army  by  a  parting 
address  in  February  1540.  A  maritime  expedition 
under  Pedro  de  Alarcon  was  to  cooperate  with  the 
army,  but  as  there  was  no  communication  between 
the  two  branches,  the  voyage  will  be  noticed  later. 

At  Chametla,  Lope  de  Samaniego,  the  maestre  de 
campo,  who  it  will  be  remembered  had  served  under 
Guzman  and  had  been  first  to  reach  the  Petatlan 
River,  having  imprudently  entered  a  pueblo  with  but 
few  companions,  was  killed  by  the  natives.  His  death 
was  much  regretted,  and  was  terribly  avenged  by  the 
hanging  of  such  inhabitants  of  the  town  and  vicinity 
as  could  be  caught.  Here  also  Diaz  and  Zaldivar 
joined  the  army,  coming  back  from  a  preliminary  ex 
ploration  undertaken  from  San  Miguel  in  the  preced 
ing  November  by  Coronado's  order.  They  had  followed 
Niza's  route  and  reached  Chichilticale,  perhaps  on  the 
Gila  River,  but  had  found  little  or  nothing  to  justify 
the  padre  provincial's  glowing  statements.  Their 
report  was  made  secretly,  but  its  purport  leaked  out, 


84  NIZA,  ULLOA,  COROXADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

and  it  required  all  Coronado's  zeal  and  renewed  assev 
erations  by  Niza  to  revive  the  hopes  of  the  army.20 

After  fifteen  days  of  rest  and  preparation  at  San 
Miguel,21  the  general,  taking  with  him  fifty  horsemen, 
a  few  foot-soldiers,  his  best  friends,  and  all  the  friars, 
started  northward  about  the  middle  of  April,  leaving 
the  main  army  under  Captain  Tristan  de  Arellano 
with  instructions  to  follow  fifteen  or  twenty  days 
later  and  to  await  further  orders  at  the  valley  of 
Corazones.  The  advance  was  slow,  difficulties  of  the 
way  being  much  greater  than  they  had  been  rep 
resented,  although  the  natives  were  always  friendly. 
Late  in  May  he  reached  the  valley  of  Corazones, 
where  he  learned  that  the  coast  was  five  days  distant, 
that  seven  or  eight  inhabited  islands  lay  opposite, 
and  that  a  ship  had  been  seen  to  pass.  Next  he 
marched  to  Chichilticale,  the  "red  house,"  probably 
the  structure  since  known  as  the  Casa  Grande  on  the 
Gila,  then  as  now  a  roofless  ruin.22  The  23d  of  June 

20Mendoza,  in  a  letter  dated  Jacona  (Mich.),  April  17, 1540,  Ter>;aux-Com~ 
pans,  Voy.,  surie  i.  torn.  ix.  291-8,  says  that  Diaz  was  stopped  by  extreme 
cold  more  than  100  leagues  beyond  Culiacan,  and  found  it  impossible  to  reach 
Cibola,  but  acquired  much  information  from  the  Indians  about  that  province, 
and  sent  back  Zaldivar  with  a  letter  to  the  viceroy  which  was  received  March 
20th.  Both  Diaz  and  Zaldivar  doubtless  returned  to  Chametla,  whence  the 
latter  was  sent  south  with  the  letter.  Mendoza's  return  to  Mexico  was  de 
layed  by  an  attack  of  fever  in  Colima. 

The  standard  and  original  authorities  on  Coronado's  expedition  are:  Gets- 
taneda,  Relation  du  Voyage  de  Cibola;  Coronado,  Relation  del  Suceso  de  la 
Jornada,  by  an  unknown  writer;  Jarami/lo,  Relation  que  did  el  Capitan;  and 
several  printed  letters  of  Coronado  and  Meiidoza.  Mota-Padilla  gives  some 
unimportant  details  from  unknown  sources  not  the  preceding;  most  of  the 
early  chroniclers  devote  considerable  space  to  the  subject;  and  many  modern 
writers  have  given  their  versions  and  comments.  Interest  in  the  expedition, 
however,  centres  in  the  far  north,  and  for  bibliographical  details  and  a  list  of 
authorities  I  refer  the  reader  to  Hist.  N.  Max.  and  Ariz.,  this  series. 

21  According  to  Frcjes,  Hist.  Breve,  115-17,  Coronado  sent  troops  from 
Culiacan  to  S.  Sebastian  de  Coras  (?)  and  hanged  150  natives  for  no  offence. 
This  may  be  a  reference  to  the  affairs  at  Chametla.     The  author  is  very  bitter 
against  Coronado. 

22  Jaramillo  gives  more  details  of  the  route:  From  the  Rio  Sinaloa  (Fuerte), 
five  days  to  Cedros  Creek;  three  days  to  the  Rio  Yaqui;  three  days  to  a  creek 
on  which  were  straw  huts;  two  days  to  the  creek  and  pueblo  of  Corazones. 
Through  a  kind  of  pass  to  the  valley  of  Seiiora  (Sonora),  on  the  same  creek; 
one  clay  along  the  creek  to  Ispa;  four  days  through  a  desert  to  Nexpa  Creek 
(Sta  Cruz  River,  tiimpson,  325.    Gila  River,  Squier  in  Amer.  Rev.,  Nov.  1846, 
6);  two  days   down  this   creek,  turned  to  right  and  followed  Chichilticale 
Mts.  for  two  days,  N.  E.  ;  crossed  the  mountains  to  a  stream  in  a  deep  cauada; 


CORONADO'S  EXPEDITION.  85 

lie  entered  the  country  beyond  and  directed  his  course 
north-eastward.  Fifteen  days  later  he  was  on  the 
Rio  Vermejo,  or  Rio  cle  Lino,  now  the  Colorado 
Chiquito;  and  about  the  10th  of  July  he  came  in 
sight  of  the  famous  towns  of  Cibola.  The  one  first 
approached,  and  named  Granada,  was  built  on  a  high 
rocky  mesa  accessible  at  one  point  only.  It  doubtless 
stood  where  now  are  seen  the  ruins  of  Old  Zuiii. 

Particulars  of  Coronado's  further  explorations, 
though  interesting,  important,  and  somewhat  com 
plicated,  belong  obviously  to  the  annals  of  Arizona* 
and  New  Mexico.  An  outline  is  all  that  is  required 
here.23  During  his  stay  of  five  months  at  Cibola  with 
his  advance  guard,  Coronado  sent  Captain  Tobar  to 
Tusayan,  or  the  Moqui  towns,  Captain  Cardenas  to 
•the  great  canon  of  the  Colorado  farther  west,  and 
Captain  Alvarado  far  east  to  Cicuye,  or  Pecos,  in 
New  Mexico.  In  December,  the  main  army  under 
Arellano  having  meanwhile  arrived  from  the  south  to 
join  him,  Coronado  marched  east  and  went  into  winter 
quarters  in  the  province  of  Tiguex,  or  country  of  the 
Tiguas,  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Puerco.  The  natives  were 
well  disposed  at  first,  but  outrageous  oppression  soon 
made  them  hostile,  and  the  winter  was  spent  in  war. 
The  natives  of  Tiguex  were  defeated,  but  left  their 
pueblos  and  would  not  submit.  In  May  1541  Coro 
nado  crossed  the  river  and  started  out  into  the  plains 
north-eastward  in  search  of  great  towns  and  precious 
metals  reported  to  exist  in  that  direction.  One  divi 
sion  of  the  army  returned  to  Tiguex  in  July  and 
Coronado  himself  in  September.  He  had  penetrated 
as  he  believed  to  40°,  and  had  very  likely  reached 
Kansas  between  the  Arkansas  and  Missouri  rivers. 
The  limit  was  a  province  called  Quivira,  and  though 

three  days  N.  E.  to  Rio  S.  Juan  (June  24th);  two  days  N.  to  Rio  de  las  Bal 
sas;  two  short  days  N.  E.  to  Barranca  Creek;  one  day  to  Rio  Frio;  one  day, 
through  a  pine  forest,  to  a  creek;  two  days  N.  E.  to  Rio  Vermejo;  two  days 
to  Cibola. 

23  See  Hist.  N.  Mex.  and  Ariz.,  this  series,  for  full  details. 


86  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCOK 

he  found  a  populous  country  and  large  villages  of 
wigwams,  there  were  no  gold  and  silver,  no  powerful 
kingdoms,  no  advanced  civilization.  It  should  be 
noted,  however,  that  popular  belief  in  the  wealth  of 
Quivira  increased  notwithstanding  Coronado's  failure, 
so  that  the  place  played  a  prominent  part  in  later  con 
jectures  and  reasonings  about  what  must  exist  in  the 
far  north.  Moreover  by  a  strange  error,  apparently 
of  the  historian  Gomara,  Quivira  and  most  of  Coro 
nado's  discoveries  were  soon  transferred  to  the  northern 
Pacific  coast,  where  they  figured  on  maps  for  many 
years.  Meanwhile  expeditions  were  also  sent  far  down 
the  Rio  Grande  and  up  as  far  as  Taos.  In  the  spring 
of  1542,  when  ready  for  a  new  campaign,  Coronado 
was  seriously  injured  in  a  tournament,  and  on  con 
valescence  determined,  against  the  will  of  his  officers, 
to  give  up  the  expedition.  Some  friars  were  left 
behind,  who  were  afterward  killed,  and  in  April  the 
return  march  was  begun. 

At  Chichilticale  Captain  Gallego  was  met,  with  a 
small  reenforcement  from  Mexico  and  Culiacan.  His 
march  had  been  through  hostile  tribes  who  resisted 
every  step,  and  his  exploits  gave  him  great  fame  as 
an  Indian-fighter.  The  chronicler  believes  that  with 
his  little  company  of  twenty-two  men  Gallego  would 
have  gone  on  and  penetrated  the  rich  country  de 
scribed  by  El  Turco.  Here  the  gentlemen  renewed 
their  requests  for  a  further  prosecution  of  the  con 
quest;  but  neither  the  leader  nor  the  army  would 
listen  to  their  pleadings;  at  least  the  latter  would  not, 
for  Coronado  seems  to  have  lost  all  real  control.  The 
march  homeward  through  Sonora  was  marked  by 
several  encounters  with  the  natives,  and  by  the  dis 
covery  of  an  antidote  for  the  poisoned  arrows.  At 
Culiacan  the  army  arrived  in  a  sad  state  of  insubordi 
nation.  Coronado,  still  unwell,  was  unable  to  make 
his  authority  respected  either  as  commander  or  as  gov 
ernor  of  the  province,  and  it  was  only  with  much  diffi 
culty  and  by  a  lavish  distribution  of  gifts  and  promises 


SETTLEMENT  OF  SAN  GER6NIMO.  87 

that  the  army  was  induced  to  accompany  him  to 
Mexico.'24  This  last  stage  of  the  return  was  begun 
late  in  June,  and  after  a  difficult  march,  during  which 
the  soldiers  were  constantly  deserting,  the  sick  cap 
tain-general  arrived  in  the  capital  with  barely  a  hun 
dred  men.25  He  was  coldly  received  at  first  by  the 
viceroy,  who  was  naturally  much  disappointed  at  the 
failure  of  his  grand  scheme  of  conquest;  but  his 
explanations  seem  to  have  been  finally  accepted  as 
satisfactory,  he  was  honorably  discharged  from  his 
command,  and  as  soon  as  his  health  would  permit' 
resumed  his  duties  as  governor  of  New  Galicia. 

I  have  now  to  note  the  progress  of  events  in  the 
territory  since  called  Sonora,  during  Coronado's  stay 
in  New  Mexico  from  1540  to  1542.  Arellano  in  com 
mand  of  Coronado's  main  force  had  left  San  Miguel 
in  April  1540  and  marched  to  Corazones  Valley.28 
Here  he  began  the  foundation  of  a  town  to  be  named 
San  Ger6nimo;  but  the  site  was  soon  changed  to  the 
vaWey  of  Senor,  or  Senora,  perhaps  the  original  form 
of  the  name  Sonora,  still  applied  to  the  valley  as  to 
the  state.  The  site  was  probably  in  the  region  be 
tween  the  modern  Hermosillo  and  Arizpe,  but  all 
details  of  exact  location  in  the  different  authorities  are 
hopelessly  confused.  Captain  Maldonado  was  sent 

24  From'  Culiacan  each  one  went  where  he  pleased.  Coronado,  Relation, 
154. 

25  Gomara,  Hist.  Tnd.,  274.    Venegas,  Not.  Cat.,  i.  167-9,  and  others  date 
the  arrival  in  Mexico  as  March  1542. 

26  '  My  idea  is,  that  the  town  of  Corazones  on  the  Sonora  River,  was  Sonora, 
so  called  because  it  was  eminently  the  town  of  the  province  of  corazones,  in 
which  it  was  situated;  that  San  Hieronimo  de  los  Corazones  was  situated  ac 
cording  to  Coronado  10  or  12  1.  from  the  sea,  and. .  .401.  from  Sonora,  on  the 
Suj-a  River;  which  would  place  it. .  .on  a  river  which  is  now  called  S.  Ignacio.' 
Simpson,  in  Smithsonian  Kept.,  1869/325.     Possibly  the  above  was  clear  to 
Mr  S.    San  Ger6nimo,  12  1.  from  the  later  town  of  Sonora.  Mota-Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal.,  163.     The  valle  del  Senor  was  that  of  the  San  Miguel  River. 
Whippfe  in  Pac.  /?.  R.  Re.pt.,  iii.   108-12.     Corazones  Valley  probably  on 
Mulatos  Rio,  where  Yecora  lies.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  237.     Senora 
Valley  10  1.  beyond  Corazones.   Coronado,  Relation,  147-8.     Corazones  in  the 
lower  part  of  Senora  Valley.   Castaneda,  157.     According  to  Benavides,  Re- 
qveste,   109-10,  Corazones  was  the  first  pueblo  in  Seuora  Valley,  and  6  1. 
beyond  was  the  larger  pueblo  of  Agastan,  a  name  which  I  find  nowhere  else. 


88  NIZA,  ULLOA,  COROXADO,  AND  ALARCOtf. 

down  the  river  to  the  gulf  in  the  hope  of  finding  a 
port  or  meeting  Alarcon's  fleet,  but  accomplished 
neither  object.  In  October  captains  Diaz  and  Gal- 
lego  arrived  at  San  Geronimo  from  the  north,  having 
been  despatched  by  Coronado  from  Cibola.  Diaz  was 
to  remain  in  command  at  the  new  settlement  with 
eighty  men,  and  to  put  himself  if  possible  in  commu 
nication  with  Alarcon.  Gallego  was  to  proceed  to 
Mexico  with  reports  for  the  viceroy,  and  Arellano 
with  the  main  force  was  to  join  the  general  at  Cibola, 
as  he  did  in  December. 

Leaving  Diego  de  Alcaraz  in  command  at  San 
Geronimo,  Melchor  Diaz  soon  started  with  twenty- 
five  picked  men,  and  Indian  guides,  in  search  of  Alar- 
con.  He  probably  went  down  the  river  to  the  gulf 
and  thence  proceeded  north-westwardly,  not  far  from 
the  coast.  We  have  no  particulars  of  the  march,  esti 
mated  at  a  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  until  he  reached 
the  region  about  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado,  a  river 
named  by  Diaz  Rio  del  Tizon  from  the  custom  of  the 
natives  of  carrying  a  fire-brand  with  which  to  warm 
themselves,  and  which  was  perfectly  understood  by 
the  Spaniards  to  be  the  same  river  discovered  nearer 
its  source  by  Cardenas  from  Cibola  and  the  Moqui 
towns.  The  natives  were  so  large  and  strong,  it  is 
gravely  stated,  that  one  of  them  easily  bore  upon  his 
head  a  burden  which  six  Spaniards  could  not  move. 
On  reaching  the  river,  Diaz  heard  that  the  vessels  had 
been  seen  below,  and  after  travelling  three  days  to  a 
point  which  he  considered  fifteen  leagues  from  the 
mouth,  he  found  letters  from  Alarcon,  buried  at  the 
foot  of  a  tree.  The  letters  announced  the  voyager's 
return  to  New  Spain  and  his  discovery  that  California 
was  not  an  island.  The  party  then  went  up  the  river 
for  five  or  six  days  in  search  of  a  ford.  They  finally 
crossed  on  rafts  in  the  country  of  a  hostile  tribe  who 
plotted  their  destruction,  but  whose  plans  were  dis 
covered  and  circumvented.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
Diaz  went  above  the  mouth  of  the  Gila.  After  cross- 


MELCHOR  DIAZ.  89 

ing  ho  proceeded  down  the  river  and  coast  for  an  un 
known  distance,  reaching  a  region  where  the  ground 
is  said  to  have  been  so  hot  and  trembling  as  to  be 
impassable.  Finally,  in  attempting  to  drive  away  a 
dog  which  was  worrying  the  sheep  brought  for  food, 
he  threw  his  lance,  and,  his  horse  still  running,  was 
pierced  in  the  thigh  by  the  weapon  which  had  stuck 
point  uppermost  in  the  ground.  He  was  carried  back 
toward  San  Geronirno  for  twenty  days,  but  died  before 
his  party  arrived  there  early  in  154 1.27 

Alcaraz  at  once  sent  to  Coronado  the  report  of 
Diaz's  death,  with  the  further  information  that  the 
natives  were  hostile,  the  soldiers  mutinous,  and  the 
prospects  of  the  colony  bad.  Captain  Tobar  was  sent 
south  from  Tiguex,  and  on  his  arrival  caused  the  arrest 
of  some  of  the  worst  native  chieftains;  but  Alcaraz 
freed  them  for  a  ransom  of  cloth.  As  soon  as  their 
chiefs  were  released  the  Indians  attacked  the  Spaniards 
and  killed  seventeen  with  poisoned  arrows  before  they 
could  regain  the  settlement.  Tobar  now  changed  again 
the  site  of  San  Geronimo,  transferring  it  forty  leagues 
northward  to  the  valley  of  Suya,  perhaps  identical 
with  the  Rio  San  Ignacio  of  modern  maps,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Magdalena.  About  August  1541  Tobar 
returned  to  Tiguex,  and  is  said  to  have  taken  with  him 
the  best  of  the  soldiers,  leaving  the  most  unmanage 
able  at  San  Geronimo.  In  the  spring  of  1542,  when 
Captain  Cardenas  arrived  from  the  north  he  found 
the  town  empty.  Before  its  final  abandonment  most 
of  the  remaining  force  had  deserted  and  fled  toward 
Culiacan  under  Pedro  de  Avila.  Of  the  deserters 
some  were  killed  by  the  savages,  others  were  detained 
by  Saavedra  at  San  Miguel,  and  the  rest  fled  toward 
Mexico.  The  natives  took  advantage  of  the  colony's 

27 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  158-9,  says  that  Diaz  after  crossing  the 
river  travelled  four  days,  found  no  people,  and  resolved  to  return;  on  the  re 
turn  he  was  wounded  by  the  shaft  and  not  the  point  of  the  lance;  and  died 
Jan.  18th.  According  to  Coronado,  Relation,  149,  he  crossed  the  river  30  1. 
from  its  mouth,  travelled  westward  5  or  6  days,  returned  for  want  of  water, 
and  was  killed  during  the  return. 


90  NIZA,  ULLOA,  COROXADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

defenceless  condition  to  renew  their  hostilities.  One 
morning  they  suddenly  attacked  and  took  the  town, 
killed  Alcarazand  several  other  Spaniards,  with  many 
native  servants,  cattle,  and  horses,  and  retired  laden 
with  booty.  The  survivors28  started  on  foot  next  day 
for  Culiacan,  where  they  finally  arrived  after  having 
been  succored  on  the  way  by  the  ever  faithful  natives 
of  Corazones.  Coronado  on  his  return  march  found 
the  natives  still  hostile,  but  disposed  to  keep  out  of 
the  way,  and  he  seems  to  have  made  no  stop  at  the 
deserted  San  Geronimo.  Thus  unfortunate  were  the 
earliest  attempts  to  settle  the  territory  of  Sonora. 

In  connection  with  Coronado's  expedition,  Her- 
nando  de  Alarcon,  chamberlain  of  the  viceroy  as 
Bernal  Diaz  asserts,  wras  ordered  to  proceed  up  the 
coast  by  water,  to  carry  supplies  and  otherwise  coop 
erate  with  the  army.  Alarcon's  instructions  were 
made  with  a  knowledge  of  Ulloa's  explorations,  and 
of  the  probability  of  having  to  ascend  a  river  in  order 
to  reach  the  prescribed  latitude  of  36°.  Still,  as  no 
river  had  been  seen  and  nothing  whatever  of  its  course 
was  known,  it  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  so  much 
confidence  was  felt  in  the  meeting  of  the  land  and  sea 
forces. 

With  the  San  Pedro  and  Santa  Catalina,  the  latter 
in  command  of  Marcos  Ruiz  de  Rojas,  Alarcon  sailed, 
probably  from  Acapulco,29  May  9,  1540.  At  San 
tiago,  in  Colima,  having  repaired  the  damages  result 
ing  from  a  gale,  he  took  on  board  additional  men 
waiting  there  and  directed  his  course  to  Guayabal,  or 
the  port  of  San  Miguel.  Here  he  learned  that  Coro 
nado  had  already  left  Culiacan,  and  also  found  the 
San  Gabriel,  laden  with  provisions  for  the  army. 
Hence  the  fleet  of  three  vessels  sailed  up  the  coast, 

28Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  237-8,  says  that  of  40  only  a  priest  and  four 
men  escaped;  also  that  the  revolt  was  caused  by  the  outrages  of  Alcaraz. 

29  The  port  is  not  named  in  the  dia^y.  Simpson,  Smithsonian  Kept.,  1869, 
315-16,  says  Natividad,  but  this  is  not  consistent  with  his  touching  later  at 
Santiago. 


VOYAGE  OF  ALARCON.  91 

noting,  as  is  claimed,  several  harbors  not  seen  by 
Ulloa,  to  the  shoals  near  the  head  of  the  gulf  where 
Ulloa  had  turned  back.  Alarcon's  men  wished  to 
return,  also  the  shoals  seemed  impassable,  but  he 
sent  out  the  pilots  Nicolds  Zamorano  and  Domingo 
del  Castillo,  who  found  a  passage,  through  which, 
after  grounding  and  narrowly  escaping  wreck,  the 
vessels  were  brought  and  anchored  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river. 

August  26th  two  boats,  one  of  them  having  on 
board  Alarcon,  Rodrigo  Maldonado  the  treasurer, 
and  Gaspar  del  Castillo  the  contador,  with  twenty 
men,  started  up  the  river,  towing  being  necessary  at 
times  by  reason  of  the  rapid  current.  The  natives 
soon  made  their  appearance  in  constantly  increasing 
numbers;  at  first  hostile  and  menacing,  so  that  Alar- 
con  had  often  to  retire  to  the  middle  of  the  stream, 
but  gradually  becoming  appeased  and  consenting  to 
an  exchange  of  gifts.  After  a  few  days,  persuaded 
that  the  Spaniards  were  children  of  the  sun,  they 
brought  food  in  great  abundance,  volunteered  to  aid 
in  towing  the  boats,  and  finally  consented  to  make 
Alarcon  their  chief  if  he  would  remain.  The  narra 
tive  of  the  voyage  is  for  the  most  part  filled  with 
unimportant  particulars  of  attempted  conversations 
with  the  Indians,  and  efforts  to  learn  something  of 
Coronado.  Most  of  Marcos  de  Niza's  names  were 
unknown  to  the  natives,  who  nevertheless  gratified 
their  visitors  with  not  a  few  tales  of  grand  rivers, 
mountains  of  copper,  powerful  chieftains,  and  tradi 
tions  of  bearded  white  men,  which  they  or  their 
ancestors  had  heard  of  some  time  and  somewhere. 
One  or  more  'old  men'  usually  accompanied  Alarcon 
in  the  boat,  keeping  him  supplied  with  these  vagaries; 
and  they  talked  also  of  an  old  woman,  Quatazaca, 
who  lived  without  eating  on  a  lake,  or  near  the  sea, 
or  by  a  mountain,  in  the  country  where  copper  bells 
were  made. 

Natives  were  met  who  had  been  at  Cibola,  and 


92  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

who  seemed  to  have  some  knowledge  of  Niza's  visit 
and  the  fate  of  the  negro  Estevanico.  At  one  place 
the  natives  were  found  to  be  greatly  excited  because 
two  of  their  number  had  brought  fr  >m  Cibola  the 
news  that  white  men  had  again  made  their  appear 
ance  there.  Alarcon  calmed  their  fears  by  the  assur 
ance  that  those  at  Cibola  were  like  his  own  men, 
children  of  the  sun,  and  would  do  the  Indians  no 
harm.  It  was  proposed  to  send  messengers  to  Cibola, 
the  distance,  or  rather  that  part  of  it  lying  in  an 
uninhabited  country,  being  represented  as  only  ten 
days' journey;  but  none  of  the  officers  would  volun 
teer  to  make  the  attempt,  and  the  natives  excused 
themselves  from  furnishing  supplies  and  guides,  wish 
ing  the  Spaniards  to  remain  and  help  them  conquer 
their  foes  of  Cumana.  Quicama,  and  Coana  are  the 
only  places  named  on  the  river,  and  respecting  their 
location  nothing  definite  is  stated. 

Early  in  September  the  boats  started  down  the 
river,  reaching  the  ships  in  two  days  and  a  half. 
There  is  absolutely  nothing  in  the  narrative,  beyond 
the  last  statements,  on  which  to  found  an  opinion  as  to 
how  far  Alarcon  went  up  the  Colorado  on  this  trip; 
but  after  some  preparations  for  careening  and  repair 
ing  the  San  Pedro,  he  started  again,  thinking  that 
Coronado  might  in  the  mean  time  have  heard  of  his 
presence  in  the  country.  He  started  September  14th 
and  went  up  again  to  Quicama  and  Coana.  At  the 
latter  place  he  met  a  Spaniard  who  had  been  left 
there  in  the  first  trip,  and  who  had  been  kindly 
treated.  Farther  up  an  enchanter  from  Cumana 
planted  reeds  on  the  banks,  which  by  their  magical 
power  were  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  boats,  but 
failed  to  do  so.  At  the  home  of  the  last  '  old  man ' 
who  served  as  guide,  Alarcon  erected  a  cross,  buried 
at  its  foot  letters  for  Coronado  or  others  who  might 
find  them,  and  having  received  a  message  from  tfre 
chief  of  Cumana  declining  to  visit  the  Spaniards, 
started  to  return  to  the  gulf. 


ON  THE  COLORADO  RIVER.  93 

Before  turning  back  Alarcon  says  he  passed  a  place 
where  the  river  flowed  between  high  mountains;  he 
states  also  that  he  went  eighty-five  leagues — which 
may  mean  any  distance  from  100  to  250  miles — up 
the  river;  and  further  that  he  advanced  four  degrees 
beyond  the  latitude  reached  by  Ulloa.  The  mountain 
pass  with  a  medium  estimate  of  distance  would  seem 
to  indicate  a  part  of  the  Colorado  above  the  Gila  and 
below  Bill  Williams  Fork;  but  Melchor  Diaz  found 
Alarcon's  letters  two  months  later  at  a  distance  which 
he  estimated  to  be  only  fifteen  leagues  from  the 
mouth,  so  that  if  these  were  the  only  letters  deposited, 
Alarcon's  statement  of  distance  is  grossly  exagger 
ated.  It  may  also  be  noted  that  he  mentions  no 
stream  corresponding  to  the  Gila,  as  he  would  natu 
rally  have  done  had  he  passed  its  mouth.30 

The  name  Buena  Guia  was  given  to  the  river  from 
a  part  of  the  motto  on  Mendoza's  coat-of-arms,  and 
on  the  shore,  near  the  mouth,  at  a  place  called  La 
Cruz,  a  kind  of  chapel  was  built  and  dedicated  to 
Our  Lady  of  Buena  Guia.  The  return  was  in  Octo 
ber  or  November  probably,  and  the  fleet  touched  at 
several  points  on  the  coast  during  the  voyage  south 
ward.  At  the  port  of  Colima,  probably  Natividad,31 
Pedro  de  Alvarado  was  found  with  his  fleet.  He 
attempted  to  exercise  some  authority  over  Alarcon, 
who,  after  delivering  to  Luis  de  Castilla  and  Agustin 
Guerrero  his  narrative  of  the  voyage,32  sailed  away  in 
the  darkness  of  the  night  "to  avoid  scandal." 

30  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  170-1,  and  other  writers  say  that  Alarcon  reached 
36°.    This  comes  from  his  instructions  or  from  the  statement  that  he  went  4° 
farther  than  Ulloa. 

31  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  170-1,  says  Purificacion. 

3-This  narrative,  Alarcon,  Relations  delta  Naviaatione  <£•  Scoperta  che 
fece  il  Capitano  Fernando  Alarcone,  etc.,  sent  to  the  viceroy  from  Colima, 
seems  to  be  the  only  original  authority  on  this  voyage.  It  was  translated 
and  published  in  Ramusio,  NavKj.,  iii.  363-70;  Maklui/t's  Voy.,  iii.  425-39, 
and  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  se"rie  i.  torn.  ix.  299-348.  Herrera,  dec.  vi. 
lib.  ix.  cap.  xiii.-xv.,  also  gives  the  narrative  nearly  in  full.  Alarcon  in 
tended  to  write  a  more  complete  account,  but  probably  never  did  so.  Alarcon 
and  Ulloa,  Relation  del  Armada,  in  Col.  Doc.  Incd.,  iv.  218,  is  a  brief  and  un 
important  narrative  of  both  expeditions.  For  copy  of  the  map  made  by  Cas 
tillo,  one  of  Alarcon's  pilots,  see  p.  81  of  this  volume.  Other  references  are  as 


94  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

Most  writers  state  that  Mendoza  was  exceedingly 
displeased  at  Alarcon's  want  of  success,  though  it  is 
not  easy  to  understand  in  what  respect  he  failed  to 
carry  out  the  spirit  of  his  instructions.  Torquemada 
affirms  that  one  cause  of  Mendoza's  dissatisfaction  was 
that  fuller  reports  of  the  voyage  were  sent  to  the  king 
than  to  himself,  and  that  Alarcon  claimed  the  honor 
that  was  due  to  the  viceroy.  He  says  further  that 
Alarcon  retired  in  great  disgrace  and  sorrow  to  Cuer- 
navaca,  where  he  fell  sick  and  died.  But  the  current 
statements  on  this  subject  are  doubtless  erroneous,  for 
there  are  extant,  and  bearing  date  of  May  31,  1541, 
instructions33  from  Mendoza  to  Alarcon  for  a  second 
voyage  and  a  new  attempt  to  communicate  with  Cor- 
onado  and  with  Melchor  Diaz,  whose  departure  from 
San  Geronimo  was  already  known.  In  the  document34 
Alarcon  is  spoken  of  as  the  discoverer  of  the  Buena 
Guia,  of  which  river  he  is  ordered  to  make  further 
explorations,  as  also  of  an  estero  said  to  exist  at  the 
head  of  the  gulf.35  Another  proposed  voyage  is  men 
tioned,  probably  to  be  directed  up  the  outer  or  Pacific 
coast,  under  Zuniga,  with  whom  Alarcon  was  to  com 
municate  if  possible.  From  another  document36  we 

follows:  Torquemada,  i.  608-9;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  235-6;  Vene- 
yas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  170-1;  Salmeron,  in  Doc.  Hint.  Mex.,  serie  iii.  torn.  iv.  6; 
Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,  v.  856-7;  Cavo,  Tres  Sirjlos,  i.  129;  Cortes,  Hist.,  325; 
Florida,  Col. Doc.,  i.  1-6;  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  iv.  318;  Calle,  Not.  Sac., 
108;  Galvano,  in  Voy.  Select.,  46;  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Viaje,  xxviii.;  Gall  at  in,  in 
N.  A.  Voy.,  cxxxi.  255-8;  Camarr/o,  in  Id.,  xcix.  187-8;  Whipple's  Report, 
112-13;  Simpson's  Coronado's  March,  315-16;  Burners  Chron.  Hist.,  i.  211- 
16;  Browne's  L.  CaL,  16-17;  Greenhoiv's  Mem.,  29;  Id.,  Or.  and  CaL,  58-9; 
Bartlelfs  Pars.  Nar.,  ii.  168-82;  March  y  Labores,  Marina  Espan.,  ii.  222-7; 
Montanus,  N.  Weereld,  210;  Meline's  Two  Thousand  Miles,  138;  Taylor,  in 
CaL  Farmer,  Feb.  21,  28,  April  4,  18,  1862;  Findlarfs  Directory,  i.;  Frifjnet, 
La  CaL,  7;  Poussin,  VOregon,  235;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  66-70;  Ives* 
Col.  Riv.,  19;  Laet,  Novvs  Orbis,  305-6;  Marchand,  Voy.,  i.  viii.;  Mofrax, 
Explor.,  i.  95;  MMlhausen,  Reisen,  i.  113;  Id.,  Tacjebuch,  405-8;  Murray's 
Hist.  Trav.,  ii.  73-8;  Payno,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  199. 

33  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  1-6. 

31  Taylor,  BroivnSs  L.  CaL,  16-17,  seems  to  have  noticed  this  document, 
but  becomes  very  much  confused  in  its  use.  applying  it  to  the  first  voyage 
which  he  represents  as  having  begun  May  31,  1541. 

35  This  is  doubtless  the  Brazo  de  Miraflores  laid  down  on  Castillo's  map 
though  not  mentioned  in  Alarcon's  narrative.     It  perhaps  corresponds  with 
the  slough  extending  northward  from  the  Port  Isabel  of  modern  maps. 

36  Visita  d  Mendoza  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  110. 


PEDRO  DE  ALVARADO.  95 

learn  that  three  vessels  were  made  ready  for  this  sec 
ond  voyage,  which  was  prevented  by  the  breaking-out 
of  the  Guadalajara  revolt,  of  which  more  elsewhere, 
and  during  which  Alarcon  was  stationed  with  thirty 
men  at  Autlan. 

As  we  have  seen,  Niza's  reports  broke  off  all  friendly 
relations  between  Mendoza  and  Cortes.  The  latter 
sent  out  Ulloa  against  the  viceroy's  wishes.  He  pro 
tested  against  the  fitting-out  of  the  expeditions  under 
Coronado  and  Alarcon,  and  prepared  a  new  fleet  after 
Ulloa's  return.  He  struggled  hard  to  maintain  his 
prestige  and  authority  as  captain-general,  and  called 
upon  the  emperor  to  prevent  Mendoza's  interference 
with  his  plans.37  His  efforts  proving  fruitless  he  de 
termined  to  go  in  person  to  lay  his  grievances  before 
the  throne.  He  started  early  in  1540,  and  spent  three 
of  his  remaining  seven  years  of  life  in  vain  efforts  to 
obtain  redress.  Formal  courtesy  at  first,  followed  by 
cold  neglect,  was  all* the  satisfaction  he  received  at 
court.  Great  injustice  had  been  done  him  in  the  New 
World,  and  the  emperor  was  basely  ungrateful;  yet 
in  his  last  quarrel  Cortes  had  an  opponent  in  Mendoza, 
against  whom  his  oft-repeated  and  frivolous  charges 
are  to  be  regarded  for  the  most  part  as  the  ravings 
of  a  soured  and  disappointed  old  man.33 

Before  Cortes  went  to  Spain  a  new  rival  to  both 
cap  tain -general  and  the  viceroy  had  entered  the  field 
of  South  Sea  conquest  in  the  person  of  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado.  His  operations  in  the  south  and  in  Jalisco, 
with  his  licenses  and  plans,  have  been  noted  in  suffi 
cient  detail  elsewhere.39  In  1539  he  made  ready  in 

37  In  1539  Cortes  sent  commissioners  to  Spain  with  the  statement  that  he 
had  five  vessels  ready  to  continue  Ulloa's  explorations  under  his  son  D.  Luis 
Corttfs,  and  that  he  was  building  four  other  vessels.     He  demanded  that  Men 
doza's  expedition  be  prevented  by  royal  order.  Cortes,  Escritos,  29G-9;  Pa- 
checo  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xv.  317. 

38  Cortes,  Mem.  al  Emp.,  in  Cortes,  Escritos,  299-309;  Id.,  319-21;  Cortes, 
Petition  contra  Mendoza,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  62-73;  PrescotCs  Hist. 
Conq.  Mex.,  iii.  338-45;   Venecjus,  Not.  CaL,  i.  164-7.     See  also  Hist.  Mex.t 
ii.  474  et  seq.,  this  series. 

39  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  and  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  this  series. 


96  NIZA,  ULLOA,  CORONADO,  AND  ALARCON. 

the  Guatemalan  ports  a  fleet  of  a  dozen  vessels,  the 
largest  and  most  costly  yet  seen  in  the  Pacific,  and 
brought  it  with  a  large  force  of  men  to  the  Colima 
coast  in  1540.  Whatever  his  intentions  at  first,  after 
Niza's  reports  he  resolved  to  direct  his  course  to  the 
north.  Mendoza  instead  of  quarrelling  with  Alvarado 
opened ,  negotiations  with  him,  which  resulted  in  an 
agreement  signed  in  November  1540,  for  a  joint  prose 
cution  of  northern  discovery  and  conquest.  Mendoza 
became  owner  of  one  half  the  fleet;  Alvarado  received 
one  fifth  of  all  profits  and  advantages  accruing  from 
the  viceroy's  expeditions  under  Coronado  and  Alarcon, 
while  for  twenty  years  expenses  and  profits  were  to  be 
equally  shared.40  Don  Pedro  returned  to  the  coast  to 
superintend  preparations  for  departure;  but  in  the 
early  summer  of  1541,  in  response  to  an  urgent  appeal 
for  aid  from  Acting-governor  Onate,  he  landed  his 
men  and  marched  inland.  He  lost  his  life  during  the 
campaign,  and  his  men  after  doing  garrison  duty  in 
Jalisco  during  the  war  were  disbanded  and 'scattered. 
The  death  of  Alvarado's  wife  without  heirs  left  the 
entire  fleet  in  Mendoza's  possession. 

The  Mixton  war,  in  which  Alvarado  lost  his  life  as 
just  mentioned,  raging  from  1540  to  1542  during  Coro- 
nado's  absence  in  the  far  north,  was  the  most  formid 
able  and  wide-spread  struggle  for  liberty  ever  made 
by  the  native  races  in  any  part  of  Mexico.  The  Jal 
isco  tribes  killed  their  encomenderos,  abandoned  their 
towns,  and  took  refuge  on  fortified  penoles,  or  cliffs, 
believed  to  be  impregnable.  At  the  end  of  1540  Gua 
dalajara,  already  moved,  to  the  Tacotlan  Valley,  was 
the  only  place  north  of  the  river  and  east  of  the  sierra 
still  held  by  the  Spaniards.  Strong  forces  of  soldiers 
under  different  leaders  were  repeatedly  repulsed  by  the 
native  warriors.  Alvarado  marched  rashly  inland  only 

40  Alvarado  and  Mendoza,  Asiento  y  Capttulationes.  Signed  in  Michoacan 
November  29,  1540.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  iii.  351-62;  xvi. 
342-55;  Mendoza,  Instruc.  dAyuilar. 


PROGRESS  IN  NEW  GALICIA.  97 

to  be  defeated  and  killed.  Mendoza  was  alarmed  for 
the  safety  not  only  of  New  Galicia  but  of  all  New 
Spain,  and  he  marched  north  at  the  head  of  a  large 
army.  In  a  short  but  vigorous  campaign  he  captured 
the  peiioles  one  by  one,  by  siege,  by  assault,  by  strata 
gem,  or  through  the  treachery  of  the  defenders,  end 
ing  with  Mixton,  the  strongest  of  all,  and  returned 
southward  in  1542.  Thousands  of  natives  had  been 
killed  in  battle;  thousands  cast  themselves  from  the 
cliffs  and  perished;  thousands  were  enslaved.  Many 
escaped  to  the  sierras  of  Nayarit  and  Zacatecas ;  but 
the  spirit  of  rebellion  was  broken  forever.41 

There  is  little  more  to  be  said  of  New  Galicia  that 
concerns  my  present  subject.  The  province  was  now 
explored  and  conquered,  though  there  were  occasional 
revolts  on  the  northern  frontier.  The  audiencia  was 
established  in  1548,  and  was  moved  with  the  capital 
about  1561  to  Guadalajara,  a  town  transferred  to  its 
modern  site  in  consequence  of  the  Mixton  war.  The 
president  of  the  audiencia  was  governor  of  the  prov 
ince,  extending,  after  the  separation  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
to  the  northern  lines  of  the  modern  Jalisco  and  Zaca 
tecas;  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  body  in  judicial 
matters  extended  over  the  whole  north.  So  did  the 
bishopric  founded  in  1544,  the  see  being  with  the 
capital  transferred  from  Compostela  to  Guadalajara. 
The  Franciscans  had  accompanied  the  conquerors  in 
all  their  movements;  and  while  they  founded  no 
missions  of  the  regular  type  of  more  northern  regions, 
they  were  actively  engaged  in  the  work  of  conversion 
before  1600,  as  were  members  of  other  orders  to  a 
slight  extent.  Agriculture  made  some  progress,  and 
stock-raising  much  more.  Many  new  towns  were 
built.  Hich  mines  were  worked,  especially  in  Zaca 
tecas,  where  the  town  of  that  name  was  founded  in 
1548,  and  in  favor  of  which  region  during  the  first 
excitement  the  rest  of  the  province  was  well  nigh 

41  For  details  of  the  Mixton  war  and  subsequent  Nueva  Galician  annals 
see  Hist.  Mcx. ,  ii.  chap.  xxiv.  this  series. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    7 


98  NIZA,  ULLOA,  COE-ONADO,  AND  ALARCOK 

depopulated ;  and  again  before  the  end  of  the  century 
the  southern  Zacatecas  mines  were  nearly,  though 
temporarily,  abandoned  for  the  northern  about  Nom- 
bre  de  Dios,  some  of  the  explorers  penetrating  much 
farther  north.  Besides  soldiers  in  active  service,  and 
miners  in  Zacatecas  at  certain  times,  it  is  not  likely 
that  there  were  more  than  five  hundred  Spaniards  in 
New  Galicia  before  1600. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ANNALS  0F  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

1554-1600.  y 

\ 

ZACATECAS  MIXES — MERCADO'S  SILVER  MOUNTAIN — IBARRA'S  PRIVATE  EX 
PLORATIONS — MENDOZA  AND  THE  FRANCISCANS — IBARRA  AS  GOVERNOR — 
PROVINCE  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA — EXPEDITION — AT  SAN  JUAN— FOUNDING 
OF  NOMBRE  DE  DlOS  AND  DURANGO — To  COPALA  OR  TOPIA — GRAND 
REPORTS — INDE  AND  SANTA  BARBARA  MINES — MARCH  TO  SINALOA — 
VILLA  OF  SAN  JUAN — TOUR  IN  THE  FAR  NORTH — CITY  OF  PAGME — SAN 
SEBASTIAN  DE  CHAMETLA — DEATH  OF  IBARRA— PROGRESS  IN  DURANGO — 
LIST  OF  GOVERNORS — ANNALS  OF  SINALOA — MURDER  OF  FRIARS — VILLA 
ABANDONED — MONTOYA'S  EXPEDITION — BAZAN'S  ENTRADA— SAN  FELIPE 
DE  SINALOA— FRANCISCAN  CONVENTS — FOUR  MARTYRS — ARLEGUI'S 
CHRONICLE— JESUIT  ANNALS— IN  SINALOA — THE  AN UAS— MARTYRDOM 
OF  FATHER  TAPIA — IN  TOPIA — TEPEHUANE  MISSIONS — SANTA  MARIA  DE 
PARRAS— EXPLORATION  AND  CONQUEST  OF  NEW  MEXICO. 

AFTER  the  Mixton  war  the  wild  tribes  of  the 
frontier,  corresponding  to  the  northern  parts  of  the 
modern  state  of  Zacatecas,  continued  their  hostilities 
to  some  extent  until  their  subjugation  by  peaceful 
means  was  authorized  by  viceroy  and  king.  After 
several  minor  efforts  by  Oiiate  and  others,  Juan  de 
Tolosa  with  a  few  Spaniards,  friars,  and  natives 
reached  the  Bufa  mountain  in  1 5 46, and  soon  succeeded 
in  pacifying  and  converting  the  savage  inhabitants, 
who  in  return  revealed  the  existence  of  rich  silver 
lodes.  Tolosa  was  joined  in  1548  by  Onate,  Banue- 
los,  and  Diego  de  Ibarra;  the  rich  mines  of  San 
Bernabe,  San  Benito,  Panuco,  and  others  were  dis 
covered  and  worked.  The  town  of  Zacatecas  was 
founded,  and  a  mining  rush  to  this  region  well  nigh 
depopulated  other  parts  of  New  Galicia.  In  1552 

(99) 


100  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Gines  Vazquez  de  Mercado  marched  into  the  regions 
to  the  north,  but  was  defeated  and  wounded  in  a 
battle  near  Sombrerete,  after  Avhich  for  a  time  no 
entradas  were  authorized  by  the  government.  Two 
years  after  Mercado's  failure,  however,  Francisco  de 
Ibarra  began  a  series  of  exploring  and  prospecting 
tours  by  which  in  eight  years  he  brought  to  light  the 
mineral  deposits  of  Fresnillo,  San  Martin,  Sombrerete, 
Nieves,  and  many  others  up  to  and  beyond  the  line 
of  the  modern  Zacatecas.  So  rich  were  these  mines 
and  so  liberal  the  policy  of  Ibarra  and  his  associates 
that  before  the  end  of  the  century  the  southern  dis 
tricts  in  their  turn  were  nearly  abandoned  for  a  time.1 
Mercado's  entry  in  1552  had  been  in  search  of  a 
mountain  of  silver,  which  he  did  not  find.  The 
foundation  of  the  reports  which  attracted  him  was 
not  improbably  the  famous  iron  mountain  still  bearing 
the  fortune-hunter's  name  near  the  city  of  Durango.'2 
The  annals  of  the  region  beyond  the  line  of  the  modern 
Durango  begin  with  Ibarra's  explorations  of  1554—62, 
which  covered  a  broad  territory  arid  brought  to  light 
many  mines,  but  which,  being  private  enterprises, 
are  not  recorded  so  far  as  details  are  concerned.  It 
does  not  appear  that  these  private  explorations,  how 
ever,  extended  beyond  the  limits  of  what  is  now 
Durango. 

In  one  of  Ibarra's  earliest  tours  he  was  accompanied 
by  the  Franciscan  Geronimo  de  Mendoza,  who  from 
the  mining  camp  of  San  Martin  went  on  with  one  sol 
dier  into  unexplored  territory,  and  began  missionary 
work  on  the  Rio  Suchil,  meeting  with  much  success, 
and  soon  calling  upon  his  provincial  for  assistance.  In 


1  For  further  particulars  on  Zacatecas  annals  down  to  1600  see  Hist. 
ii.,  this  series. 

'2  On  this  mountain  —  a  mass  of  magnetic  iron  ore  900  by  1,900  varas  and 
C8G  varas  high,  containing  460,000  tons  of  metal  assaying  20  or  75  per  cent  of 

5  u  re  iron  —  see  Ferreriade  Dtiranfjo,  in  Dice.  Univ.,im.  334-40;  Mota-PcuWla, 
list.  N.  Gal.,  203;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  v.  231-2;   Weidner  in  Soc.  Max. 
GCOQ.,  Bol,  vi.  60;  Escudero,  Not.  Dur.,  8-9;  Frcjes,  Hist.  Breve.,  127-9; 
Museo  Mtx.y  i.  28-34. 


IBARRA'S  EXPEDITIONS. 


101 


155G  Mendoza  was  joined  by  three  friars,  Pedro  de 
Espinareda,  Diego  de  la  Cadena,  and  Jacinto  de  San 
Francisco,  with  a  young  donado,  or  assistant,  named 
Lucas.  About  the  same  time  Mendoza  departed  for 
Spain.  Meanwhile,  or  a  little  later,  there  were  troubles 
with  the  natives,  but  Ibarra  came  to  the  rescue,  pre- 


NUEVA  YIZCAYA,  1600. 

venting  an  abandonment  of  the  work,  and  not  only 
pacifying  the  Indians  but  collecting  many  of  them  into 
a  mission  community.  The  site  was  fixed  after  one  or 
two  transfers,  and  a  church  built  wrhere  Nombre  de 
Dios  now  stands;  indeed  the  establishment  was  proba 
bly  known  as  San  Francisco  del  Nombre  de  Dios  even 
at  this  early  date.  A  few  Spanish  settlers  seem  to 


102  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

have  gathered  here,  and  there  are  indications  even 
of  some  irregular  steps  by  Martin  Perez,  the  alcalde  of 
Zacatecas,  toward  the  founding  of  a  town.3  It  appears 
also  that  Father  Cadena  and  Lucas,  before  1562,  ex 
tended  their  missionary  labors  northward  to  the  Gua- 
diana  Valley,  where  Durango  was  founded  later,  still 
working  in  connection  with  Ibarra's  mining  explora 
tions.4 

About  1561  Francisco  de  Ibarra,  by  reason  of  his 
past  services,  and  by  the  influence  of  his  uncle  Don 
Diego  of  Zacatecas,  who  had  married  the  viceroy's 
daughter,  was  commissioned  as  governor  and  captain- 
general  to  conquer  and  rule  the  northern  regions  not 
yet  subjected  to  Spanish  dominion.  A  reported 
wealthy  province  of  Copala  was  the  particular  object 
of  the  viceroy's  project,  which  he  had  entertained  for 
some  years,  but  had  hitherto  found  no  opportunity  of 
carrying  out..  But  soon  the  name  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 
or  New  Biscay,  was  applied  by  Ibarra  in  honor  of  his 
native  province  in  Spain.  The  original  commission 
and  other  documents  are  not  extant  so  far  as  I  know ; 
therefore  exact  dates,  names,  and  boundaries  cannot 
be  given.  The  line  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  however,  was 
practically  that  which  now  separates  Jalisco  and  Zaca 
tecas  from  Sinaloa  and  Durango.  It  was  probably 
intended  to  confine  the  new  province  to  territory  east 
of  the  main  sierra;  but  Ibarra  was  able  to  extend  his 
authority  over  the  coast  provinces  as  well,  on  the 

3 1553  is  given  by  some  as  the  date  of  Mendoza's  arrival  at  Ojo  de  Berros, 
but  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  came  with  the  party  that  discovered 
San  Martin,  that  the  discoverer  was  Ibarra,  or  that  his  operations  began  in 
1554.  Ibarra,  Relation,  464;  Durancjo,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  97-103;  Morfi,  Diario, 
340-1;  Arkfjui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  30-40;  'Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  v.  503-4;  Torque- 
mada,  iii.  344.  Father  Mendoza  was  a  native  of  Vitoria,  Alava,  Spain,  and 
a  nephew  of  the  viceroy  of  the  same  name.  He  came  with  his  uncle  to  Mexico, 
and  was  captain  of  the  viceregal  guard  before  he  became  a  Franciscan.  He 
came  north  in  1553,  being  sent  to  use  his  influence  in  quelling  disturbances 
among  the  Zacatecas  miners.  He  died  at  Madrid.  Ramirez,  Not.  Hist. ,  10-1 1 ; 
Arlegui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  22,  257-64. 

4  Arlegui,  Cr6n.  Zac.,  35,  says  Cadena  founded  a  town  there  which  attracted 
many  Spaniards;  though  on  p.  58  he  credits  the  founding  to  Juan,  de  Tolosa. 
There  is  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  missionary  chroniclers  to  claim  everything 
for  their  order;  and  among  most  authorities  in  the  early  annals  of  these 
regions  there  is  hopeless  confusion  of  dates. 


FOUNDING  OF  DURANGO.  103 

ground  that  they  were  for  the  most  part  unoccupied, 
and  not  provided  with  Christian  instructors.5 

The  governor  fitted  out  his  expedition  at  Zacatecas 
and  the  San  Martin  mines,  enlisting  about  one  hun 
dred  Spaniards  besides  many  native  auxilaries.6  Mar 
tin  Gamon,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  governor,  joined 
the  army  with  twelve  trusted  comrades  and  was  made 
maestre  de  campo.7  Four  Franciscans,  Fray  Pablo 
Acebedo,  Brother  Juan  Herrera,  and  two  whose 
names  are  not  known,  accompanied  the  force,  which 
in  June  1562  arrived  in  the  San  Juan  Valley  ^appar 
ently  the  site  of  the  later  San  Juan  del  Rio,  which 
was  for  a  long  time  a  kind  of  head-quarters.  Here 
some  of  the  men  became  mutinous  and  deserted;  and 
Gamon  for  insubordination  and  insolence  was  sen 
tenced  to  death.  The  sentence  being  approved  by 
the  viceroy,  the  maestre  de  campo,  who  had  escaped 
to  San  Martin,  was  brought  back  and  executed.  The 
rest  of  the  year  was  passed  in  camp  at  San  Juan,  and 
in  various  minor  explorations  not  recorded.  Here  the 
force  was  considerably  increased  by  recruits  from  the 
different  mining  camps. 

In  1563  was  formally  founded  the  town  of  Durango, 
in  the  Guadiana  Valley,  near  where  Father  Cadena, 
as  already  related,  had  formed  a  settlement  of  natives 
called  apparently  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Analco. 
Alonso  Pacheco  was  sent  from  San  Juan  in  the 

5  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  525  et  seq.;  Mota-Padilla,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  107. 
Before  this  Alonso  de  Zurita,  Memorial,  in Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  333;  Id., 
introd.,  xlvi.-vii.,  had  asked  the  king  to  give  him  authority  to  form  a  new 
province  in  the  north.  Ibarra  himself,  Relation,  468,  says  he  was  made  gov 
ernor  of  '  toda  la  tierra  adcntro  de  las  minas  de  San  Martin  en  adelante. ' 
Beaumont,  'gobernador  de  la  gran  laguna  de  Copala  en  la  tierra  adentro,  entre 
donde  sale  el  sol  y  el  norte,  y  que  no  se  arrimase  al  norte  y  poniente  (que  era 
de  Tzibola  que  Coronado  anduvo)  y  que  asimismo  no  fuese  hacia  el  sur  ni  a. 
la  mar  de  (51  que  era  Chiametla,  Topia,  y  Tzinaloa. '  He  was  to  use  force  only 
after  exhausting  mild  means.  Galeriade  Vireyes,  214-15. 

6 Expedition  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1563,  MS.,  13,  is  an  account  in  Aztec, 
with  Spanish  translation  by  Prof.  Galicia,  of  the  part  taken  in  the  expedition, 
by  the  Aztec  auxiliaries. 

7  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  467  et  seq.,  represents  Gamon  as  having  been 
the  first  to  plan  the  enterprise.  Morfi,  Diario,  354,  tells  us  that  the  12  under 
Gamon  were  famous  as  criminals,  and  that  a  place  in  Durango  bears  Gamon 'a 
name. 


104  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

spring8  with  live-stock,  seed,  implements,  and  authority 
to  distribute  lands  to  settlers;  and  in  July  Ibarra 
came  to  organize  a  municipal  government.  He  called 
the  town  Durango  in  memory  of  the  Basque  city; 
but  for  a  century  it  was  better  known  as  Guadiana. 
It  was  intended  as  the  capital  of  New  Biscay,  and  to 
the  task  of  promoting  its  prosperity  the  governor 
devoted  much  attention.  To  this  end  he  not  only 
pursued  a  most  liberal  policy  in  other  respects,  but 
having  opened  rich  mines  in  the  Aviiio  district,  he 
threw  them  open  to  all  who  wished  to  work,  on  the 
sole  condition  that  they  were  to  build  houses  and 
remain  in  the  country.  Bartolome  Arriola  was  left 
at  the  capital  as  lieuteuant-governor,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  in  1565  by  Martin  Lopez  de  Ibarra.  There 
were  at  first  thirteen  vecinos.9 

It  was  also  in  1563  that  the  villa  of  Nombre  de 
Dios  was  formally  founded  and  its  municipal  govern 
ment  organized  by  Governor  Ibarra.10  But  it  will  be 
remembered  that  this  was  not  the  actual  beginning 
of  the  settlement,  and  that  there  may  have  been  an 
alcalde  appointed  before.11  At  any  rate  the  alcalde 
mayor  of  San  Martin  soon  claimed  jurisdiction  over 
the  citizens  of  the  new  villa  who  disputed  his  author 
ity.  Oidor  Orozco,  being  in  Zacatecas,  took  upon 
himself  the  defence  of  the  jurisdiction  of  his  audiencia 
of  New  Galicia,  while  Ibarra,  called  back  in  haste  from 

8 April  14th  is  given  as  the  date  of  foundation  in  Dos  Republicas,  Feb.  8, 
1879. 

9  Some  particulars  in  Ramirez,  Not.  Hist.,  17-19;  Id.,  Hist.  Dur.,  12.    See 
also  Ibarra,  Relation,  472-4;  Beaumont,  v.  531-8;  Durango,  Dof.  Hixt.,  MS., 
6-7;  Frcjes,  Hist.  Breve,  219-21;  Escudero,  Not.  Dur.,  7-11;  llerrera,  dec. 
viii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxiv. ;  Laet,  Novvs  Orbis.,  289-90.    Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac..  58, 
names  Tolosa  as  the  founder;  and  others  writers  give  various  dates  from  1551 
to  1563. 

10  Ibarra,  Relation,  468-9;  cabildo  records  as  cited  in  Durango,  Doc.  Hist., 
MS.,  83-104;  Oct.  6,  1563.  viceroy's  decree  authorizing  the  foundation.  Id.; 
N ombre  de  Dios,  Description  de  la  villa,  1G08,  331.  338;  the  alcalde  seems  to 
have  been  Alonso  Garcia,  one  of  the  earlier  settlers. 

11  Mota-Padilla,  Hist.  N.  Gal,  107,  says  the  town  was  founded  in  1562  by 
Diego  de  Colio,  alcalde  of  San  Martin.    Others  say  that  Martin  Perez,  alcalde 
of  Zacatecas,  was  the  founder  in  about  1558,  and  that  Colio  was  alcalde  of 
Nombre  de  Dios.     But  it  appears  that  Colio  (Celio  or  Celis)  was  alcalde  of 
San  Martin,  and  the  one  whose  claim  made  the  trouble.    See  Frcjes,  Hist. 
Breve,  129-31;  Escudero,  Not.  Dur.,  9-10;  Beaumont,  v.  501-8. 


IBARRA  IN  TOPIA.  105 

his  explorations,  insisted  that  the  villa  belonged  to  his 
province.  Open  warfare  was  at  one  time  imminent, 
but  was  prevented  by  the  influence  of  Diego  de  Ibarra, 
and  the  matter  in  dispute  was  referred  to  the  viceroy 
of  Mexico.  He  settled  it  by  ruling  the  disputed  ter 
ritory  himself  until  about  1611,  when  by  royal  order 
Nombre  de  Dios  was  restored  to  Nueva  Vizcaya.12 

Before  founding  the  two  towns  as  just  recorded, 
Ibarra  marched  with  all  his  force  from  the  San  Juan 
fortified  camp  in  March  15G3,  bent  on  the  conquest 
of  Copala,13  Topiame,  or  Topia,  in  the  mountains 
north-westward.  On  reaching  the  San  Jose  Valley, 
some  thirty  leagues  distant,  it  was  suspected  that  the 
natives  were  plotting  to  lead  the  Spaniards,  by  tales 
of  great  cities,  to  destruction  in  the  labyrinth  of 
sierras.  Martin  de  Renteria  was  sent  in  advance  to 
explore,  and  returned  in  six  days  reporting  a  bad 
country  with  no  settlements  for  thirty  leagues.  Ac 
cordingly  the  army  turned  back,  discovering  on  the 
way  rich  mines  in  the  valleys  called  Santa  Maria14 
and  San  Geronimo.  At  the  latter  place  a  native 
woman  offered  to  guide  the  Spaniards  to  Topiame, 
and  Ibarra  with  thirty  or  forty  men  followed  her, 
sending  the  rest  of  the  army  back  to  San  Juan.  He 
marched  rapidly  for  eight  days  from  April  15th  to  a 
place  eight  leagues  beyond  Renteria's  limit.  Here 
from  the  summit  of  a  lofty  range  they  looked  clown 
upon  a  large  settlement  of  people,  clothed  like  the 
Mexicans,  and  living  in  flat-roofed  houses  of  several 
stories.  They  did  not  enter  the  town,  but  at  night 
approached  so  near  as  to  hear  the  beating  of  Aztec 
teponastlis.  They  understood  from  the  guide  that 

uDurango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  84-7;  Beaumont,  v.  559-60;  Frejes,  217-19. 
In  1590  a  transfer  of  the  town  to  the  Santiago  mines  was  authorized. 

13  This  name  is  used  by  Beaumont  and  others;  but  I  think  that  its  appli 
cation  to  Topia  is  doubtful.    It  is  probable  that  Copala  was  a  province  vaguely 
reported  to  exist  in  the  far  north  and  which  furnished  one  of  the  chief  motives 
for  the  general  movement  at  first;  but  that  the  report  of  Topiame"  was  a  dis 
tinct  and  later  one  heard  by  Ibarra,  and  which  led  to  this  special  expedition. 
Of  Copala  and  its  lake  we  shall  hear  much  later. 

14  Written  Sant  Matia,  perhaps  San  Matias. 


106  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

there  were  many  other  such  towns ;  and  they  marched 
back  to  San  Juan  at  the  beginning  of  May,  enthusi 
astic  in  the  belief  that  they  had  discovered  a  new 
Mexico.15 

At  least  such  was  the  report  sent  to  viceroy  and 
king.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  see  in  this  report 
anything  but  intentional  exaggeration  with  a  view  to 
reward  for  past  services  and  aid  for  new  explorations. 
Topia  was  a  region  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Tama- 
zula  River,  where  there  is  still  a  town  of  the  name. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Coronado  had  heard  won 
derful  reports  about  a  province  of  Topira,  or  Topiza, 
in  1540,  which  was  probably  the  same.  The  people 
of  that  region  were  intelligent,  and  like  other  tribes 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  practised  agriculture  to  some  ex 
tent;  but  there  was  never  any  foundation  for  the 
wealth  or  civilization  of  the  first  reports. 

From  his  camp  at  Sari  Juan  Ibarra  next  sent  Cap 
tain  Rodrigo  del  Rio  with  men  and  supplies  to  settle 
the  mines  of  Inde,16  where  a  town  of  the  same  name 
still  stands;  and  a  little  later,  but  still  apparently  in 
1563,  the  same  officer  was  despatched  to  settle  the 
mines  of  San  Juan  and  Santa  Barbara  some  twenty 
leagues  to  the  north,  in  the  region  of  the  modern 
Parral,  Allende,  and  Jimenez,  or  southern  Chihuahua 
on  the  Rio  Florido,  also  called  in  these  earliest  years 
San  Bartolome  Valley.  This  was  the  limit  of  Spanish 
occupation  in  Ibarra's  time.  The  mines  were  very 
productive,  and  soon  attracted  quite  a  large  popula- 

15  Velasco,  Relation  de  lo  que  descubritf  Diego  (Francisco)  de  Ibarra  en  la 
provincia  de  Copala  llamada  Topiamti;  describiendo  muy  por  menor  su  viaje  y 
descubrimiento,  etc.  In  Pcwheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiv.  553-61.  This 
account  is  a  letter  of  Viceroy  Velasco  to  the  king,  of  May  26th,  to  which  are 
added  an  unsigned  narrative  giving  more  details,  a  short  note  of  Francisco 
Ibarra  from  San  Juan  May  3d,  and  a  note  of  Diego  Ibarra  to  the  viceroy  from 
San  Martin  May  9th.  In  his  Relation,  476-7,  written  after  a  second  visit, 
though  written  with  a  view  to  set  forth  his  great  services  to  the  king,  Ibarra 
says  nothing  about  the  grandeur  of  the  settlement  or  civilization  of  its  people. 
Beaumont,  v.  531,  erroneously  puts  this  first  visit  to  Topia  in  1562,  and  says 
Ibarra  went  on  to  Sinaloa  at  this  time.  He  also  states  that  in  Topia  he  found 
on  a  fig-tree  an  inscription :  '  This  pueblo  belongs  to  Diego  Guevara. '  Arlegui, 
Cr6n.  Zac.,  35-7,  65-6,  222-5,  makes  the  first  entry  in  1555-9,  crediting 
everything  as  is  his  custom  to  the  friars. 

is  "Written  also  Ende,  Endec,  and  Indehe". 


ACROSS  THE  SIERRA  TO  SINALOA.  107 

tion.  Some  writers  erroneously  credit  Ibarra  with 
having  penetrated  to  the  region  of  the  modern  city 
of  Chihuahua,  and  some  give  too  early  a  elate  for  the 
occupation  of  San  Bartolome.17  At  San  Juan  during 
the  winter  the  Indians  became  troublesome,  killing 
over  four  hundred  horses  and  mules,  and  obliging  the 
governor  not  only  to  send  to  the  south  for  more  live 
stock,  arms,  and  ammunition,  but  to  build  a  new  fort. 

In  the  spring  of  1564  Ibarra  marched  again  into  the 
mountains  of  Topia,  finding  nothing  apparently  of  the 
wonders  before  reported,  but  pacifying  the  natives, 
establishing  a  garrison,  and  probably  opening  some  of 
the  mines  discovered  in  the  previous  trip.  At  any 
rate  the  mining  camps  of  San  Andres  and  San  Hipo- 
lito  soon  became  somewhat  flourishing  in  this  region. 
Instead,  however,  of  returning  to  San  Juan  in  Du- 
rango,  Ibarra  continued  his  march  across  the  sierra 
until  he  reached  the  Hio  Suaqui,  or  Sinaloa,  now  the 
Fuerte.  Of  the  coast  provinces  above  Jalisco  for  the 
past  twenty  years  and  more,  since  Coronado's  return 
in  1542,  we  know  nothing  except  that  the  little  town 
of  San  Miguel  had  managed  to  maintain  its  precarious 
existence,  being  the  only  Spanish  settlement  in  all  that 
region,18  and  that  outside  of  Culiacan  the  natives  were 
independent  and  hostile.  The  results  of  Guzman's 
conquest  had  been  well  nigh  obliterated,  except  the 
memory  of  his  outrages. 

The  state  of  things  enabled  Ibarra  to  extend  his 
authority  as  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  over  the 
coast  provinces,  and  on  reaching  the  Suaqui  River  he 

17  Ibarra,  Relation.  He  calls  the  mines  Santa  Bdrbola,  or  at  least  the 
printer  does.  See  Hcrrera,  dec.  viii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxiv. ;  Cavo,  Tres  Siylos,  i. 
164;  Escudero,  Not.  Chih.,  88;  Conde,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol,  v.  272.  Ar- 
legui,  Cr6n.  Zac.,  37-8,  talks  of  the  occupation  of  San  'Bartolomd  Valley  by 
friars  in  1 559-63.  Ibarra  left  garrisons  in  many  forts  in  Chihuahua  before  he 
went  to  Sinaloa.  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  no.  2,  p.  243;  Frejes,  Hist. 
Brew,  217,  219. 

18Herrera,  however,  dec.  viii.  lib.  vi.  cap.  xvi.,  speaks  of  a  Christian  pueblo 
on  the  Omitlan  River  as  resisting  the  savages  with  the  aid  of  a  few  Spaniards 
in  1 550.  Chametla  may  not  have  been  abandoned  all  the  time.  Mota-Padilla, 
Hist.  N.  Gal.,  112-13,  mentions  outrages  committed  on  the  natives  far  north 
of  San  Miguel  between  1540  and  1550,  but  his  meaning  is  not  clear. 


108  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

proceeded  to  found  there  a  town  named  San  Juan  de 
Sinaloa,  or  San  Juan  Bautista  de  Carapoa  as  Ribas 
calls  it.  Pedro  Ochoa  de  Garraga  or  Estevan  Mar 
tin  Bohorques  was  put  in  command;  Hernando  de 
Pedroza  was  made  curate;  and  before  the  governor's 
final  departure  two  Franciscans  were  left  to  labor 
among  the  adjoining  tribes.  Antonio  de  Betanzos, 
the  maestre  de  campo,  was  sent  to  San  Miguel 
where  he  obtained  supplies  for  the  new  settlement 
from  Pedro  de  Tobar,  whose  relations  with  Ibarra 
seem  to  have  been  most  friendly.19 

After  the  founding  of  San  Juan,  and  perhaps  after 
a  trip  down  to  Chametla,20  Ibarra  made  a  tour  of  ex 
ploration  to  the  far  north,  of  which  in  detail  little  can 
be  known.  The  governor  himself  says  he  "  went 
three  hundred  leagues  from  Chametla,  in  which  entracla 
he  found  large  settlements  of  natives  clothed  and  well 
provided  with  maize  and  other  things  for  their  sup 
port;  and  there  were  many  fertile  tracts  fit  for  wheat, 
corn,  and  other  grains,  parts  of  which  might  be  con- 

19  The  town  is  called  San  Juan  de  Sinaloa  in  Ibarra,  Relation,  481;  Beau 
mont,  Cr6n.  Mich. ,  v.  533  et  seq. ;  Herrera,  dec.  viii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxiv. ;  and 
Mexico,  Informe,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xv.  460-1.     This  name 
probably  means  simply  San  Juan  in  Sinaloa,  or  the  Sinaloa  San  Juan,  as  dis 
tinguished  from  the  camp  in  Durango.     The  proper  name  was  probably  San 
Juan  Bautista  de  Carapoa,  as  it  is  called  in  Sinaloa,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  10;  Id., 
Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  12-13;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  238;  fiibas.  Hist.  Tri- 
umphos,  28;  and  Albieuri,  Hist.  Mis.,  MS.,  65-70.     Alegre  and  the  Sinaloa 
Doc.  say  that  the  town  was  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Suaqui  on  a  fine  penin 
sula  between  that  river  and  the  Ocoroni  flowing  into  it.     This  is  not  very 
intelligible,  and  applies  better  to  the  Rio  de  Sinaloa  farther  south;  but  there 
seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  town  was  on  the  Fuerte.     Albieuri  calls  it  the 
Sinaloa,  but  that  name  was  also  applied  in  early  times  to  the  northern  stream. 
The  commander  is  also  called  Larraga.    See,  also,  Buelna,  Compendia,  11-12; 
Dice.  Univ.,  x.  401.     Many  writers  date  this  settlement  from  1554  to  1556, 
but  this  simply  means  that  it  was  made  by  Ibarra,  who  began  his  northern 
operations  in  1554.     See  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  759-60;  Mordli,  Fasti  Nov. 
Orb.,  25;  0<jilby's  Amer.,  285-8;  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  no.  2,  p.  243. 

20  Both  Ibarra  and  Beaumont  say  that  he  went  to  Chametla,  and  founded 
a  villa  there  before  his  northern  exploration ;  but  from  Ibarra's  language — 
'fu6  a  la  provincia  de  Chiatmela,  que  cs  por  la  banda  del  Norte  (from  San 
Juan)  en  la  cual  poblo  la  villa  de  San  Sebastian,  donde  se  proveyo  de  cierta 
cantidad  de  soldados  y  de  bastimentos,  y  otras  cosas  necesarias,  para  entrar  la 
tierra  adentro  en  demanda  de  nuevas  tierras,'  etc. — and  from  Herrera's  state 
ment  that  from  Sinaloa  he  went  north,  founded  San  Sebastian,  and  then  con 
tinued  his  march  northward,  dec.  viii.  lib.  x.  cap.  xxiv.,  I  think  there  is  an 
error.     To  go  so  far  south  in  order  to  undertake  a  trip  to  the  far  north  would 
be  a  strange  proceeding.     See  note  24  this  chapter. 


IBARRA  IN  THE  FAR  NORTH.  109 

vcniently  irrigated  from  the  rivers;  and  they  also  had 
many  houses  of  several  stories.  But  because  it  was 
so  far  from  New  Spain  and  Spanish  settlements,  and 
because  the  governor  had  not  people  enough  for  set 
tlement,  and  the  natives  were  hostile,  using  poisoned 
arrows,  lie  was  obliged  to  return"  after  many  fights 
and  dangers.  And  in  retreating  he  was  obliged  to 

o  o  o 

cross  a  mountain  range  of  thirty-five  leagues,  with 
great  rivers,  where  they  were  near  starvation,  living 
on  herbs  and  horse-meat  for  more  than  forty  days.21 
Beaumont,  deriving  his  information  from  unknown 
sources,  adds  that  Ibarra  was  accompanied  by  fifty 
soldiers,  by  Pedro  de  Tobar,  and  by  Father  Acebedo 
and  others  friars.  His  course  was  to  the  right  of 
that  followed  by  Coronado,  and  nearer  New  Mexico. 
He  reached  some  great  plains  adjoining  those  of  the 
Vacas — the  buffalo  plains — and  there  found  an  aban 
doned  pueblo,  whose  houses  were  of  several  stories, 
which  was  called  Paguemi,  and  where  there  were 
traces  of  metals  having  been  smelted.  A  few  days 
later,  as  this  writer  seems  to  say,  Ibarra  reached  the 
great  city  of  Pagme,  "a  most  beautiful  city,  adorned 
with  very,  sumptuous  edifices,  extending  over  three 
leagues,  with  houses  of  three  stories,  very  grand,  with 
various  and  extensive  plazas,  and  the  houses  sur 
rounded  by  walls  that  appeared  to  be  of  masonry." 
This  town  was  also  abandoned,  and  the  people  were 
said  to  have  gone  eastward.2* 

This  expedition  may  have  been  made  in  1564,  but 
more  probably  in  1565,  as  no  definite  date  is  given. 
It  is  difficult  to  determine  what  reliance  should  be 
placed  on  Beaumont's  narrative;  and  there  appear  to 
be  no  grounds  for  more  than  the  vaguest  conjecture 
as  to  what  region  was  thus  explored  by  Ibarra.  He 
may  have  visited  some  of  the  abandoned  pueblos  of 

21  Ibarra,  Relation,  4S2-3. 

ri  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  v.  538-41.  Water  was  brought  in  a  ditch  from 
a  high  range.  Here  they  found  mill-stones,  traces  of  smelting,  and  a  copper 
plate.  Perhaps  the  meaning  of  the  author  is  that  Pagme  and  Paguemi  were 
the  same  town. 


110  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

the  Gila  Valley;  or  may  have  gone  farther,  as  Beau 
mont  seems  to  think  to  the  region  of  the  Moqui 
towns;  or  perhaps  he  went  more  to  the  east  and 
reached  the  Casas  Grandes  of  Chihuahua. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Sinaloa,  after  making  ar 
rangements  for  the  prosperity  of  the  new  town  of 
San  Juan,23  Ibarra  marched  southward  to  Chametla 
with  the  intention  of  adding  that  region  to  his  do 
main,  of  founding  a  town,  and  of  discovering  mines 
or  perhaps  taking  advantage  of  earlier  discoveries.24 
These  objects  were  accomplished  after  some  hardships 
and  troubles  with  the  natives  on  the  march  down  the 
coast.  The  new  villa  was  named  San  Sebastian.  Rich 
mines  were  developed,  and  two  flourishing  reales,  or 
mining  districts,  were  soon  in  existence.  It  appears 
that  the  settlement  of  this  region  had  previously  been 
intrusted  to  Doctor  Morones  of  the  audiencia,  but 
of  his  death,  or  perhaps  too  long  delay  in  beginning 
operations,  Ibarra  took  advantage  to  extend  his  au 
thority  over  Chametla.  In  all  parts  of  the  province 
from  Jalisco  up  to  San  Miguel  he  made  many  changes 
in  the  old  encomiendas  with  a  view  to  reward  his 
friends.25 

The  occupation  of  Chametla  may  be  supposed  to 
have  been  in  the  year  1565.  From  this  time  we  have 
nothing  definite  respecting  the  life  of  Governor  Ibarra, 
which  seems  to  have  been  spent  mainly  at  San  Sebas- 

23  Beaumont  says  he  began  the  building  of  ships  there  with  a  view  to 
further  explorations  by  sea;  but  was  diverted  from  that  purpose  by  a  letter 
from  his  uncle  Diego,  urging  him  to  search  for  mines,  since  'todo  lo  demas  era 
cartas  andadas.'  He  sought  unsuccessfully  for  mines  in  the  north  and  then 
went  south. 

24 1  have  explained,  note  20,  that  Beaumont,  with  some  support  from  Ibarra, 
represents  the  founding  of  the  town  as  a  separate  affair  preceding  the  north 
ern  expedition,  the  present  enterprise  being  with  a  sole  view  to  the  mines. 
This  seems  an  unlikely  version,  and  Ibarra,  Relation,  483,  says  distinctly  that 
he  went  now  to  take  possession  of  the  region,  pacify  the  natives,  and  found 
the  villa,  alluding  to  the  mines  as  discovered  incidentally  as  a  result  of  these 
operations. 

23  Alonso  de  Parra,  and  his  sons  and  nephews,  are  said  to  have  been  prom 
inent  vecinos  of  San  Sebastian.  A  few  details  of  changes  in  encomiendias 
are  given.  Beaumont,  Gr6n.  Mich.,  v.  531,  537-8;  Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS., 
60-1;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  219-21;  Escudero,  Not.  Dur.,  7-11.  Alegre,  Hitt. 
Comp.  Jesus,  i.  238,  says  that  Ibarra  by  forced  marches  got  ahead  of  Morones. 


DEATH  OF  GOVERNOR  IBARRA.  Ill 

tian.  In  his  exploring  enterprises  he  had  spent  all 
his  wealth,  over  400,000  pesos  as  he  claimed;  and 
worse  still  his  health  had  been  wrecked  by  exposure. 
At  an  unknown  date  he  wrote  or  caused  to  be  written 
the  memorial  of  his  services  which  I  have  so  often 
cited,  in  which  the  king  was  informed  of  his  great  sac 
rifices  in  behalf  of  the  royal  cause,  in  the  hope  of  due 
recompense;26  but  it  led  to  no  results  so  far  as  can  be 
known.  The  governor  seems  to  have  revisited  Du 
rango,  probably  more  than  once;27  and  he  died  appar 
ently  about  1575.  He  was  not  only  an  able  and  am 
bitious  conquistador,  but  withal  an  honorable,  liberal, 
and  popular  man.28 

From  the  death  of  Governor  Ibarra,  or  rather  from 
the  end  of  his  active  explorations  in  1565,  to  the  end 
of  the  century,  the  annals  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  are 
meagre.  East  of  the  mountains  the  natives  gave  but 
little  trouble,  and  the  records  of  missionary  progress 
will  be  presented  separately.  The  two  villas  of 
Durango  and  Nombre  de  Dios  had  in  1569  each 
about  thirty  vecinos,  representing  perhaps  a  popula 
tion  of  three  hundred;29  and  it  is  not  probable  that 

26  Ibarra,  Relation  de  los  descubrimientos  conquistas  y  poblationes  hcchas  por 
el  gobcrnador  Francisco  de  Ybarra  en  las provincias  de  Copala,  Nueva  Vizcaya 
y  Chwtmela.  In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiv.  463-84;  Durango, 
Doc.  II-i*t.,  MS.,  1-14;  and  translation  in  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.,  s6rie  i. 
torn.  x.  367-99. 

27 He  was  at  Nombre  de  Dios  in  June  1569.  Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS., 
85-6.  Also  probably  in  1565  in  connection  with  the  quarrel  about  jurisdic 
tion. 

28  Died  in  Chametla  soon  after  1572.  Datos  Biogrdficos,  in  Cartasde  Indias, 
779-80.  Beaument  erroneously  says  he  died  in  1564,  and  adds  that  his  body 
was  transferred  later  to  Durango.  He  left  a  large  estate  encumbered  with 
larger  debts.  The  nearest  indication  of  the  date  of  his  death  is  the  appoint 
ment  of  his  successor  in  1576.  Ibarra  was  a,  native  of  Vizcaya,  a  nephew  of 

TX: .  _      Jl  _    T1 -_j_i  i»i  •  f    r-r  i  --ill  • 


y  bastante'  says  Viceroy  Velasco.  Relation,  553. 

'^Guadalajara,  Informe  del  Cabildo  al  Rey,  1569,  492.  In  Durango, 
Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  30-1,  is  a  record  in  Aztec  and  Spanish  of  a  meeting  in  1585 
of  Aztec  and  other  settlers  of  Durango  to  deliberate  on  the  best  way  of  dis 
tributing  their  labors,  etc.  In  1595,  a  suit  arose  between  citizens  and  the 
curate  of  Durango,  in  consequence  of  a  lady  of  high  social  position  not  hav 
ing  been  buried  near  enough  to  the  altar.  Ramirez,  Hist.  Dur.,  12-13. 


112  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

there  was  a  large  increase  before  1GOO.  During  this 
period,  as  we  shall  see,  a  villa  was  founded  at  Saltillo 
and  also  a  settlement  of  Spaniards  and  Tlascaltecs  in 
connection  with  the  mission  at  Parras,  both  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya  in  the  region  later  called  Coahuila;  besides 
the  town  of  Leon,  or  Monterey,  in  Nuevo  Leon 
beyond  the  limits  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.30  There  were  a 
few  large  stock-ranchos  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  the  mining  camps  affording  an  excellent 
market  for  cattle  and  agricultural  products.31  The 
leading  feature  of  the  whole  region  was  its  mines 
of  silver,  successfully  worked  at  many  points  from 
San  Martin  up  to  Santa  Barbara;  but  unfortunately 
there  are  no  details  or  statistics  extant.32  It  does  not 
appear  that  Spanish  occupation  was  extended  beyond 
the  San  Bartolorne  valley  of  southern  Chihuahua 
until  after  1600;83  though  it  is  probable  that  pros 
pecting  tours  covered  the  territory  considerably 
further  north;  and,  as  we  shall  see,  several  expedi 
tions  traversed  the  whole  length  of  the  modern 
Chihuahua  on  the  way  to  New  Mexico. 

The  licentiate  Ibarra,  a  brother  of  Don  Francisco, 
was  appointed  by  the  king  to  succeed  the  latter  as 
governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  1576;34  but  he  was 
soon  succeeded,  if  indeed  he  ever  assumed  the  office 

30  For  annals  of  Nuevo  Leon  to  1600  see  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.,  this  series. 

31  In  1586  two  haciendas  belonging  to  Diego  de  Ibarra  and  Rodrigo  del 
Rio  branded  over  33,000  and  42,000  head  of  stock  respectively.  Basalenque, 
Hist.  Prov.  S.  Nicolas,  184;  Ramirez,  Hist.  Dur.,  14,  73;  Id.,  Not.  Hist. 
Dur.,  21. 

'62  In  Miranda,  Relation  sobre  la  tierra  y  pollaclon  que  hay  desde  las  minas 
de  San  Martin,  d  las  de  Santa  Barbara  ano  de  1575,  are  the  following  items 
of  points  along  the  way:  Aviflo  mines,  10  or  12  Spaniards;  San  Juan,  friars 
and  their  Indians  (Arlegui,  Cr6n.  Zac.,  72-3,  says  a  Franciscan  convent 
was  founded  at  San  Juan  del  Rio — or  transferred  there  from  Penol  Blanco — 
in  1564);  Valle  de  Palmitos,  3  estancias  de  labor  on  the  Rio  Nazas;  Indehe", 
20  1.  from  Palmitos,  1  1.  from  Rio  Nazas;  mines  rich  and  worked  for  6  years 
but  abandoned  on  account  of  the  Indians;  Villa  de  Vitoria  on  the  Rio  Florido, 
now  abandoned  (I  find  no  other  record  of  such  a  town);  Santa  Barbara  mines, 
30  settlers,  and  4  estancias  in  the  mountains;  Nombre  de  Dios,  a  Spanish 
settlement;  San  Buenaventura  mines,  20  1.  s.  of  Nombre  de  Dios;  San  Lucas, 
16  1.  N.  of  Nombre  de  Dios,  a  mining  camp;  Soneto  mines,  7  1.  N.  w.  of  San 
Lucas,  50  Spaniards. 

33  According  to  Garcia  Conde,  Ensayo  Estad.  Chih.,  272,  there  were  7,000 
inhabitants  at  the  Sta  Barbara  mines  in  1600,  probably  a  great  exaggeration. 

3iEnriquez,  Carta  al  Key,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  325;  Datos  Bioy.,  in  Id.,  780. 


SAN  JUAN  DE  SINALOA.  113 

at  all,  by  Fernando  de  Trejo,  who  ruled  until  1583. 
Then  Fernando  de  Bazan  became  governor,  his  term 
being  in  1584-5.  Antonio  de  Monroy  ruled  from 
1586  to  1589;  Rodrigo del  Rio  y  Loza,  one  of  Ibarra's 
captains  from  the  first,  from  1589  to  1590;  and  Diego 
Fernando  de  Velasco  from  1596  or  a  little  earlier.35 

At  San  Juan,  on  the  Rio  Suaqui  in  Sinaloa,  very 
soon,  perhaps  a  year  or  two  after  Governor  Ibarra's 
departure  in  1564-6,36  the  natives  without  aay  pre 
vious  indications  of  hostility  killed  the  two-  friars 
Acebedo  and  Herrera  and  also  fifteen  Spaniards  who 
visited  some  of  their  villages  in  search  of  maize,  soon 
attacking  and  setting  fire  to  the  villa.  The  settlers 
defended  themselves  by  hastily  constructing  a  wooden 
fort,  and  sent  to  Culiacan  for  aid;  but  before  succor 
arrived  they  were  forced  to  abandon  the  place  and 
retire  southward  to  the  Rio  Petatlan.37  Here  they 
seem  not  to  have  been  molested  for  ten  years  or 
more;83  until  in  1583  Pedro  de  Montoya  obtained 
from  Governor  Trejo  authority  to  make  a  new  en- 
trada.  He  marched  from  San  Miguel  with  thirty 
men,  accompanied  by  Pedroza,  the  former  alcalde  of 
San  Juan.39  As  they  advanced  northward  the  natives 
fled  at  first,  but  soon  returned  and  made  peace. 
Montoya  refounded  the  villa  and  named  it  San  Felipe 
y  Santiago  de  Carapoa.  It  was  not  on  the  original 
site,  but  apparently  still  on  the  Rio  Suaqui.  But 

S5  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  14-19;  followed  by  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus, 
238-9,  318.  The  date  of  Rio's  accession  in  the  MS.  is  given  as  1585,  doubt 
less  an  error  for  1589  or  1590. 

36Arlegui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  216-21,  says  it  was  in  1567,  but  his  dates  are  all 
uncertain. 

37 Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  13  et  seq.;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jem*,  i.  238~ 
et  seq.;  and  Ribas,  Hixt.  Triumphos,  28  et  seq.,  are  the  best  authorities  on 
these  and  the  following  events.  Some  writers  think  that  all  the  settlers  ex 
cept  five  retired  to  Culiacan;  but  this  seems  to  have  been  later. 

38 In  1569,  according  to  Guadalajara,  Informe  del  Cabildo,  493,  there, 
were  12  or  13  vecinos  at  Sinaloa,  but  by  reason  of  its  remoteness  and  poverty 
the  settlement  was  likely  to  be  abandoned. 

39  Albieuri,  Hint.  Mis.,  MS.,  70-9,  represents  Montoya  as  having  been  sent 
by  Ibarra,  that  is  about  1566;  and  he  gives  some  details  of  the  massacre  of 
this  officer  and  his  men  at  a  banquet  given  by  the  treacherous  Suaquis. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    8 


114  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAVA. 

soon  the  Suaquis,  determined  that  no  Spaniards  should 
possess  their  country,  and  having  succeeded  in  remov 
ing  all  suspicions  of  their  good  faith,  found  an  oppor 
tunity  to  repeat  their  massacre  of  former  years,  killing 
Montoya  and  twelve  of  his  men.  Aid  was  sent  from 
Culiacan  as  before,  but  Gaspar  de  Osorio,  the  officer 
in  command,  decided  that  the  post  must  be  abandoned, 
setting  out  on  his  march  southward  in  August  1584. 
At  the  Rio  Petatlan  on  their  retreat  the  fugitives 
met  Juan  Lopez  de  Quijada  with  twenty  men  and  a 
commission  as  commandant  of  Sinaloa,  from  the  new 
governor  Bazan.  Quijada  brought  news  that  the 
governor  was  coming  in  person,  and  orders  that  the 
province  must  not  be  abandoned.  Accordingly  the 
forces  recrossed  the  river,  reestablishing  the  Villa  de 
San  Felipe  apparently  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Peta 
tlan.  Bazan  arrived  in  April  1585  with  a  hundred 
Spaniards  and  a  small  force  of  Indian  allies.  After  a 
stay  of  two  weeks  at  the  villa  he  marched  on  into  the 
enemy's  country.  Prom  the  old  site  of  Carapoa, 
Gonzalo  Martin  was  sent  in  advance  with  eighteen 
men  to  explore,  but  was  drawn  into  an  ambuscade 
and  killed  after  a  desperate  conflict,  only  two  of  his 
men  escaping  to  tell  the  story.  The  governor  then 
advanced  with  the  main  force,  harassed  by  the  foe 
but  unable  to  bring  on  a  general  battle.  When  he  had 
passed  through  the  Suaqui  country  he  came  to  the 
Rio  Mayo,  and  found  the  natives  most  friendly  and 
hospitable;  but  he  made  a  most  dishonorable  and  bar 
barous  return  for  the  kindness  of  the  Mayos,  seizing 
and  putting  in  chains  those  who  came  to  his  camp 
with  supplies,  on  the  pretended  suspicion  that  they 
were  accomplices  of  the  Suaquis.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  for  this  outrage  that  he  was  removed  from  the 
governorship.  Having  accomplished  nothing  toward 
conquering  or  pacifying  the  northern  tribes  Bazan 
left  the  country,  Melchor  Tellez  being  made  co- 
mandante  at  San  Felipe  on  the  Petatlan.40 

40  Albieuri,  Hist.  Mis.,  MS.,  79-86,  puts  this,  like  former  events,  too  early, 


EVENTS  ON  THE  COAST.  115 

Tellez  was  soon  succeeded  in  the  command  by  Pedro 
Tobar  who  soon  abandoned  San  Felipe  and  went  to 
Culiacan.  The  settlers  for  the  most  part  followed  his 
example,  until  only  five  remained  at  the  villa.41  At 
the  petition  of  these  men  Bartolome  Mondragon,  one 
of  the  five,  was  appointed  comandante  of  Sinaloa  by 
Governor  Monroy  in  1589;  and  it  is  said  that  this 
little  band  not  only  held  their  ground  but  made  some 
tours  in  the  interior  in  search  of  mines.  At  the  be 
ginning  of  1591  Antonio  Ruiz  went  down  to  Chametla 
to  meet  the  new  governor,  Rio  y  Loza,  who  "became 
deeply  interested  in  the  northern  province,  and  at  once 
took  steps  to  provide  relief  and  especially  to  obtain 
missionaries  for  that  field.  Such  additional  details  as 
are  extant  respecting  Sinaloa  annals  of  the  century 
may  best  be  given  in  connection  with  mission  work. 
I  may  add,  however,  that  about  1596  a  kind  of  presi 
dio,  consisting  of  an  adobe  fort  guarded  by  twenty- 
five  men  under  Lieutenant-colonel  Alonso  Diaz,  was 
established  at  San  Felipe  by  order  of  Viceroy  Mon 
terey;42  also  that  a  little  later  some  Aztec  and  Tlas- 
caltec  settlers  were  introduced.  Thus  we  see  that  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  territory 
of  the  modern  Sinaloa  consisted  of  three  provinces: 
Chametla  in  the  south,  with  its  villa  of  San  Sebastian 
where  lived  a  dozen  or  fifteen  vecinos  too  poor  and 
few,  generally,  to  work  the  rich  mines  with  profit;  Cu 
liacan,  represented  by  the  Spanish  villa  of  San  Miguel 
with  twenty-five  settlers  controlling  some  two  thou- 

making  Bazan  succeed  Ibarra.  He  also  says  that  Rio  succeeded  Bazan  at  the 
latter's  death.  Mange,  Hist.  Pime.ria,  395-7,  implies  that  Martin's  defeat 
was  soon  after  1563.  According  to  Noticias  de  Expediciones,  672-3,  Bazan 's 
expedition  was  in  1570,  and  he  had  500  volunteers,  losing  100.  See  also  Id. 
in.  Monum.  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  243-4;  Hernandez,  Comp.  Geog.  Son.y  9-24. 
The  cost  is  said  to  have  been  $210,000  or  $300, 000. 

41  These  were  Bartolom6  Mondragon,  Juan  Martinez  del  Castillo,  Tomas 
Soberanis,  Juan  Caballero,  and  Antonio  Ruiz,  'de  cuyos  comentarios  bastan- 
temente  exactos  hemos  tornado  estas  noticias'  adds  Alegre;  following  literally 
the  Sinaloa t  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  which  is  torn.  xv.  of  the  Archive  General  de 
Mexico. 

42  The  commandants  at  San  Felipe,  civil  or  military,  during  the  last  dec 
ade  of  the  century  seem  to  have  been  Miguel  Ortiz  Maldonado,  Alonso  Diaz, 
Juan  Perez  de  Cebreros,  Diego  de  Quir6s,  and  Alonso  Diaz  again. 


116  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

sand  Christian  Indians,  the  mines  being  exhausted  or 
at  least  not  worked;  and  Sinaloa,  with  its  five  or  more 
adventurous  citizens  of  San  Felipe,  surrounded  by 
savages,  among  whom  in  the  later  years  the  Jesuits 
began  their  labors. 

The  Franciscans  were  the  first  workers  in  the 
spiritual  conquest  of  Nueva  Yizcaya.  One  or  more 
of  their  number  accompanied  each  party  of  explorers, 
settlers,  and  miners  from  the  time  of  Nuno  de  Guz 
man.  Between  1554  and  1590  they  had  established 
east  of  the  main  sierra  ten  of  their  stations,  or  con 
vents  as  they  were  called,  all  dependent  on  the  cen 
tral  establishment,  or  custody,  of  Zacatecas.43  Only 
Nombre  de  Dios  and  Durango  can  be  properly  said  to 
have  been  founded  .before  1563.  Father  Mendoza's 
labors  at  Nombre  de  Dios  from  1554  have  been  al 
ready  recorded,  also  the  arrival  in  this  field  of  padres 
Pedro  de  Espinareda,  Diego  de  la  Cadena,  Jacinto  de 
San  Francisco,  and  the  donado  Lucas  in  1556,  Cadena 
and  Lucas  extending  their  labors  northward  to  the 
Guadiana  Valley  before  1562.44  During  this  period 
Father  Bernardo  de  Cossin  came  to  join  the  mission 
ary  band,  and  in  a  few*  years  was  the  first  to  attain 
the  honors  of  martyrdom  in  Nueva  Vizcaya.45 

43  These  in  the  order,  so  far  as  it  can  be  ascertained,  of  their  founding 
were  at  Nombre  de  Dios,  Durango,  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Topia,  Peiiol 
Blanco  (near  Cuencam6  and  afterward  transferred  to  San  Juan  del  Rio),  Ma- 
pimi    (soon   abandoned,   but  perhaps  reestablished),   San  Bartolom<§  Valley 
(Allende),  San  Juan  del  Mezquital,  San  Francisco  del  Mezquital,  Cuencame, 
and  Saltillo.    As  to  the  dates  the  Franciscan  chroniclers  give  invariably  those 
of  the  first  visits  to  the  regions  in  question,  in  most  cases  several  years  before 
permanent  establishments  were  founded,  and  generally  too  early  even  for  the 
preliminary  visits.     These  first  visits  correspond  with  Ibarra's  private  ex 
plorations  of  1554-60,  and  the  permanent  convents  date  from  his  official  tours 
as  governor  from  1562. 

44  See  p.  101  of  this  volume. 

45  Cossin  was  a  Frenchman  by  birth,  a  native  of  Aquitaine,  but  belonged 
to  the  convent  of  San  Juan  de  la  Luz  near  the  Basque  city  of  Fnenterrabia. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  in  America  he  was  sent  to  join  Espinareda 's  band,  and 
by  the  latter  to  join  Cadena  at  Guadiana.     Eager  for  work  he  soon  obtained 
leave  to  make  an  entrada  among  the  gentiles,  by  whom  he  was  shot  with 
arrows  while  engaged  in  showing  them  the  falsity  of  their  old  faith. v  Arlegui 
dates  his  martyrdom  in  1555,  but  it  must  have  been  after  1556,  and  was  prob 
ably  several  years  later. 

Jacinto  de  San  Francisco,  popularly  known  as  Padre  Cintos,  had  been  one 


FRANCISCANS  IN  DURANGO.  117' 

Ibarra  was  accompanied  in  his  expeditions  as  gov 
ernor  by  four  Franciscans.  Two  of  these  were  per 
haps  left  to  serve  in  the  region  of  Topia  from  1563-4 
when  mines  w^ere  opened  and  a  garrison  left.  It  is 
possible,  but  not  probable,  that  Espinareda  sent  some 
friars  to  that  region  before  Ibarra's  entry.  It  is  re 
corded  that  two  Franciscans — one  of  them  an  old  man 
and  the  other  young,  but  whose  names  are  unknown — 
were  thus  sent  to  work  in  Topia  and  after  much  suc 
cess  at  first  were  put  to  death  at  the  instigation  of  a 
native  sorcerer  in  1562.46  I  suppose,  however,  that 
these  were  the  two  friars,  also  nameless  in  the  records, 
left  by  Ibarra,  and  that  there  is  an  error  in  the  date 
of  their  death.  Nothing  more  is  known  of  either 
missionary  or  mining  operations  in  Topia  until  the 
Jesuits  made  their  appearance;  though  it  is  implied 
that  the  Franciscan  convent  was  maintained  continu 
ously. 

North  of  San  Bartolome  in  Chihuahua  the  Fran 
ciscans  introduced  their  faith  at  different  points  on  the 

of  CorteV  soldiers  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  had  received  valuable  eii- 
comiendas;  but  compunctions  of  conscience  for  past  deeds  of  blood  caused 
him  to  relinquish  his  wealth  and  assume  the  Franciscan  vows  and  habit. 
No  details  of  his  labors  in  Durango  from  his  arrival  in  1556  are  known;  but 
he  was  famous  for  his  zeal,  and  immensely  popular  among  the  natives.  The 
time  of  his  death  is  given  by  Torquemada  as  1566;  and  he  was  buried  at 
Nombre  de  Dios,  where  for  100  years  and  more,  as  is  said,  his  grave  was  daily 
decorated  with  flowers. 

Espinareda  was  from  the  province  of  Santiago  in  Spain,  one  of  the  first 
twelve  sent  to  Mexico  from  that  province.  In  the  first  six  years  of  his  min 
istry  he  baptized  15,000  adults.  Of  Padre  Cadena's  early  life  nothing  is 
recorded.  After  30  years  of  service  in  the  north  they  both  died  in  October 
1586,  Espinareda  at  Zacatecas,  and  Cadena  at  Durango. 

Not  long  after  Cossin's  death  it  is  said  that  Father  Juan  de  Tapia,  who  had 
served  at  Durango,  was  killed  by  the  natives  in  the  Zacatecas  Mountains,  to 
gether  with  the  faithful  Lucas,  \vho  was  a  native  of  Michoacan;  and  in  1586 
Padre  Andre's  de  Puebla  was  killed  by  the  savages  as  had  been  predicted 
before  he  set  out,  while  on  his  way  to  the  sierra  of  Topia.  Pedro  de  Her.edin, 
Buenaventura  Aniaga,  and  Padre  Quijas  are  also  mentioned  as  prominent 
Franciscans.  On  the  lives  of  these  friars  see  Arlefjul,  Crtin.  Zac.,  211-15, 
231-5,  238-9,  264-9;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  675-7,  745-6;  Vetancvrt,  M?no- 
loylo,  7,  73,  91;  Hamircz,  Not.  Hist.  Dur.,  10-11,  20-1;  Id.,  J)ur.,  13-14; 
Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  v.  504-8,  516-18,  542-7;  Torquemada,  iii.  613. 

^Arleyui,  Cron.  Zac.,  35-7,  65,  222-5.  This  author  says  also  that  the 
original  entry  was  in  1555,  doubtless  an  error,  the  reentry  and  building  of  a 
church  in  1559-60,  the  killing  of  the  friars  in  1562,  and  the  restoration  of  the 
convent  in  1564.  According  to  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  746;  Torquemada,  iii. 
613,  their  death  was  in  1555. 


118  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

route  to  N"ew  Mexico;  but  apparently  they  established 
no  permanent  stations  there.  Nor  does  it  appear 
that  any  regular  convents  were  founded  in  the  Sinaloa 
provinces.  The  Chametla  region  was  visited  occa 
sionally  by  friars  from  Jalisco;  one  or  two  mission 
aries  worked  at  times  in  connection  with  the  curate 
of  San  Miguel;  and  as  we  have  seen  fathers  Acebedo 
and  Herrera  were  left  at  San  Juan  by  Ibarra,  but 
soon  fell  victims  to  the  murderous  Suaquis.47 

They  were  all,  if  we  may  credit  the  somewhat  par 
tial  chroniclers,  most  holy  men,  entirely  devoted  to 
their  work.  Hardly  one  of  their  number  to  whom 
supernatural  aid  was  not  vouchsafed.  Arrows  directed 
at  the  missionaries  with  deadly  intent  were  often  de 
flected  from  their  course;  and  in  the  case  of  Padre 
Cossin  they  even  returned  to  pierce  the  wicked  bar 
barian  who  discharged  them.  A  horse  was  miracu 
lously  furnished  to  bear  Padre  Heredia  from  danger; 
his  own  death  and  the  manner  of  it  were  foretold  to 
Padre  Puebla;  sweet  strains  of  music  were  heard  at 
the  funeral  of  Padre  Quijas;  the  fishes  jumped  of 
their  own  accord  from  the  stream  into  Padre  Cintos7 
hands  when  he  was  threatened  with  starvation,  these 
fishes  being  moreover  of  a  species  never  found  in  the 
stream  before  or  since.  Most  of  the  friars  sought 

O 

martyrdom,  and  the  desires  of  five  or  six  of  their 
number  were  gratified.  To  their  eternal  profit  they 
were  tortured,  shot,  and  mutilated  by  the  savages 
they  sought  to  save.  Here  as  elsewhere  the  heads 
and  limbs  of  the  martyrs  often  resisted  the  action  of 
fire  when  the  savages  attempted  to  roast  them;  and 

47  Pablo  de  Acebedo  was  a  Portuguese,  who  took  the  habit  in  the  province 
of  Santa  Cruz,  Espaiiola.  He  came  to  the  north  soon  after  his  arrival  in 
Mexico.  Juan  de  Herrera,  lay  brother,  came  to  America  from  the  province 
of  Santiago  in  1541  with  12  friars  sent  to  Guatemala,  and  served  for  some 
time  in  Yucatan.  It  is  said  that  their  murder  was  instigated  by  a  mulatto 
interpreter,  who  was  himself  subsequently  killed.  Acebedo's  body  was 
miraculously  preserved  and  shrunken  to  the  size  of  a  child  of  three  years,  a 
proof  of  his  innocence.  Arlegui,  Cr6n,  Zac.,  215-23;  Torquemada,  iii.  623-5; 
Beaumont,  v.  542-7;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles.,  759-61;  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS., 
13-14;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles,  159;  Vetancvrt,  Menolog.,  131;  Vazquez,  Crdii. 
Guat.,  618-19;  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  36. 


COMING  OF  THE  JESUITS.  119 

a  frequent  token  of  divine  approval — or  of  a  dry 
climate  as  modern  incredulity  would  put  it — was  the 
preservation  of  their  bodies  for  months  or  even  years 
without  taint  of  putrefaction.  For  the  Franciscan 
annals  of  this  period  as  of  the  following  century 
Arlegui  is-  the  leading  authority.48 

The  entrance  of  the  Company  of  Jesus — whose 
annals  are  almost  identical  and  co-extensive  with 
north-western  history  down  to  1767 — into  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  dates  from  1590,  when  this  order  undertook  the 
spiritual  conquest  of  the  northern  barbarians,  by  an 
arrangement  between  Philip  II.,  the  Jesuit  general 
Borja,  the  Mexican  provincial  Mendoza,  arid  Governor 
Rio.  A  few  members  of  the  society  had  previously, 
as  we  have  seen,  made  proselyting  tours  in  different 
parts  of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  in  one  of  those  tours  Gon 
zalez  de  Tapia  and  Nicolas  de  Ardoya  had  reached 
Durango,  perhaps  in  1 5 8 9.  Several  years  passed,  how 
ever,  before  a  college  was  established  at  the  capital, 
and  meanwhile  Tapia  and  Martin  Perez  were  sent  to 
San  Felipe  in  the  modern  Sinaloa,  where  they  arrived 
in  1591^ind  at  once  set  to  work  among  the  towns  on 
or  near  the  rivers  Petatlan  and  Mocorito.49 

48  Arlegui,  Chrtinica  de  Id  Provincia  de  N.  8.  P.  S.  Francisco  de  Zacatecas. 
Mexico,  1737,  sm.  4to.  13  1.  412  pp.  9  1.     The  author,  Padre  Joseph  Arlegui, 
besides  holding  other  important  positions  in  his  order,  was  provincial  of  the 
provincia  in  1725-8.     The  capitulo  general  of  the  order  at  Milan  in  June  1729, 
having  directed  that  each  provincia  should  appoint  a  competent  friar  to 
record  its  annals,  Arlegui  was  thus  appointed  by  the  subordinate  chapter  in 
November  1734.     His  work  was  completed  in  1736  and  published,  as  above, 
in  1 737.     He  was  already  familiar  with  the  archives;  had  some  notes  and  origi 
nal  papers;  was  aided  by  the  actual  provincial  Antonio  Rizo  in  new  researches, 
and  also  used  certain  manuscript  Noticias  on  his  subject  left  by  Padre  Jose"  de 
Castro.     The  result  is  therefore  more  complete  than  might  be  expected  from 
the  short  time  in  which  it  was  prepared.     The  Chronica  is  devoted  to  the 
foundation  and  progress  of  the  different  convents,  and  the  life,  virtues,  and 
sufferings  of  the  friars.     Like  other  works  of  the  class  it  leaves  much  to  be 
desired  from  a  secular  historian's  point  of  view,  the  author  being  somewhat 
more  narrow-minded  and  allowing  himself  less  scope  as  a  historian  even  than 
some  of  his  brother  chroniclers.     Yet  he  was  evidently  faithful  and  diligent, 
and  with  other  writers  of  his  class,  bigoted  as  they  were,  merits  our  hearty 
gratitude,  especially  when  we  think  of  the  dreary  blank  which,  but  for  their 
labors,  would  constitute  so  large  a  portion  of  American  annals.     This  work  is 
very  rare.     I  have  also  a  reprint  done  in  Mexico,  1851,  8vo,  to  which  is  added 
Memoriae  para  la  Continuation  de  la  Crdnica,  by  P.  Antonio  Galvez,  thus  bring 
ing  the  record  down  to  1828.     This  work  also  is  becoming  rare. 

49  Among  the  villages  named  as  having  been  christianized  during  this  first 


120  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Six  other  Jesuits  were  sent  to  toil  in  the  same  field 
before  1595.50  The  natives,  of  many  different  tribes 
if  their  languages  be  taken  as  a  guide,51  but  generally 
spoken  of  in  the  Jesuit  relations  by  the  village  names, 
seem  to  have  been  for  the  most  part  well  disposed  and 
quite  willing  to  be  gathered  in  little  communities,  to  be 
baptized  and  married,  to  learn  the  doctrina,  and  under 
the  good  padres'  instruction  and  watching  to  till  the 
soil  for  their  own  support  as  they  had  been  accustomed 
to  do  in  a  ruder  manner  before  the  Spaniards  came. 
These  little  establishments  were  the  nuclei  of  the 
great  mission  system  of  which  I  shall  have  so  much  to 
say  in  later  chapters  and  volumes.  Records  of  prog 
ress  even  in  this  earliest  period  are  voluminous,  but 
of  such  a  nature  that  they  can  hardly  be  utilized  for 
present  purposes.  That  is,  the  petty  happenings,  in 
connection  with  each  village,  each  conversion,  each 
apostasy,  each  interposition  of  divine  or  diabolic  power, 
which  seemed  to  the  Jesuits  of  such  vital  importance 
and  interest,  and  with  which  their  annual  reports  were 
filled,  defy  for  the  most  part  condensation  into  the 
form  of  history.52  9 

decade  are:  Guazave.  Cubiri,  Nio,  Bamoa,  Ures,  Deboropa,  Lopoche,  Mata- 
pan,  Ocoroni  (or  Ocoroiri),  Sisimicari,  Bacoburitu,  Orobatu,  Mocoritoj  Navi- 
tama,  Terabio,  Biara,  Navoria,  and  Tovoropa,  all  with  orthographical  varia 
tions.  Several  of  these  names  appear  in  the  same  region  on  modern  maps, 
some  of  them  perhaps  still  applied  to  the  original  localities. 

50  These  were  Juan  Bautista  de  Velasco,  Hernando  de  Villafaue,  Alonso 
de  Santiago  (who  retired  in  1594),  Juan  Bautista  de  Orobato,  Hernando  de 
Santaren,  and  Pedro  Mendez.     Some  particulars  respecting  the  lives  of  each 
are  given  by  Ribas  and  Alegre. 

51  According  to  the  Carta  Etnogrdfica  of  Orozco  y  Berra  these  dialectic 
tribes  on  or  near  the  Rio  de  Sinaloa  are  almost  as  numerous  as  the  chroniclers 
make  them  by  the  use  of  pueblo  names.     They  are  Vacoregue  or  Guazave, 
Pima,  Oguera,  Cahuimeto,  Basopa,  Zoe,  Tubar,  Cahita,  and  Mexican. 

52  Chief  among  original  authorities  should  be  mentioned  Memorias  para  la 
Historia  de,  la  Provincia  de  Sinaloa,  1530-1629,  MS.,  991  pp.    This  is  an  18th 
century  copy  in  a  clear  handwriting  of  torn  xv.  of  the  Archivo  General  de 
Mexico,  MS. ,  32  vols.     I  have  another  later  copy  under  the  title  of  Eocumen- 
tos  para  la  Historia  de  Sinaloa,  MS.,  2  vols.     This  work  is  made  up  of  the 
original  anuas  of  the  Jesuit  provincial,  with  many  letters  and  reports  of  the 
missionaries  themselves.     It  is  the  source  from  which  Ribas  and  Alegre  drew 
most  of  their  material;  and  indeed  Alegre  copies  literally,  without  credit,  a 
large  part  of  the  introduction.     The  period  extending  from  the  beginning  to 
1600  fills  339  pages  of  the  manuscript.    The  work  also  contains— pp.  817-991, 
from  another  vol.  of  the  Arch.  Gen.,  and  not  in  the  Doc.  Hist. — similar  mate 
rial  for  other  parts  of  Nueva  Vizcaya. 


MISSIONARIES  IN  SINALOA.  121 

According  to  the  statements  of  Ribas  and  Alegre, 
the  standard  authorities  for  Jesuit  annals  in  this  re 
gion,  eight  churches  of  a  permanent  character,  though 
of  very  modest  architectural  pretensions,  besides 
sixty  temporary  structures  for  religious  service,  were 
erected  during  this  decade.  Two  thousand  converts 
were  baptized  the.  first  year  and  four  thousand  before 
1597/'3  Omnipotence,  ever  ready  to  encourage  these 
faithful  workers,  sent  upon  the  people  epidemics, 
earthquakes,  tornados,  and  droughts,  with  a  view  both 
to  frighten  the  pagans  into  an  application  for  relief 
and  to  show  how  uniformly  these  troubles  yielded  to 
Jesuit  prayer.  The  miracles  were  not,  however,  all 
on  the  side  of  the  Christians;  for  on  one  occasion 
when  the  missionaries  had  demolished  an  idol  of  stone 
and  preached  earnestly  against  idolatry,  the  heathen 
deities  sent  a  violent  hurricane  which  was  interpreted 
as  a  protest,  and  caused  not  a  few  converts  to  return 
to  their  former  faith. 

Father  Tapia  visited  in  1592  the  wilder  tribes 
dwelling  on  the  Rio  Tamotchala,  Suaqui,  or  Fuerte, 
and  also  penetrated  the  mountainous  Topia,  laying 
there  the  foundations  for  future  conversions.  The 
same  padre  found  time  in  1593  for  a  trip  to  Mexico 
in  the  interests  of  his  missions ;  but  the  next  year,  at 
the  age  of  thirty-three,  he  had  the  honor  of  becoming 
the  first  martyr  of  his  order  in  Sinaloa.  Nacabeba, 
a  native  who  had  some  influence  as  a  sorcerer  at 

™Aler/re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  241-3,  258-9,  287-95,  307-19,  350-4,  377-9, 
387-9;  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos  de  la  Fe,  35-80.  According  to  the  original 
reports  there  were  6,100  converts  in  1594;  6,770  in  1595;  and  8,400  in  1597. 
In  1595  the  converts  were  distributed  as  follows:  1,588  in  5  pueblos  on  the 
RioEvora;  3,312  in  13  pueblos  on  theRioPetatlau;  1,270  in  3  pueblos  on  the 
Rio  Ocoroni;  and  600  converts  on  the  Rio  Sinaloa  (Fuerte).  There  was  a 
pestilence  in  1593.  Padre  Martin  Pelaez  visited  the  missions  in  1595,  P.  Luis 
de  Bonifaz  in  1596,  and  two  Jesuits  in  1598.  According  to  letters  of  P.  Perez, 
dated  Dec.  1591,  and  printed  inPurchas,  His  Pilarimes,  IV.,  1854,  there  had 
been  1,600  baptized  and  13  churches  built  at  that  date.  Statistics  of  the 
period  are  naturally  very  meagre  and  unreliable.  Hernandez  y  Ddvalos, 
Geofj.  Son.,  14,  absurdly  says  that  the  Jesuit  establishments  of  Sinaloa  in 
1591-6  cost  the  government  8,000,000  pesos.  Other  works  containing  matter 
on  the  Jesnit  missions  in  Sinaloa  befere  1600,  are:  Aposttflicos  A  fanes,  224; 
Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Comp.  Jesus,  138;  Velasco,  Not.  Son.,  138;  Soc.  Mex. 
Geoy.,  Bol,  viii.  658;  Buelna,  Compend.,  58;  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  696-7. 


122  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Deboropa,  having  been  chided  for  habitual  absence 
from  church,  drunkenness,  and  other  offences,  was  at 
last  flogged  at  the  padre's  request.  After  trying 
unsuccessfully  to  incite  his  people  to  revolt,  Nacabeba, 
aided  by  a  few  accomplices,  murdered  Padre  Tapia 
when  he  came  to  renew  his  remonstrances,  fleeing 
immediately  after  the  act  to  the  hostile  Suaquis  and 
Tehuecos  in  the  north,  and  bearing  with  him  the 
padre's  head  and  arm  as  trophies.  In  orgies  of  vic 
tory  they  used  the  victim's  skull  for  a  drinking-cup, 
and  tried  to  roast  the  arm;  but  fire,  as  we  are  gravely 
told,  had  no  effect  upon  the  sacred  relic.54 

In  1595  the  governor  sent  Alonso  Diaz  with  twenty- 
five  men  from  Durango,  who  b*uilt  a  fort  at  San  Fe 
lipe,  and  left  Juan  Perez  de  Cebreros  in  command. 
He  recovered  the  remains  of  Father  Tapia,  but  failed 
to  secure  the  murderer,  who  took  refuge  with  the  sav 
age  Tehuecos.  During  this  year  and  the  next  mission 
work  seems  to  have  been  at  a  stand-still.  The  loss  of 
Tapia's  influence,  the  fear  of  being  suspected  in  con 
nection  with  his  murder,  dread  of  the  soldiers,  and 
other  diabolical  influences  caused  many  of  the  con 
verted  tribes  to  abandon  their  pueblos,  and  the  gen 
tiles  were  hostile  in  every  direction.  By  patient 
effort,  however,  the  missionaries  gradually  brought 
back  the  fugitives;  and  meanwhile  they  had  done 
some  work  in  the  southern  regions  of  Culiacan,  and 

64  Albieuri,  Historia  de  las  Mislones  Apdstolicas  que  los  cUrigos  reyidares  de 
la  Compania  de  Jesus  an  echo  en  las  Indias  Occidentals  del  Reyno  de  la  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  etc.,  MS.,  4to,  373  pp.  is  a  history  of  the  missions  down  to  1594,  but 
mainly  devoted  to  the  life  and  virtues  and  martyrdom  of  Father  Tapia,  an 
engraved  portrait  of  whom  is  attached  to  the  frontispiece.  The  author, 
Father  Juan  Albieuri,  was  himself  a  missionary  in  Sinaloa,  and  personally 
acquainted  with  the  companions  of  Tapia.  His  autograph  is  attached  to  the 
preface  dated  San  Ignacio  de  Vamupa,  April  1G,  1C33;  and  the  work  is  ap 
proved  by  the  rector,  Padre  Juan  Varela,  and  by  Tapia's  associates,  Pedro 
Mendez  and  Hernaudo  de  Villafane,  whose  emendations  are  seen  through 
out  the  volume.  Backer,  Bibliotheque,  iv.  6,  mentions  this  MS.,  as  being  in 
the  library  of  the  University  of  Mexico. 

A  very  complete  narrative  of  all  the  circumstances  attending  Tapia's 
murder  is  the  Relation  de  la  muerte  del  Padre  Gonzalo  de  Tapia,  superior  de 
la  Compania  de  Jesus  de  Cinaloa,  que  sucedio"  d  los  11  de,  Julio,  1594,  en  €^> 
pueblo  de  Tovoripa,  MS.  See  also,  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  52;  Alegre,  i. 
287-95;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Edes,  i.  252-3. 


PRESIDIO  OF  SAN  FELIPE.  123 

had  built  and  decorated  a  fine  adobe  church  and  resi 
dence  at  San  Felipe.  The  year  1597  was  marked  by 
one  or  two  minor  revolts,  and  by  fierce  conflicts 
between  different  native  tribes,  but  great  progress 
in  conversion  was  also  made.  In  1598  by  the  vice 
roy's  orders  a  reenforcernent  of  twenty  soldiers  was 
sent  to  the  presidio  of  San  Felipe.  It  would  appear 
also  -that  many  new  settlers  came  about  this  time ;  and 
in  1599  with  the  capture  and  execution  of  Tapia's 
murderer  the  spiritual  conquest  took  a  new  start, 
success  being  great.  Finally  in  1600  Captain  JDiego 
Martinez  de  Hurdaide,  of  whose  valorous  deeds  much 
will  be  said  in  later  chapters,  assumed  command  of 
the  garrison,  made  permanent  allies  of  the  hitherto 
troublesome  Guazaves,  and  penetrated  to  the  moun 
tain  region  of  Chinipas. 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  little  that  is  known 
of  Franciscan  operations  in  the  Topia  mountains,  where 
were  the  mining  camps  of  San  Andres,  San  Hip6lito, 
and  Parpudos.  As  early  as  1592  Father  Tapia,  from 
Sinaloa,  had  visited  the  Acaxees  of  that  region,  find 
ing  them  well  disposed.  Other  visits  were  made  from 
time  to  time  by  the  Sinaloa  Jesuits,  who  obtained 
there  in  1597  a  contribution  of  twelve  hundred  dollars 
from  the  miners  for  their  San  Felipe  church.  In  1599 
Father  Santaren  made  an  extended  visit  and  found 
the  natives  so  desirous  of  conversion  at  Jesuit  hands 
that  he  had  to  depart  secretly  by  night  from  some  of 
the  districts.  Finally  in  1600  the  same  missionary 
with  Father  Alonso  Ruiz  entered  the  province,  and 
they  began  their  permanent  work  in  earnest.  They 
were  accompanied  by  Diego  de  Avila  who  was  com 
missioned  by  the  viceroy  as  "capitan  pacificador  y 
juez  protector"  of  the  natives.55 

63  Duarte,  Testimonio  juridico  de  las  poblaciones  y  conversiones  de  los  Serra- 
nos  Acaches,  hechas  por  d  Capitan  Diego  de  Avila  y  el  venerable  padre  Her- 
nando  de  Santaren  por  el  afio  de  1600.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  serie  iv.  torn.  iv. 
1 73-207;  also  MS.,  in  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  159-340;  also  r6sum<§  in Duranvo, 
.Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  14G-50.  This  lengthy  account  was  written  by  Martin  Du- 


124  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

In  this  pious  raid  they  taught  the  natives  to  kneel 
and  kiss  the  padres'  hands  at  their  approach,  to  build 
churches,  and  to  say  doctrina.  They  whipped  some 
who  were  refractory  about  receiving  the  new  faith, 
and  broke  up,  united,  or  reestablished  the  villages  ac 
cording  to  their  own  ideas  of  convenience  or  policy. 
They  appointed  alcaldes  and  other  officials  as  usual, 
and  especially  directed  their  attention  to  breaking  or 
burning  all  stones  and  bones  worshipped  as  idols.  The 
records  show  the  Spaniards  to  have  been  hardly  less 
superstitious  than  the  Acaxees,  since  accounts  of  idols 
speaking  or  eating  are  accepted  apparently  without 
the  slightest  doubt. 

At  Durango,  or  Guadiana,  twenty-two  thousand 
pesos  having  been  contributed  by  Governor  del  Bio 
and  others,  the  Jesuit  college  was  founded  in  1593-4, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  century  had  eight  priests  and  two 
hermanos  in  its  fellowship.  Two  padres  worked  at  the 
college  among  the  Spaniards  and  other  inhabitants  of 
the  city  and  vicinity,  while  two  were  stationed  at  each 
of  the  three  missions  that  had  been  founded.  Of  these 
Santaren  and  Ruiz,  as  already  noted,  were  in  the 
mountains  of  Topia.  Two  others  of  the  eight  Jesuits 
were  fathers  Geronimo  Ramirez  and  Juan  de  Fonte 
engaged  in  converting  the  great  Tepehuane  nation, 
which  occupied  a  large  part  of  what  is  now  Durango 
from  Papasquiaro  northward.  Ramirez  began  the 

arte,  the  escribano  of  the  expedition,  who  minutely  describes  and  swears  to 
every  petty  detail  of  each  day's  acts,  each  movement  and  word  of  captain, 
padres,  and  natives,  each  idol  destroyed.  More  words  to  less  purpose  could 
hardly  be  written.  The  pueblos,  as  left  after  this  entrada  were:  Santa  Ana, 
San  Martin,  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  San  Diego,  San  Juan  Napeces,  'San 
Ger6nimo,  San  Telmo,  Cuevas,  Aibupa,  Otatitlan,  Acapu,  Matenipa,  San 
Miguel  de  los  Reyes,  Tocotlan,  and  San  Juan  de  Cubia,  having  from  G8  to 
320  inhabitants  each.  The  real  de  San  Andre's  was  already  under  the  care  of 
a  curate.  A  regulation  was  made  forbidding  outsiders  to  visit  the  Indian 
pueblos  or  to  entice  away  the  inhabitants  under  penalty  of  100  pesos  if  the 
offender  were  a  Spaniard,  or  200  blows  if  an  Indian.  Alegre,  i.  378-82,  gives 
some  details  of  Santaren's  experience  in  1599.  Mota-Padilla,  Hist.  N.  Gal., 
250,  mentions  a  revolt  quelled  by  Bishop  Mota  in  1599  after  the  military  had 
failed.  According  to  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  31;  x.  619  et  seq.,  the  name  Topia  came 
from  an  old  woman  transformed  into  a  stone,  still  venerated  in  the  form  of 
jicaras.  See  also  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumplios,  471-8. 


JESUITS  IN  DURANGO.  125 

work  in  1596  at  Sauceda  and  Ubamari,  or  Santa  Cruz. 
Fonte  entered  the  field  several  years  later,  and  down 
to  the  end  of  the  century  the  harvest  was  found  more 
plenteous  than  there  were  laborers  to  reap.  A  town 
at  Zape  and  that  of  Santa  Catalina  in  Atotonilco 
Valley  are  said  to  have  been  founded  during  this 
period. 

Meanwhile  padres  Francisco  Ramirez  and  Juan 
Agustin  de  Espinosa  preached  in  the  region  of  Cuen- 
came  in  1594,  and  passing  on  to  what  is  now  south 
western  Coahuila,  founded  in  the  lake  region  the  mis 
sion  of  Santa  Maria  de  Parras.  The  Laguna  Indians 
were  friendly  from  the  first,  and  not  averse  to  salva 
tion,  although  somewhat  disinclined  to  live  in  villages. 
Many  of  them  spoke  Aztec  dialects,  which  was  a  great 
help  to  the  missionaries.  The  devil  often  appeared 
here,  taking  the  form  of  a  horrible  beast;  but  on  the 
other  hand  divine  assistance  was  not  withheld,  and  the 
success  of  the  padres  was  flattering.  In  1600  there 
were  fifteen  hundred  converts  in  this  mission,  and  three 
flourishing  towns  dependent  on  it.  Among  the  many 
proofs  of  the  Jesuits'  efficacious  teaching  the  chroniclers 
point  with  pride  to  the  fact  that  a  young  convert  sub 
mitted  to  torture  and  death  rather  than  sacrifice  her 
chastity. 

In  addition  to  the  statements  of  Ribas  and  Alegre, 
several  of  the  anuas,  or  yearly  reports  of  work,  accom 
plished  under  this  Jesuit  college  of  Durango  have 
been  preserved,  together  with  several  letters  of  the 
missionaries.  They  are  filled  for  the  most  part  with 
petty  details  of  remarkable  conversions  and  cures, 
showing  all  to  have  been  couleur  de  rose  in  the  prog 
ress  of  the  good  work  at  this  early  time,  but  noticeable 
for  an  almost  entire  absence  of  all  facts,  figures,  or 
names  of  historic  value.56 

56  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Documentos  para  la  Historia  Eclesidstica  y  Civil.  In 
Doc.  Ilixt.  Mex.,  series  iv.  torn,  iii.-iv.  The  matter  preceding  1GOO  extends 
to  p.  60  of  torn.  iii.  This  collection  is  torn,  xix.-xx.  of  the  Arckivo  Gen.  de 
Mex.  I  have  also  the  MS.  copy  from  the  Andrade-Maximilian  library.  A 
large  portion  is  also  in  the  Sinaloa,  J\fem.  Hist..  MS.,  817  et  seq.  See  also 


126  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

I  may  here  glance  briefly  at  the  few  events  to  be 
noted  in  sixteenth -century  annals  of  the  territory 
since  known  as  Coahuila,  then  a  part  of  Nueva  Viz 
caya.  Saltillo  has  already  been  named  in  the  list  of 
Franciscan  convents.  It  was  founded  as  early  as 
158257  by  Padre  Lorenzo  Gavira;  but  the  natives 
after  a  time  became  intractable,  the  little  church  was 
destroyed  in  a  revolt,  and  finally  Gavira  was  forced 
to  seek  a  new  field  of  labor.  In  1586  the  villa  of 
Saltillo  was  founded  under  a  regular  municipal  gov 
ernment.58  It  is  not  quite  clear  whether  this  was 
before  or  after  the  revolt  alluded  to;  but  either  that 
revolt  or  other  hostilities  endangered  the  safety  of 
the  town  about  1592  and  caused  the  inhabitants  to 
call  upon  the  viceroy  for  succor.  In  response  Captain 
Francisco  Urdinola  was  sent  north  with  a  colony  of 
four  hundred  Tlascaltecs,  who,  under  the  direction 
of  Buenaventura  de  Paz,  were  settled  in  a  town  called 
Nueva  Tlascala  close  to  the  villa  but  independent  of 
Spanish  control.  The  Franciscan  establishment  was 
also  revived  at  this  time.59  The  settlement  thus  pro 
tected  was  subsequently  quite  prosperous,  but  there 
is  no  further  record  of  its  progress  until  after  1600. 
In  connection  also  with  the  Jesuit  mission  at  Parras60 
a  settlement  of  Spaniard  and  Tlascaltecs  from  Saltillo 
seems  to  have  sprung  up  about  1598.  This  colony  was 
welcomed  by  the  mild  Laguna  tribes  as  a  protection 
from  their  fierce  foes  the  Tobosos  and  Cocoyomes  of 
the  north.  It  prospered  for  a  time  by  reason  of  the 

Alegre,  i.  283-7,  319-23,  354-6;  Kibas,  669-710;  Tamaron,  Visita  de  Dur., 
MS.,  41;  Orozco  y  Berra,  in  llustradon  Mex.,  269;  Durango,  Doc.  Hist., 
MS.,  139-40;  Albieuri,  Hist.  Mis.,  MS.,  140-8. 

57  Arlec/ui,  Cr6n.  Zac.,  77.     Torquemada,  iii.  341,  also  favors  this  early 
date.     Arlegui,  pp.  224-5,  speaks  of  the  murder  here  at  a  still  earlier  date  of 
a  Franciscan  who  was  preaching  to  the  Guachichiles  at  Santa  Elena. 

58  Two  alcaldes  and  a  sindico  were  elected  annually,  but  the  office  of 
regidores  and  clerk  were  sold  at  auction.  Arispe,  Memorial,   10;  Avila,  in 
Museo  Hex.,  ii.  73;  Dice.  Univ.,  vi.  262. 

59  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  revolt  of  1592  was  the  same  that  drove  out 
Gavira.     Morfi,  Diario,  404-6,  followed  by  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geog.,  301,  so 
represents  it. 

60  The  name  comes  from  the  wild  grape-vines  in  the  vicinity.     See  also 
Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  41. 


ANNALS  OF  NEW  MEXICO.  127 

soil's  remarkable  fertility ;  but  in  the  following  century 
its  progress  was  seriously  retarded  through  the  op 
pression  of  the  poorer  classes  and  especially  the  natives 
by  rich  monopolists  of  land  and  water.61 

The  annals  of  New  Mexico  are  fully  presented  in 
another  volume;62  hence  an  outline  only  is  required  in 
this  connection,  the  province  being  one  of  the  North 
Mexican  States  though  never  belonging  to  Nueva 
Vizcaya.  The  first  visit  of  Europeans  was  that  of 
Vazquez  de  Coronado  from  the  west  in  1540—2  as 
already  recorded.  Before  the  end  of  the  century  the 
country  was  several  times  revisited  and  finally  occu 
pied  by  Spanish  forces  from  the  south,  the  various 
expeditions  being  voluminously  and  for  the  most  part 
satisfactorily  recorded  in  documents  yet  extant. 

In  1581  Father  Agustin  Rodriguez,  moved  by  a 
perusal  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  narrative  and  by  certain 
reports  brought  by  natives  from  the  north,  set  out 
from  San  Bartolome  Valley  in  southern  Chihuahua, 
accompanied  by  two  other  Franciscans  and  a  few  sol 
diers  under  one  Chamuscado.  They  went  down  the 
Conchos  and  up  the  Rio  Grande  to  the  province  of 
the  Tiguas,  Coronado's  Tiguex.  They  called  the 
country  San  Felipe,  perhaps  San  Felipe  de  Nuevo 
Mexico.  The  soldiers  soon  returned;  but  the  friars 
remained,  and  after  working  for  a  while  were  killed  by 
the  natives. 

Late  in  1582  Antonio  Espejo  with  Father  Beltran 
and  fourteen  soldiers  went  by  the  same  route  in  search 
of  Rodriguez  and  his  comrades.  Their  fate  was 
learned  at  one  of  the  Tigua  pueblos;  and  Espejo  also 

61Morfi,  Dlario,  390-2,  relates  that  Capt.  Urdinola  began  a  ditch  to 
monopolize  the  water  for  irrigation,  but  the  governor  of  N.  Vizcaya  stopped 
the  work.  Later,  however,  the  governor  married  into  Urdifiola's  family  and 
the  difficulties  were  thus  effectually  removed  and  the  ditch  completed.  This 
writer  states  that  the  mission  at  Parras  was  founded  by  P.  Espinosa  at  the 
same  time  as  the  villa,  which  must  be  an  error.  See  also  Dice.  Vniv.,  vi. 
2G2-3. 

62  See  Hist.  JV.  Mex.  and  Ariz.,  this  series,  for  a  full  presentment  of  details 
and  authorities. 


128  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

heard  of  Coronado's  ravages  in  this  province.  He 
extended  his  explorations  eastward  to  the  border  of 
the  buffalo-plains,  northward  to  Cia  and  Galisteo,  and 
westward  to  Zufri  and  the  region  of  the  modern 
Prescott.  He  heard  of  a  great  river  in  the  north 
west,  and  of  a  wealthy  province  on  a  great  lake; 
which  reports  in  connection  with  the  popular  estrecho 
and  Ibarra's  Copala  did  not  fail  to  be  utilized  as  ele 
ments  of  the  Northern  Mystery.  The  return  was 
from  Coronado's  Cicuic  down  the  Rio  Pecos  in  1583. 
Espejo  was  disposed  to  call  the  country  Nueva  Anda- 
lucia,  but  the  name  New  Mexico  soon  became  preva 
lent. 

The  king  in  consequence  of  the  reports  brought  by 
Chamuscado's  companions  authorized  the  viceroy  to 
make  a  contract  with  some  suitable  person  for  the 
conquest  and  settlement  of  the  province.  This  was  in 
1583.  Many  deemed  themselves  fitted  for  the  enter 
prise,  and  became  enthusiastic  after  Espejo's  reports 
were  received.  Espejo  himself,  Cristobal  Martin, 
Francisco  Diaz  de  Vargas,  Juan  Bautista  de  Lomas, 
and  Francisco  Urdinola  were  among  those  who  in  the 
next  few  years  made  earnest  efforts — but  without  suc 
cess  on  account  of  their  character,  poverty,  or  extrava 
gant  claims — to  secure  the  conqueror's  contract. 

Meanwhile  Gaspar  Castano  de  Sosa,  governor  of 
Nuevo  Leon,  started  in  1590,  without  authority  as  it 
would  appear,  with  a  colony  of  nearly  two  hundred  to 
take  advantage  of  Espejo's  discoveries.  He  went  up 
the  Pecos  and  crossed  to  the  Rio  Grande ;  visited  and 
received  the  submission  of  thirty-three  pueblos  in 
1591,  and  then  he  was  arrested  and  taken  back  to 
Mexico  in  chains  by  Captain  Morlete,  who  had  been 
sent  with  fifty  soldiers  and  Father  Juan  Gomez  to 
arrest  Sosa  for  having  undertaken  an  illegal  entrada. 
The  colonists  soon  retraced  their  steps  southward. 

About  1595  Bonilla  and  Humana,  sent  by  the  gov 
ernor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  against  some  rebellious 
natives  in  the  north,  extended  their  expedition  with- 


OftATE'S  CONQUEST.  129 

out  license  to  New  Mexico.  They  marched  far  out 
into  the  north-eastern  plains  in  search  of  Quivira; 
Humana  murdered  his  chief  in  a  quarrel;  and  was 
himself  killed  with  nearly  all  his  men  in  a  fight  with 
the  savages,  only  one  or  two  surviving  to  .tell  the 
tale. 

At  last  in  1595  Juan  de  Onate,  more  fortunate  per 
haps  than  other  claimants,  was  commissioned  as  gov 
ernor  and  captain-general  to  effect  the  conquest.  He 
raised  a  large  force  of  soldiers  and  colonists,  and  left 
Mexico  in  1596.  Vexatious  complications  hindered 
his  progress  and  exhausted  his  funds;  but  he  reached 
the  southern  part  of  his  province  with  several  hun 
dred  men  and  took  formal  possession  in  the  region  of 
El  Paso  in  April  1598.  All  the  pueblos  submitted, 
most  of  them  without  resistance;  Franciscan  mission 
aries  were  stationed  in  the  pueblos  of  six  nations; 
Onate  visited  all  the  towns  and  penetrated  far  west  of 
Zurii ;  and  the  rebellious,  or  patriotic,  warriors  of  the 
Acoma  penol  were  reduced  to  submission  after  a  series 
of  hard -fought  battles.  All  this  was  before  the  sum 
mer  of  1599.  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros  was  made 
the  capital.  Santa  Fe  was  not  founded  until  consid 
erably  later.  There  is  no  foundation  for  the  popular 
idea  that  the  latter  is  the  oldest  town  in  the  United 
States. 

HIST.  N.  Mzx.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    9 


CHAPTER  VI. 

VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 
1540-1600. 

INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS— MARITIME  ANNALS — VOYAGE  OF  JUAN  RODRIGUEZ 
CABRILLO  AND  BARTOLOME  FERRELO — DEATH  or  CABRILLO — DISCOVERY 
or  ALTA  CALIFORNIA — RESULTS — RUY  LOPEZ  DE  VILLALOBOS  DISCOVERS 
THE  PHILIPPINES — LEGASPI  CROSSES  THE  PACIFIC— PADRE  ANDRES  UR- 
DANETA  OPENS  THE  NORTHERN  ROUTE — ARELLANO'S  TRIP  FROM  THE 
WEST— THE  MANILA  GALLEONS — PIRATICAL  CRUISE  OF  FRANCIS  DRAKE 
IN  THE  MAR  DEL  SUR — VOYAGE  OF  FRANCISCO  DE  GALI — CRUISE  OF 
THOMAS  CAVENDISH— CAPTURE  OF  THE  GALLEON  'SANTA  ANA' — APOC 
RYPHAL  EXPEDITIONS  TO  STRAIT  OF  ANIAN  BY  LORENZO  FERRER  MAL- 
DONADO  AND  JUAN  DE  FUCA — CERMENON's  VOYAGE — THE  'SAN  AGUSTIN* 
IN  SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY — SEBASTIAN  VIZCAINO  EXPLORES  THE  GULF — • 
UNSUCCESSFUL  ATTEMPT  TO  SETTLE  CALIFORNIA — A  BATTLE  AND  A  RO 
MANCE — OLD  MAPS. 

TURNING  again  to  the  coast,  I  take  up  the  thread 
of  maritime  discovery  in  the  Mar  del  Sur  where  it 
was  dropped  in  a  preceding  chapter  at  the  failure  of 
Pedro  de  Alvarado's  schemes  in  1541.  So  slight  is 
the  connection  between  the  progress  of  exploration  by 
water  and  the  course  of  events  on  land  in  the  coast 
provinces,  that  it  is  found  most  convenient  to  treat 
the  two  subjects  separately  down  to  the  last  years  of 
the  seventeeth  century.  I  therefore  describe  in  this 
and  the  two  following  chapters  all  voyages  in  the 
north-western  waters  of  ocean  or  gulf  during  the 
period  named,  with  the  motives  actuating  and  circum 
stances  attending  them,  and  the  results  accomplished, 
including  of  course  the  history  of  the  temporary  set 
tlements  effected  by  some  of  the  explorers  on  the 
Californian  peninsula. 

(130) 


NORTHERN  MYSTERY.  131 

Many  details  of  local  geography  and  adventure 
connected  with  these  voyages  belong  obviously  to  the 
history  proper  of  Alta  California,  and  of  countries  to 
the  north,  possessing  little  or  no  interest  in  connection 
with  the  present  subject  in  its  general  aspects.  Such 
details  will  therefore  be  briefly — but  none  the  less  I 
hope  judiciously — disposed  of  here,  to  be  treated  in 
full  when  I  come  to  narrate  the  annals  of  more  north 
ern  regions  in  a  future  volume,  where  in  their  turn 
generalities  of  the  yarious  expeditions  may  be  in  like 
manner  presented  en  resume*. 

Still  another  phase  of  the  subject  may  be.  advan 
tageously  left  for  fuller  treatment  elsewhere.  I  allude 
to  fictitious  narratives  of  voyages,  or  authentic  narra 
tives  of  fictitious  voyages,  to  and  into  and  through 
the  fabulous  strait  of  Anian.  Three  only  assumed 
definite  form  of  date  or  detail — those  of  Maldonado, 
Fuca,  and  Fonte — each  of  which  will  be  mentioned 
briefly  in  its  chronological  order;  but  the  minutise  of 
these  expeditions  and  of  others  more  vaguely  recorded, 
as  well  as  the  endless  variety  of  tales  growing  out  of 
them,  which  were  told  and  listened  to  in  Mexico  and 
Europe,  I  defer  with  all  the  annals  of  impossible  ad 
venture  and  imaginary  geography  for  future  considera 
tion  in  chapters  devoted  to  the  Northern  Mystery.1 

It  is  well,  however,  to  understand  at  the  outset 
that  the  fables  and  fancies  alluded  to  had  an  element 
of  reality,  inasmuch  as  they  were  implicitly  believed 
at  the  time,  and  exercised  a  marked  influence  on  every 
expedition  despatched.  But  for  this  influence  it  may 
almost  be  doubted  that  Spanish  occupation  at  the  end 
of  the  seventeenth  or  even  the  eighteenth  century 
would  have  extended  above  Colima  on  the  Pacific  and 
Panuco  on  the  Atlantic  side.  I  have  already  ex 
plained  how  faith  in  a  northern  strait  uniting  the 
oceans  was  gradually  and  naturally  developed  from 
early  cosmographical  ideas  respecting  America  as  a 
part  of  Asia.  During  the  later  period,  now  to  be 

^ee  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  chap,  i.-iv.  this  series. 


132  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

considered,  when  expeditions  by  land  and  water  were 
greatly  multiplied,  both  soldiers  and  sailors,  imbued 
with  the  prevalent  expectation  of  wonders  in  the 
north,  shaped  their  reports  as  far  as  possible  by  what 
they  were  desired  to  see  rather  than  by  what  they 
saw.  The  aborigines  were  not  slow  to  comprehend  the 
ruling  desire  of  the  Spaniards  and  accordingly  to  fash 
ion  their  stories  of  great  rivers,  and  lakes,  and  straits, 
always  a  little  farther  on,  thus  supplying  explorers 
with  all  the  basis  they  needed  for  their  marvellous  re 
ports. 

Sailors  found  from  time  to  time  at  the  northern 
limit  of  their  voyage  the  mouth  of  a  river,  bay,  or 
inlet,  and  on  each  occasion  doubted  not  they  had  at 
last  discovered  the  estrecho.  It  were  a  pity  that  be 
cause  circumstances  did  not  permit  them  just  then  to 
pass  through  to  the  other  ocean,  others  should  do  so 
a  little  later  and  thus  rob  them  of  a  merited  honor; 
consequently  their  reports  were  made  to  include  what 
they  would  have  seen,  had  weather,  or  health,  or  sup 
plies  allowed  them  to  sail  farther  east  or  west.  The 
influence  of  this  all-pervading  geographical  dogma  of 
Anian  must  be  kept  always  in  mind  by  the  reader. 

The  voyages  treated  in  this  chapter  have  been 
already  put  before  the  public  many  times  in  many 
forms,  often  with  accuracy  and  completeness.  Both 
individually  and  collectively  they  were  in  former  years 
the  subject  of  much  more  research  than  the  inland 
annals  of  the  same  period,  and  later  researches  in  the 
Spanish  and  Mexican  archives  have  brought  to  light 
comparatively  little  new  material.  Hence  it  is  that 
here  to  a  greater  degree  than  elsewhere  in  my  work, 
I  must  be  content  to  repeat  an  oft-told  tale ;  yet  patient 
investigation  is  none  the  less  a  duty  and  a  pleasure  to 
the  historian  because  comparatively  barren  of  results 
or  not  easily  made  apparent  to  the  reader. 

The  threatened  perils  of  a  general  uprising  of  native 
American  nations  having  been  averted  by  a  success- 


CABRILLO'S  VOYAGE.  133 

ful  issue  of  the  Mixton  campaign,  Viceroy  Mendoza 
was  again  at  liberty  to  turn  his  attention  northward. 
Coronado  had  abandoned  the  conquest  of  Cibola, 
Tiguex,  and  Quiriva,  and  was  returning  homeward 
with  the  remnants  of  his  grand  army.  By  the  voy 
ages  of  Ulloa  and  Alarcon  the  gulf  coasts  had  been 
explored  and  California  proved  to  be  a  peninsula. 
Such  results  had  evidently  done  much  to  cool  Men- 
doza's  ardor  for  northern  enterprise;  yet  he  had  a  fleet 
on  his  hands  and  one  route  for  exploration  still  re 
mained  open — the  continuation  of  that  followed  by 
Ulloa,  up  the  outer  coast  beyond  Cedros  Island.  Two 
vessels  of  Alvarado's  former  fleet,  the  San  Salvador 
and  Victoria,  wrere  made  ready  and  despatched  from 
Natividad  on  June  27,  1542,  under  the  command  of 
Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  a  Portuguese  by  birth,  and 
an  experienced  and  adventurous  navigator  in  the  vice 
regal  service.2 

2  Cabrillo,  Relation  del  df'scubrimiento  que  hizo  Juan  Rodriguez  navegando 
por  la  contracosta  del  Mar  del  Sur  al  norte,  hecha  por  Juan  Paez,  published 
in  Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  xiv.  165  etc.,  is  the  original  diary  of  Cabrillo's  voyage. 
The  same  document  had  been  before  published  in  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  i.  173- 
89,  under  the  title  Relation,  6  diario,  de  la  navegacion  que  hizo  Juan  Rodriguez 
Cabrillo  con  dos  navios,  al  descubrimiento  del  paso  del  Mar  del  Sur  al  norte. 
In  this  edition  it  is  stated  that  a  copy  in  the  Munoz  collection  has  the  name 
Juan  Paez  written  several  times  upon  it.  Thus  there  is  some  uncertainty 
about  the  authorship.  Possibly  the  later  editor  has  no  better  authority  than 
this  for  putting  it  under  that  name.  This  diary  seems  to  be  the  source  of  all 
that  is  known  about  the  voyage,  though  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii.-iv. 
(followed  by  Marina  Espanola,  ii.  244-7),  and  Navarrete,  Sutil  y  Mex., 
introd.  xxvii.-xxxvi.,  show  a  few  slight  variations  of  unexplained  origin. 
Evans1  and  Henshaw's  Translation  from  the  Sj>anish  of  the  account  by  the  pilot, 
Ferelo  of  the  voyage  of  Cabrillo  along  the  west  coast  of  North  America  in  1542 
is  the  latest  and  best  English  version,  with  critical  notes.  Navarrete's 
version  was  translated  by  Alex.  S.  Taylor,  and  published  in  San  Francisco, 
1853,  under  the  title,  The  First  Voyage  to  the  Coast  of  California.  A  MS. 
translation  of  the  original  diary  from  Buckingham  Smith's  Florida  collection, 
also  by  Taylor,  is  in  the  library  of  the  California  Pioneers.  Other  references 
are:  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  96,  328;  Taylor's  Hist.  Sum.,  18-20;  Id.,  in  Cal. 
Farmer,  May  4,  1860,  April  18,  1862,  Aug.  14,  21,  1863;  Clavigero,  Stor.  Gal, 
154-5;  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  325-6;  Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  i. 
180-3;  Burners  Chron.  Hist.,  i.  220-5;  Torquemada,  Mon.  Ind.,  i.  693-4; 
Cavo.  Tres  Siglos,  i.  135;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  329;  TuthiWs  Hist.  Cal., 
12-13;  Greenhoiv's  Or.  and  Cal.,  61-3;  Twiss'  Or.  Quest.,  22;  Capron's  Hist. 
Cal.,  2,  121-2;  Farnham's  Life  Cal,  127;  Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth,  5;  Laet, 
Novvs  Orbis,  306-7;  Payno,  i\\Soc.  Mex.  Gcog.,  BoL,  2daep.  ii.  199-200;  Dome- 
nech's  Deserts,  i.  226;  Foster'*  Hi»t.  Voy.,  448-9;  Montanus,  N.  Welt.  210-11; 
Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  70-2;  Findlatfs  Directory,  i.  314;  Forbes'  Cal.,  9; 
Frignet,  La  CaL,  9-26;  Morelli,  Fasti,  24;  Mines'  Voy.,  352;  Hist.  Mag.,  Lx. 


134 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 


The  diary  presents,  at  least  in  that  part  which  now 
concerns  us,  but  a  dry  record  of  dates  and  of  names 
applied  to  points  visited  along  the  coast,  most  of  which 
have  not  been  retained,  and  some  cannot  with  any 
degree  of  certainty  be  identified.  I  append  in  a  note 
a  full  list  corresponding  to  the  Lower  California!! 
coast,  with  equivalents  in  1802  and  1879  as  identified 
by  Navarrete  and  Evans.  The  former  has,  however, 
done  little  more  than  adopt  the  names  given  by  Viz 
caino  sixty  years  later,  some  of  which  are  as  hard  to 
find  on  modern  maps  as  the  originals.  It  will  be  noted 
that  the  two  commentators  differ  in  identifying  points 
north  of  Canoas  Bay;  but  without  being  very  positive 
as  to  details  I  prefer  to  follow  Navarrete  and  to  iden 
tify  Cabrillo's  San  Miguel  with  San  Diego  for  reasons 
that  will  be  somewhat  more  fully  given  in  another 
volume  of  my  work.3 

Reaching  the  southern  point  of  the  peninsula,  now 

148;  Hutching*'  Mag.,  iii.  146;  iv.  116,  547;  v.  265;  Muhlenpfordt,  Mtj.,  ii. 
451;  Murray's  N.  Amer.,  ii.  79-80;  Norman's  Hist.  Cal.,  26-7;  Saint- Amant, 
Voy.  Cal.,  393;  Fedix,  I'Orfyon,  55;  Marchand,  Voy.,  i.  viii. ;  Rouhard, 
Regions  Nouv.,  26;  Weik,  Californie.n.  5;  Ty tier's  Hist.  Discov.,  78-9;  Mayer's 
Mex.  Aztec.,  i.  142;  Poussin,  Puissance,  i.  343. 
3  See  also  next  chapter  for  Vizcaino's  names : 


Date. 

Cabrillo''s  Names. 

Dist. 

Lat. 

Navarrete^s  Names. 
[Evans'  names  in  brackets.] 

July    6. 

Port  San  Lftcas 

23° 

S  Jose  [B  S  Lucas] 

8. 

Pt  and  Port  Trinidad  
Port  San  Pedro  

6? 

25° 
25^° 

Isl.  Margarita.     [C.   Tosco    Sta  Ma 
rina  B.] 
[Magdalena  B.] 

19. 

Port  Madalcna  

Pt  Sta  Cat'Uina 

61. 

27° 

Magdalena  B.    [Pequena  B.] 

25. 

171. 

27^° 

Habre  Ojo  

51. 

[Abreojos  shoals.] 

Port  Sta  Ana  

181. 

28° 

Isl.  Asuncion  [Hipolito  Pt]. 

July  27. 

Port  Fondo  

61. 

[B.  east  of  Asuncion  Isl.] 

Aug.  1. 

Port  S.  Pedro  Vincula  
Isl    S  Est'van 

181. 

28i^° 

San  BartolomS.     [Id.] 
Natividad.     [Id.  and  Pt  Eugenio  ] 

5. 

Isl  .  Cedros  

29° 

Cerros.     [Id.] 

11. 

Port  Sta  Clc'ira  .  .  . 

10  1  ? 

30° 

[PlayaMariaB.] 

15. 

Pt  Mai  Abrigo    

so  y,° 

Canoas.    [Id.] 

19. 
20. 

Isl.  S.  Bernardo  
Pt  Engafio  

101. 

7  1. 

30i|° 
31° 

S.  Ger>".nimo.     [Id.] 
C.  Bajo  [no  name]. 

21. 

Port  Posesion  

101. 

31/^° 

Virgenes  [S.  Quintin]. 

27. 

Isl  .  S.  Agustin  

S.  Martin.     [Id.] 

Sept.  8. 

C.  S.  Martin  

32]/j° 

S.  Quiutin.    [No    name,   past  Todoa 

C  Cruz              

171. 

33° 

Santos.] 
[Evans  omits  6  1.  of  distance.] 

17. 

Port  S  Mateo 

Cl. 

00  1/0 

lodos  Santos  [S.  Diego]. 

27. 

Isl   Desiertas      

346" 

Los  Coronados  [S.  Clemente  and  Sta 

28. 

Port  S.  Miguel  

61. 

34}xf 

Catalina]. 
San  Diego  [S.  Pedro]. 

DISCOVERY  OF  UPPER  CALIFORNIA.  135 

Cape  San  Lucas/  on  the  3d  of  July,  Cabrillo  followed 
the  coast  in  his  two  frail  vessels  until  on  August  5th 
he  arrived  without  accident  at  Cedros  Island,  the 
northern  limit  of  Ulloa's  voyage.5  Formal  possession 
was  taken  of  the  country  on  the  22d  at  what  was  per 
haps  the  bay  of  Virgenes  of  modern  maps,  and  here 
the  first  natives  were  met,  who  claimed  to  have  seen 
other  Spaniards  in  the  interior,  and  were  intrusted 
with  a  letter  for  them.  Nothing  worthy  of  note  oc 
curred  until  the  voyagers  anchored  at  San  Miguel,  or 
what  is  now  San  Diego  harbor,  on  the  28th  of  Sep 
tember.  Here  again  the  natives  spoke  of  Spaniards 
and  their  hostilities  inland,  and  like  reports  were 
received  at  other  points  on  the  coast  and  islands  above, 
doubtless  founded  on  rumors  of  Diaz  and  Alarcon 
which  had  reached  the  tribes  of  the  coast. 

Cabrillo's  voyage  derives  its  greatest  importance 
from  the  fact  that  it  was  the  first  exploration  by  Euro 
peans  of  Alta  California  from  San  Diego  to  Cape 
Mendocino,  and  perhaps  beyond.  A  close  examination 
of  this  pioneer  navigator's  adventures  and  discoveries 
will,  therefore,  be  more  appropriately  given  in  a  subse 
quent  volume  on  the  earliest  annals  of  California. 
During  the  month  of  October  the  coast  and  islands 
between  San  Diego  and  Point  Concepcion  were  vis 
ited  at  various  points,  observations  of  latitude  were 
made,  and  notes  were  taken  of  the  country  and  its 
inhabitants,  intercourse  with  the  latter  being  frequent 
and  friendly.  In  November,  against  contrary  winds,, 
Cabrillo  continued  his  voyage,  but  without  landing,  to 
a  wooded  point  which  he  located  in  latitude  40°,  and 
then  returned  to  the  islands  of  the  Santa  Barbara 
Channel.  He  had  broken  his  arm  before  leaving  the 
islands,  and  from  the  effects  of  this  accident,  aggra 
vated  by  subsequent  exposure,  he  died  after  his  return. 

4  Herrera  and  Navarrete  say  that  he  visited  the  port  called  by  Cortes  La 
Cruz,  and  the  latter  adds  that  it  was  probably  San  Jose*  (del  Cabo). 

5  Unless,  according  to  Castillo's  map,  that  limit  be  Cape  Engafio,  which. 
Cabrillo  locates  2°  farther  north. 


136  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

on  January  3,  1543,  leaving  the  command  to  his  chief 
pilot,  Bartolome*  Ferrelo. 

In  February  the  new  captain  started  again  north 
ward,  and  after  being  tossed  about  for  some  days  by 
the  ever  changing  winds  and  sighting  again  the  cape 
in  40°,  the  vessels  were,  according  to  observations 
made  on  the  28th,  in  latitude  43°.  Subsequently  they 
were  put  in  great  peril  by  a  storm,  and  seem  to  have 
been  driven  still  farther  north.  The  land  was  hidden 
by  a  dense  fog,  but  the  navigators  thought  they  ob 
served  signs  of  a  great  river  entering  the  sea  in  this 
northern  region.  It  seems  indeed  to  have  been  im 
possible  for  any  northern  navigator  to  return  without 
a  report  of  something  that  could  be  interpreted  to 
mean  the  strait  of  Anian.  Returning,  the  fleet  passed 
on  the  5th  of  March  the  island  where  Cabrillo  had 
died,  named  for  him  Isla  de  Juan  Rodriguez,  and  the 
two  vessels  were  separated,  to  be  again  united  at 
Cedros  Island  on  the  26th, the  capitana  having  touched 
on  the  way  at  San  Miguel  and  other  ports.  The  almi- 
rante  had  been  in  imminent  peril  at  one  time,  but  on 
a  solemn  promise  from  the  sailors  to  go  naked  to 
church,  Our  Lady  had  delivered  them,  though  why 
she  fancied  such  a  costume  is 'not  told.  Sailing  from 
Cedros  April  2d  they  anchored  at  Natividad  on  the 
14th. 

As  Cabrillo's  latitudes  are  all  from  1°  30'  to  2°  30' 
too  high,  he  may  for  his  present  purposes  be  supposed 
to  have  passed  Cape  Mendocino,  which,  however,  he 
did  not  name;  or  even  to  have  reached  the  present 
line  between  California  and  Oregon ;  but  more  of  this 
in  other  volumes.6  Neither  large  cities,  powerful 
nations,  nor  rich  islands  were  brought  to  light  as  had 
been  hoped.  The  only  practical  result  was  to  make 
known  the  general  trend  of  the  coast  for  some  eight 
hundred  miles  beyond  the  limit  reached  before.  To 
the  few  thinking  men  who  knew  this  result  it  must 
have  given  a  comparatively  accurate  idea  of  the  con- 

6  See  Hist.  Cal,  i.  69  et  seq.;  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  137  et  seq. 


VILLALOBOS  AND  LEGASPL  137 

nection  between  America  and  Asia,  especially  when 
studied  in  connection  with  the  voyages  made  before 
and  immediately  after,  across  the  broad  Pacific  to  the 
Asiatic  Islands.  If  the  two  continents  were  joined 
it  must  be  in  the  far  north;  but  the  "secret  of  the 
strait"  remained  yet  unrevealed. 

During  Cabrillo's  absence  two  ships  and  three 
smaller  craft,  also-  remnants  of  Alvarado's  fleet,  were 
despatched  by  order  of  Mendoza  from  the  western 
coast,  and  probably  from  the  port  of  Natividad?  These 
vessels,  sailing  in  November  15427  under  the  com 
mand  of  Ruy  Lopez  de  Villalobos,  bore  a  large  force 
destined  for  the  islands  of  the  South  Pacific.  With 
the  discoveries  and  misfortunes  of  this  expedition  I 
have  nothing  to  do  here.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  by  it 
Spain  acquired  no  foothold  in  the  East  Indies.  To 
gain  such  a  foothold  was  regarded  as  of  primary 
importance;  but  more  than  twenty  years  passed 
before  anything  was  accomplished  in  this  direction; 
and  this  period  was  also  a  blank  in  the  annals  of 
north-western  exploration  by  water,  as  also  in  the 
record  of  events  on  the  land,  but  for  the  continued 
existence  of  the  settlement  at  San  Miguel  de  Culia- 
can. 

In  1559  Viceroy  Velasco  organized  an  expedition 
under  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legaspi.  Andres  de  Ur- 
daneta,  now  an  Austin  friar,  but  formerly  a  skilful 
navigator  and  companion  of  Loaisa  and  Saavedra, 
was  entreated  and  directed  by  a  royal  order  to  accom 
pany  Legaspi  as  councillor.  There  were  many  delays, 
and  Velasco  died  just  before  the  preparations  were 
completed;  but  the  fleet  of  four  vessels,  with  four 
hundred  men,  sailed  from  Natividad  in  the  autumn 
of  1564.  It  is  unnecessary  here  to  say  more  of  this 
expedition  than  that  it  accomplished  the  desired 

7  Juan  Fernandez  de  Ladrillero  declared  in  1574  that  he  and  a  company 
were  in  California  until  called  back  to  join  Villalobos'  expedition.  Navarrcte, 
Sutil  y  Mex.,  introd.,  xlii.-iv.  This,  if  not  pure  invention,  may  be  a  vague 
allusion  to  Ulloa  or  Alarcon. 


138  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

object,  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  Philippines 
for  Spain. 

The  orders  of  the  audiencia  required  that  as  soon 
as  a  settlement  had  been  effected  in  the  islands,  Ur- 
daneta  should  attempt  with  a  part  of  the  fleet  to  find 
a  practicable  route  back  to  the  coast  of  America. 
This  return  voyage  had  never  yet  been  made  by  rea 
son  of  the  very  winds  that  made  the  westward  voyage 
so  easy,  and  it  was  regarded  by  the  king  and  his  ad 
visers  as  an  achievement  by  no  means  less  important 
than  the  conquest  of  the  islands.  Urdaneta  had  his 
theories  on  the  subject,  which  he  had  doubtless  ex 
plained  to  the  authorities,  and  the  accuracy  of  which 
he  was  ordered  to  test.  Accordingly  the  San  Pedro, 
capitana  of  the  fleet,  was  made  ready  and  sailed  from 
the  island  of  Zebu  on  the  1st  of  June,  1565.  Felipe 
Salcedo,  a  grandson  of  Legaspi,  only  sixteen  years 
old,  was  in  command,  though  instructed  to  be  guided 
entirely  as  to  the  route  by  Urdaneta,  who  took  with 
him  as  a  companion  Padre  Andres  de  Aguirre.  After 
sailing  eastward  to  the  Ladrones,  the  course  was 

O  9 

north  to  the  coast  of  Japan,  and  still  northward  to 
the  latitude  of  38°,  whence  the  prevailing  winds  bore 
the  vessel  across  to  New  Spain.8 

We  have  no  further  particulars  of  the  route,  but 
passing  Natividad,  said  to  have  been  found  abandoned, 
the  San  Pedro  arrived  at  Acapulco  early  in  October. 
It  had  been  a  long  and  hard  voyage.  The  vessel  had 
been  short-handed  at  the  start;  the  pilot  and  master 
died  at  the  beginning  of  the  voyage,  and  fourteen 
others  before  it  was  ended;  and  so  weak  were  the  rest 
from  sickness  that  on  arrival  at  Acapulco  there  was 
not  force  enough  to  cast  anchor.  To  Urdaneta,  "aquel 
famoso  argonauta,"  with  his  friar  companion,  had 
fallen  the  great  work  of  the  voyage,  and  right  bravely 

8  This  is  Grijalva's  statement,  Crdnica,  fol.  122,  and  he  adds,  speaking  of 
this  as  a  route  followed  by  later  navigators,  that  if  the  wind  is  not  found  in 
38°  they  keep  on  to  40°,  or  even  43°,  where  they  are  sure  to  find  it.  Burney, 
Cron.  Hist. ,  270,  followed  by  many  other  writers,  states  that  Urdaneta  him 
self  reached  these  higher  latitudes. 


URDANETA'S  VOYAGE.  139 

> 

had  they  done  it,  steering  the  vessel,  caring  for  the 
sick,  performing  the  last  rites  for  the  dying  and  dead, 
making  frequent  and  careful  observations,  and  pre 
paring  a  chart  by  which  the  Manila  galleons  sailed  for 
many  a  year.  The  worthy  friar  is  entitled  to  all  the 
honor  of  having  been  the  first  to  cross  the  Pacific 
eastward.9  He  died  in  Mexico  in  1568. 

The  route  once  found,  the  voyage  eastward,  though 
long  and  tedious,  and  cold  in  its  northern  parts,  pre 
sented  no  great  difficulty,  or  risk  save  that  of  scurvy, 
short  supplies,  and  a  little  later  attacks  of  freebooters. 
Each  year  one  or  more  vessels  laden  with  the  rich 
products  of  the  east  were  wafted  down  the  coast 
before  the  winds,  but  we  have  no  information  about 
any  particular  voyage.10  They  were  no  longer  voy- 

vYet  such  is  the  blind  injustice  of  fate  that  as  it  seems,  Survey's  Hist. 
Chron.,  i.  270-1,  and  Grijalva,  Cron.,  fol.  117,  he  did  not  actually  make  the 
first  passage.  Alonso  de  Arellano  deserted  the  fleet  in  command  of  the  San 
Lucas,  made  the  trip  from  the  Philippines  across  to  the  region  of  cape  Men- 
docino,  and  arrived  at  Acapulco  three  months  before  Urdaneta.  The  two 
met  at  the  court  of  Spain,  whither  each  had  gone  to  report  his  success.  Are 
llano  reported  the  rest  of  the  fleet  as  lost,  and  claimed  a  reward  for  his  own 
achievement.  It  is  satisfactory  to  know  that  he  was  immediately  sent  back 
westward  to  be  tried  as  a  deserter.  Torquemada,  Mon.  Ind. ,  i.  693-4,  states 
that  Mendoza  sent  a  fleet  to  the  Philippines  which  in  returning  came  in  about 
42°  to  a  point  which  they  named  cape  Mendocino,  following  the  coast  down 
to  Natividad.  The  viceroy  sent  vessels  again,  to  explore,  but  they  could  not 
go  beyond  Magdalena  in  25°.  Here  is  evidently  confusion  both  of  voyages 
and  viceroys.  It  is  not  stated  that  Urdaneta  reached  that  point,  and  the 
statement  that  Arellano  did  so  is  not  entitled  to  great  weight.  In  the  absence 
of  any  positive  evidence  it  is  more  probable  that  the  name  was  applied  in 
Mexico  to  a  nameless  cape  of  Cabrillo's  narrative,  or  that  the  cape  was  named 
later  by  one  of  the  galleons  in  honor  of  the  second  Mendoza.  Taylor,  in 
Browne's  L.  CaL,  20,  takes  his  account  apparently  from  Burney  and  not  with 
sufficient  care.  Anson,  Voyage,  235,  tells  us  that  the  Philippine  trade  was 
first  carried  on  from  Callao,  but  the  winds  were  unfavorable  for  the  return, 
which  sometimes  lasted  a  year,  and  therefore  the  route  was  changed  and 
trade  diverted  to  Acapulco  by  the  advice  of  a  Jesuit,  who  persuaded  naviga 
tors  to  take  the  northern  route.  This  is  all  erroneous.  Torquemada,  i.  690, 
also  speaks  of  Natividad  as  the  port  of  the  Philippine  vessels  before  Acapulco 
was  opened.  This  is  true,  however,  only  of  western  voyages.  Venegas,  Not. 
Cal. ,  i.  183,  repeated  in  Sntil  y  Mex.,  p.  xli.,  says  that  Viceroy  Velasco  sent  the 
San  Arjmtin  to  establish  a  station  for  the  Philippine  trade  on  the  outer  coast 
of  California.  The  reference  is  doubtless  to  the  later  voyage  of  1595.  Nav- 
arrete,  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Ixxxvi.,  speaks  of  Urdaneta's  voyage  only  to  correct  the . 
impression  given  by  Forster  and  others,  that  he  discovered  a  passage  from  the 
north  to  the  south  sea;  for  this  voyage,  like  every  other  of  the  period,  was 
made  to  bear  on  the  all-absorbing  topic,  about  which  Urdaneta  was  indeed 
called  upon  to  testify  in  Spain. 

10  Burney,  Chron.  Hi#t. ,  i.  270-2,  notes  the  sailing  of  a  ship,  the  San  Gero- 
nimo,  for  the  Philippines  in  1566;  also  the  San  Juan  for  New  Spain  in  1567, 


140  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

ages  of  discovery,  and  there  was  no  occasion  that  the 
log-books  or  diaries  should  be  made  public;  on  the 
contrary  it  was  the  policy  of  the  government  to 
shroud  the  movements  of  the  galleons  with  every 
possible  mystery.  There  were  fears  of  foreign  inter 
ference. 

The  Spaniards'  fears  were  not  unfounded;  they 
were  not  to  be  left  undisturbed  in  their  South  Sea 
exploits;  an  English  navigator  appears  upon  the  scene. 
English  navigators — a  better  sounding  term  than  ad 
venturers,  freebooters,  privateers,  or  pirates — had  for 
some  years  made  themselves  a  terror  to  all  the  Span 
ish  main  on  the  Atlantic  side.  The  two  governments 
were  still  at  peace  ostensibly;  but  Spain  in  her 
haughty  arrogance  showed  no  liberality  or  tolerance 
to  foreign  traders  in  her  Indies,  treating  all  such  as 
intruders.  The  commercial  spirit  of  England  could 
ill  brook  this  monopoly  of  western  wealth,  and  trad 
ers  came  to  regard  the  Spanish  policy  as  a  personal 
wrong  and  insult  to  each  one  of  themselves,  to  be 
avenged  upon  the  persons,  and  above  all  on  the  prop 
erty  of  any  Spanish  subject  wherever  found.  The 
British  government  found  that  to  leave  the  adven 
turers  to  right  their  own  wrongs  was  an  easier  way 
to  restore  commercial  equilibrium  than  to  waste  time 
in  appeals  to  King  Philip.  Moreover  the  Spaniards 
were  Catholics,  and  there  was  a  prevalent  sentiment 
in  England  at  this  time  that  the  poor  deluded  vic 
tims  of  popery  might  be  righteously  robbed,  and 
killed  if  not  altogether  submissive  to  the  robbing. 
Thus  does  a  holy  faith  ever  prompt  to  grand  efforts 
freebooters  no  less  than  missionaries. 

Francis  Drake,  at  the  time  but  little  over  thirty 
years  old,  had  already  distinguished  himself  in  mari 
time  exploits.  He  had  several  times  visited  the  West 

the  arrival  of  two  vessels  from  New  Spain  the  same  year,  and  orders  to  one 
of  the  vessels  in  1572  to  take  a  course  farther  north  than  usual  for  purposes 
of  exploration.  He  takes  these  items  from  standard  works  on  the  Philippines. 


FKANCIS  DRAKE.  141 

Indies  in  a  subordinate  position  as  a  slave-trader,  and 
had  been  instrumental  in  the  sacking  of  divers  towns 
on  the  coast.  The  unholy  papists  had,  however,  pre 
vented  the  complete  success  of  some  of  his  schemes  for 
gain,  thus  incurring  his  hatred  and  justifying,  as  he 
thought,  a  life-long  warfare  on  all  that  was  Spanish. 
In  1573,  from  a  hill  on  the  Isthmus,  he  had  looked 
upon  the  broad  Mar  del  Sur,  and  kneeling  had  prayed 
that  he  might  be  the  first  to  navigate  those  waters  in 
an  English  bottom.  His  prayer  was  not  quite  literally 
answered,  for  John  Oxenham,  another  pirate,  by  cross 
ing  the  Isthmus  and  stealing  the  bottom,  gained  for 
himself  the  honor;  still  Drake  cherished  his  scheme 
and  attached  no  more  importance  to  his  compatriot's 
achievement  than  has  the  world  since  accorded  it.  In 
1577  he  fitted  out  a  fleet  of  five  vessels,  with  a  force 
of  one  hundred  and  six  by- four  men,  and  sailed  from 
Falmouth  on  the  13th  of  December.  ' 

His  plans  and  the  destination  of  his  expedition  were 
kept  secret  from  even  his  own  men,  both  for  fear  of  rivals 
and  of  precautions  on  the  part  of  his  intended  victims. 
Yet  his  designs  were  well  matured;  he  would  explore 
the  Pacific  for  England,  would  either  circumnavigate 
the  world  or  return  by  the  long  sought  northern  pass; 
would  attack  Spanish  commerce  in  a  new  and  unpro 
tected  spot,  and  would  return  laden  with  booty  and 
honors.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  his  scheme 
was  secretly  supported  by  the  favor  and  purse  of 
Queen  Elizabeth.11 

Drake's  operations  on  the  coasts  of  South  and  Cen 
tral  America  have  been  mentioned  elsewhere.12  With 
one  vessel,  the  Golden  Hind,  so  laden  with  booty  that 
a  continuation  of  his  piratical  cruise  seemed  a  fool 
hardy  risk,  a  return  to  England  by  a  southern  route 
being  for  several  reasons  hazardous,  Drake  at  last 
determined  to  seek  a  northern  passage.  With  this 

11  The  Hakluyt  Society's  edition  of  Drake's  World  Encompassed  contains 
practically  all  that  is  known  of  this  expedition;  and  is  the  only  authority  that 
need  be  referred  to  in  this  connection. 

12  See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  this  series. 


142  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

view,  after  refitting  on  a  southern  island  and  taking 
one  or  two  additional  prizes,  he  anchored  at  Guatulco 
in  Oajaca  in  search  of  supplies.  After  some  further 
outrages  here,  the  freebooter,  now  adopting  the  role 
of  explorer,  sailed  in  April  1579  out  into  the  Pacific 
north-westward.  He  did  not  touch  the  territory 
treated  in  this  volume ;  yet  the  bearing  of  his  expedi 
tion  on  rny  present  subject  is  obvious.  Details  of 
achievements  in  the  north  are  fully  treated  in  later 
volumes.13 

The  Golden  Hind  in  June  anchored  in  a  bad  bay 
somewhere  between  latitudes  42°  arid  48°  according 
to  different  versions.  Here  it  was  resolved  to  aban 
don  the  attempt  to  find  the  northern  strait.  Excessive 
cold  was  the  obstacle  which  mainly  forced  the  navi 
gators  to  this  course;  and  it  was  grossly  exaggerated 
with  a  view  not  only  to  account  for  their  failure,  but  to 
show  that  they  had  reached  a  very  high  latitude  and 
to  deter  others  from  similar  attempts.  Then  they  fol 
lowed  the  coast  southward  until  between  latitudes  37° 
and  38°  they  found  "  a  conuenient  and  fit  harborow," 
respecting  the  identity  of  which  I  shall  have  much  to 
say  in  the  proper  place,  and  where  they  remained  six 
weeks  refitting.  Drake  also  took  possession  of  the 
country  for  Elizabeth,  and  named  it  Albion,  and  then 
started  homeward  across  the  broad  Pacific,  doubled 
Good  Hope  in  June  1580,  and,  having  accomplished 
the  first  circumnavigation  of  the  globe,  arrived  at 
Plymouth  in  November,  to  be  soon  made  Sir  Francis 
for  his  achievements. 

One  effect  of  this  expedition  was  to  confine  English 
researches  for  the  northern  strait  for  a  long  time  to 
the  Atlantic  side  of  the  continent.  In  Mexico  it  was 
long  before  any  even  approximatively  accurate  idea 
was  formed  of  Drake's  doings;  but  on  the  contrary 
the  most  extravagant  rumors  were  prevalent,  and  it 
was  for  years  supposed  that  the  Englishman  had 

13  See  Hist.  CaL>  i.  81  et  seq.;  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  139  et  seq. 


FRANCISCO  DE  GALL  143 

actually  passed  through  the  strait  of  Anian.  Among 
the  popular  tales  of  the  time  was  that  of  a  pilot  named 
Morena  who  claimed  that,  being  sick  and  nigh  unto 
death,  he  had  been  put  on  shore  by  Drake  either  In 
the  strait  or  just  before  he  entered  it  on  his  way  to 
England,  that  he  had  recovered  and  had  wandered 
through  the  country  for  four  years  until  he  came  to 
Santa  Barbara  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  by  way  of  New 
Mexico.  On  the  way,  over  five  hundred  leagues  from 
the  starting-point,  the  wanderer  reached  an  arm  of 
the  sea  separating  New  Mexico  from  a  great -western 
land  where  there  were  great  towns  and  a  nation  of 
white  men  using  horses.  Thus  did  all  these  narrators 
of  northern  marvels  unthinkingly  "give  themselves 
away"  for  the  distant  future.  Morena  told  his  story 
at  the  Sombrerete  mines  to  Governor  Rio,  a  man  who 
was  deeply  interested  in  the  Northern  Mystery  and 
therefore  a  credulous  listener.14 

By  chance  a  record  has  been  preserved  of  a.  Philip 
pine  voyage  made  a  few  years  after  Drake's  departure. 
Francisco  de  Gali,  having  sailed  from  Acapulco  in 
March  1582,  left  Macao  on  his  return  July  24,  1584. 
Following  the  usual  northern  route  he  sighted  the 
American  coast  in  latitude  37°  30',  and  followed  the 
coast  without  anchoring  to  Acapulco.  Gali  made 
some  observations  respecting  the  currents  and  winds 
in  the  North  Pacific;  noted  on  reaching  the  coast  a 
high  and  fair  land  covered  with  trees  and  free  from 
snow;  and  in  his  course  southward  passed  several 
islands,  among  which  may  be  identified  perhaps  San 
Martin,  Cedros,  and  the  Tres  Marias.  The  only  im 
portance  of  this  voyage  in  the  eyes  of  historical 
students  has  resulted  apparently  from  an  error  of 
translation,  by  which  the  latitude  given  was  trans 
posed  to  57°  30',  thus  involving  the  question  of  pri- 

14  Salmeron,  Relaciones,  50-1,  obtained  his  information  from  P.  Ascension. 
Drake's  voyage  is  often  confounded  with  that  of  Cavendish  by  Mexicans,  as 
in  Cavo,  Tres  Siylos,  i.  214^15. 


144  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

ority  of  discovery  by  Spain  of  a  long   stretch   of 
coast.15 

Another  English  voyage  is  next  to  be  noted,  simi 
lar  to  that  of  Francis  Drake  in  every  respect  save 
that  open  war  between  England  and  Spain  covered 
with  a  kind  of  legal  sanction  many  of  the  privateer's 
least  outrageous  acts.  Thomas  Cavendish  after  a  long 
series  of  ravages  on  the  southern  coasts  as  far  as 
Colima,  arrived  at  Mazatlan,  so  called  at  the  time, 
late  in  September  1588  with  two  ships  well  armed. 
Here  the  British  obtained  fruits,  and  repaired  their 
craft  at  the  islands  near  by,  watched  the  while  by  a 
party  -of  Spanish  horsemen  from  the  villa  of  San 
Sebastian  de  Chametla.  Then  Cavendish  crossed 
over  to  Aguada  Segura,  later  called  San  Bernabe,  or 
Puerto  del  Cabo;  lying  off  and  on  near  Cape  San 
Lucas  in  wait  for  the  galleon.  That  unfortunate 
vessel,  the  Santa  Ana  of  seven  hundred  tons,  -  com 
manded  by  To  ma's  de  Alzola,  and  laden  with  rich  silks 
and  other  goods  from  the  Indies  besides  122,000  pesos 
in  gold,  hove  in  sight  the  4th  of  November.  After 
valiant  defence  the  Spaniards  were  forced  to  yield; 
and  the  prize  was  towed  into  the  cape  harbor  to  be 
stripped  of  all  her  cargo  that  was  worth  the  taking. 
The  surviving  victims,  nearly  two  hundred  in  number, 
were  put  on  shore  while  the  Santa  Ana  was  set  on 
fire;  but  enough  of  her  hulk  remained  unburned  to 
carry  the  company  to  Acapulco.  Meanwhile  the 
victors  went  on  their  way  rejoicing,  and  one  of  the 
ships  being  lost  the  other  completed  her  voyage  roumd 
the  world.16 

The  apocryphal  voyage  of  Lorenzo  Ferrer  de  Mal- 

15  The  original  Spanish  diary  not  being  extant,  our  only  knowledge  of  the 
voyage  comes  from  a  Dutch  translation  published  in  Linschotcn,  Reys-Ghech- 
rift,  of  which  the  first  edition  appeared  in  1596  according  to  Brunet.  See  also 
Jlist.  Col.,  i.  94,  this  series. 

16  Pretty's  Admirable  and  Prosperous  Voyage  of  the   Worshipfull  Master 
Thomas  Candish.     In  HaUuyfs  Voy.,  iii.  803-25.     Cavendish's  exploits  are 
fully  described  in  Hist.  Hex.,  ii.  746  et  seq.,  this  series. 


MALDONADO  AND  FUCA.  145 

donado  is  entitled  chronologically  to  brief  mention 
here  under  date  of  1588;  although  the  claim  seems 
not  to  have  been  made  publicly  until  1609,  and  its 
effect  on  the  popular  imagination  with  the  discussions 
it  provoked — the  only  reality  connected  with  it — 
should  perhaps  be  placed  much  later.  Maldonado 
professed  to  have  entered  the  strait  on  the  coast  of 
Labrador;  to  have  followed  its  windings  up  to  75°, 
and  down  again  to  its  Pacific  mouth  in  60°;  to  have 
followed  the  Pacific  coast  south-east  to  55°;  to  have 
crossed  the  Mar  del  Sur  westward  one  hundred  and 
twenty  leagues  until  he  saw  land;  and  finally  to  have 
returned  by  the  same  route.  There  was  evidence  to 
prove  the  man  a  liar  and  his  story  a  pure  fabrication 
long  before  actual  exploration  had  demonstrated  the 
non-existence  of  the  strait  he  describes.  Now  that 
northern  geography  is  no  longer  mysterious  in  navi 
gable  latitudes  the  voluminous  reasonings  of  the  past 
respecting  Maldonado's  pretensions  merit  attention 
only  as  a  curiosity  of  literature.  The  narrative  will, 
however,  claim  some  notice  with  other  northern  fables 
in  another  volume.17 

The  story  of  Juan  de  Fuca  was  similar  to  that  of 
Maldonado  in  many  respects;  but  there  have  been 
those  in  recent  times  who  believed  in  its  truth.  As 
told  to  Michael  Lok  at  Venice  in  1596  it  was  in  sub 
stance  as  follows:  Fuca  had  long  served  Spain  as 
sailor  and  pilot,  and  had  been  on  board  the  Santa 
Ana  when  captured  by  Cavendish,  losing  $60,000  at 
that  time.  Later  he  went  as  pilot  in  a  fleet  of  three 
vessels,  with  three  hundred  men  sent  by  the  viceroy 
to  find  the  strait  of  Anian  and  fortify  it  against  the 
English;  but  mutiny  prevented  success,  and  the  fleet 
returned  from  the  California  coast.  A  little  later, 
however,  in  1592,  he  was  sent  out  again  by  the  viceroy 
with  two  vessels  manned  by  sailors  only.  He  fol- 

17  See  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  92  et  seq. ;  Maldonado,  Relation.     See  also 
for  a  good  statement  of  the  subject  Navarrete,  Viages  Ap6crifos, 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    10 


146  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

lowed  the  coast  northward  until  between  47°  and  48° 
he  found  a  strait  about  a  hundred  miles  wide  at  the 
mouth,  through  which  he  sailed  in  various  courses 
until  he  came  to  the  Atlantic.  Then  having  effected 
his  purpose  he  returned — after  ascertaining  the  coun 
try  on  the  strait  to  be  rich  in  gold,  silver,  and  pearls — • 
to  Acapulco  in  the  same  year.  Failing  to  obtain  a 
reward  for  his  services  from  Spain,  he  was  willing  to 
give  England  the  benefit  of  his  great  discovery,  to 
which  end  negotiations  were  opened  but  came  to 
nothing.18 

There  is  some  evidence  that  Fuca  was,  like  Mal- 
donado,  a  real  personage;  but  not  a  word  respecting 
either  of  the  voyages  described,  though  both  are  said 
to  have  been  fitted  out  by  the  authority  of  the  vice 
roy,  has  ever  been  found  in  the  Spanish  archives,  or 
elsewhere  except  in  Fuca's  own  statement.  Circum 
stantial  evidence  is  all  against  the  truth  of  that  state 
ment.  Similar  tales  were  very  common  among  Spanish 
pilots  at  the  time,  when  few  doubted  the  existence  of 
a  strait  north  of  43°.  Each  desired  an  opportunity 
to  search  for  the  strait  and  for  fame  at  public  expense, 
and  few  hesitated  at  falsehood  to  gratify  their  ambi 
tion.  Fuca,  old,  poor,  and  disappointed  like  the  rest 
in  this  respect,  was  fortunate  enough  to  fall  in  with 
a  man  interested  in  promoting  English  discoveries. 
To  him  he  could  make  the  claim,  absurd  to  Spanish 
ears,  that  he  had  discovered  the  strait  in  an  official 
expedition ;  and  shrewdly  affirm  that  Spain  was  keep 
ing  the  discovery  secret  through  jealousy  of  England. 
He  had  manifest  advantages  over  his  confreres  in 
New  Spain,  who  had  to  invent  stories  of  mysterious 
shipwrecks  on  the  Atlantic  coast;  but  there  is  not 
the  slightest  reason  to  suppose  that  this  tale  was  any 
thing  but  pure  fiction.  I  shall  be  obliged,  however, 
to  present  the  argument  in  full  elsewhere.19  The 
pilot's  fiction  was  in  one  respect  a  brilliant  success;  for 

"Lok's  note  in  PurfJias,  Hi*  Pilgrimes,  iii.  849-52. 
19  See  Hist,  Northwest  Cocutt,  i.  78  et  seq. ,  this  series. 


CERME^OX  AND  VIZCAINO.  147 

has  it  not  immortalized  his  name  by  attaching  it  to 
an  inlet  of  the  Northwest  Coast? 

It  is  remarkable  that,  with  one  or  more  vessels 
following  each  year  the  Philippine  route  and  coming 
regularly  in  sight  of  the  California  coast,  more  ener 
getic  efforts  were  not  made  to  find  an  available  port. 
Nevertheless  we  have  but  one  record  of  such  an 
attempt,  that  of  Sebastian  Rodriguez  Cermefion,  de 
spatched  from  Manila  in  1595  for  the  express  purpose 
of  exploring  the  coast.  Of  the  result  we  know  only 
that  his  vessel,  the  San  Agustin,  ran  ashore  in  what 
was  named  at  the  time  San  Francisco  Port,  since 
known  as  Drake  Bay.  Whether  the  ship  escaped 
after  being  lightened  of  her  cargo  or  was  accompanied 
by  a  tender  on  which  the  crew  escaped  is  not  recorded; 
but  Cermeiion's  pilot  Bolafios  lived  to  visit  the  port 
again  with  Vizcaino  in  1603,  and  his  statement  is  all 
there  is  extant  on  the  voyage.  It  is  not  impossible 
that  some  additional  results  of  the  expedition  were 
intentionally  kept  secret  by  the  government;  at  any 
rate  no  record  has  ever  come  to  light  in  the  archives.20 

After  the  capture  of  the  Santa  Ana  by  Cavendish 
the  urgent  necessity  of  occupying  California  for  the 
protection  of  the  Manila  trade  became  more  than  ever 
apparent  to  the  Spanish  government.  Not  only  were 
measures  adopted,  as  we  have  seen,  for  the  exploration 
of  the  northern  coast,  resulting  in  the  voyage  of  the 
San  Agustin,  but  in  1594  Viceroy  Velasco,  probably 
by  royal  instructions,  contracted  with  Sebastian  Viz 
caino  to  explore  anew  and  occupy  for  Spain  the  Islas 
Californias.  Velasco's  successor,  the  count  of  Mon-. 
terey,  ratified  the  contract  and  despatched  the  expedi 
tion  in  1597.21 

20  Torquemada,  i.  717-18;  Ascension,  Pel.  Breve,  558;  Cabrera  Bueno,  Nav. 
Espec.,  303.     See  Hist.  CaL,  i.  96,  this  series. 

21  According  to  Vizcaino,  Relation  del  Viaje,  1611-14,  101-2,  Don  Sebas 
tian  was  a  son  of  Viceroy  Velasco.     Torquemada,  followed  apparently  by  all 
other  writers,  states  that  in  1596  the  king  ordered  Viceroy  Monterey  to  send 


148  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

Vizcaino  sailed  from  Acapuleo  with  three  vessels, 
a  large  force,  and  four  Franciscan  friars.22  He  touched 
at  Salagua,  where  a  part  of  his  men  were  taken  on 
board,  at  San  Sebastian,  and  at  the  Mazatlan  isles.23 
At  the  latter  place  fifty  men  deserted,  thinking  the 
supplies  inadequate;  and  here  also  Father  Balda  turned 
back,  ill  and  dreading  the  voyage  and  prospective  ex 
posure.24  Five  days  farther  up  they  left  the  coast  and 
next  clay  sighted  California,  their  land  of  promise. 
A  little  later  one  hundred  men  were  landed  and  were 
well  received ;  but  the  spot  did  not  seem  suited  to  the 
requirements  of  a  colony,  and  the  fleet  passed  on 
apparently  northward  to  a  port  named  San  Sebastian, 
where  a  stay  of  fifteen  days25  was  made,  and  where 
after  deliberation  by  a  junta  of  officials  it  was  deter 
mined  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  country.  A 
multitude  of  aborigines  witnessed  the  hoisting  of  the 
Spanish  flag,  and  listened  to  an  artillery  salute. 

One  of  the  friars  was  sent  with  thirty  soldiers  to 
explore  the  interior,  finding  the  people  well  enough 
disposed  though  unwilling  that  the  strangers  should 
enter  their  dwellings,  many  of  which  were  observed 
to  be  underground.  They  furnished  food  and  a  few 
pearls,  and  the  rancherias  near  the  camp  showed  no 
signs  of  hostility  while  the  Spaniards  remained;  but 
fresh  water  was  not  plentiful,  and  it  was  deemed  best 
not  to  settle  permanently  at  San  Sebastian.  Neither 

Vizcaino  to  California,  and  that  the  expedition  was  made  the  same  year.  All  the 
evidence  I  have  to  the  contrary  is  a  royal  cedula  of  Aug.  2,  1628,  in  Doc.  Jlist. 
Afex.,  series  ii.,  iii.  442-3,  in  which  the  king  states  the  facts  as  I  have  given 
them,  adding  that  Monterey  ordered  Vizcaino  to  fulfil  his  contract,  '  no  em- 
bargante  que  en  la  sustancia  y  capacidad  de  su  persona,  hallo  algunos  incon- 
venientes.'  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Cal.,  89-91,  tells  us  without  any  known 
authority  that  Vizcaino  had  been  on  the  Santa  Ana  captured  by  Cavendish. 

22  Padres  Francisco  de  Balda  (comisario),  Diego  Perdomo,  Bernardino  Zamu- 
dio,  Nicolas  de  Saravia,  and  Br.  Nicolas  (or  Cristobal)  Lopez.     Salmeron,  R<-la- 
ciones,  12-13,  says  all  were  Franciscans  by  royal  order.     Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  i.  311,  tells  us  that  both  the  viceroy  ami  Vizcaino  preferred  Jesuits, 
but  missionaries  of  that  order  were  scarce  and  could  not  be  obtained.     A 
Franciscan  Cronira,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  xlviii.-ix.,  includes  P.  Tello, 
the  historian,  in  the  number. 

23  Niel,  Ajjwit.,  GO,  puts  Matanchicr  (Matanchel)  in  place  of  Mazatlan. 

21  He  was  succeeded  as  comisario  by  Padre  Perdomo,  and  later  by  Padi-e 
Zamudio. 

25  Torquehiada  mentions  both  15  and  8  days. 


VIZCAIXO  IX  LOWER  CALIFORNIA.  149 

the  women  nor  the  horses  were  landed  at  all,  and  after 
some  preliminary  explorations  by  one  of  the  vessels, 
the  fleet  moved  on  to  a  port  named  from  the  peaceful 
character  of  the  natives  La  Paz,  a  name  it  has  since 
retained,  being  also  identical  probably  with  the  Santa 
Cruz  of  Cortes,  since  a  tradition  of  former  visitors  was 
retained,  and  even  some  material  relics  were  found  in 
the  shape  of  iron  fragments  and  traces  of  an  encamp 
ment.26 

Immediately  on  landing  temporary  dwellings  were 
built  of  branches,  and  a  little  church,  all  projected  by 
a  rude  barricade  of  trees.  The  encampment  was  sol 
emnly  proclaimed  capital  of  the  new  province,  and  the 
work  of  permanent  occupation  was  begun.  The  natives 
came  in  great  numbers  and  were  kindly  treated  by  the 
friars,  who  succeeded  in  obtaining  many  of  their  chil 
dren  for  instruction.  The  soldiers,  as  was  not  unusual 
in  these  expeditions,  were  disliked  and  feared  by  the 
people,  whom,  and  especially  the  women,  they  took 
but,  little  pains  to  treat  with  justice.  Not  much  prog 
ress  was  made  in  the  work  of  conversion,  since  the 
time,  only  two  months,  \vas  too  short  to  master  the 
language. 

The  almiranta  with  her  boat  was  sent  up  the  gulf 
coast  and  is  said  to  have  advanced  nearly  one  hundred 
leagues.27  The  explorers  landed  frequently  and  were 
for  the  most  part  kindly  received,  but  at  a  few  points 
were  threatened.  At  one  landing  about  fifty  leagues 
above  La  Paz23  arrows  were  discharged  at  the  Span 
iards,  who  replied  with  musket-shots,  killing  two  or 
three  natives.  The  rest  fled  to  the  woods  and  the 
navigators  proceeded  to  reembark,  one  boat-load 

26  Some  suspected  that  the  relics  were  left  by  Englishmen.     The  presence 
of  any  Englishman  at  La  Paz  before  this  date  is,  however,  very  doubtful,  and 
the  same  remark  may  be  made  respecting  all  rumors  of  visits  from  Pichilin- 
gues  save  those  specially  noticed  in  this  and  the  next  chapters. 

27  Salmeron  tells  us  that  Lope  de  Argiielles  (Qui nones)  was  in  command 
and  that  he  reached  30°.     Niel,  Apunt.,  77,  says  he  did  not  go  beyond  San 
Bruno  and  the  Coronados  Isles. 

28Xavarrete  and  others  imply  that  the  fight  was  at  the  highest  latitude 
reached. 


150  VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

going  off  safely  to  the  ship ;  but  the  remaining  twenty- 
four  men  just  as  they  had  entered  the  boat  were 
attacked  by  five  hundred  natives;  nineteen  of  the 
soldiers  perished,  the  boat  having  been  capsized  in 
the  melee,  while  five,  badly  wounded  with  arrows  or 
stones,  escaped  by  swimming  to  the  ship,  the  crew 
of  which  for  want  of  a  boat  had  been  unable  to  render 
any  aid.29  During  this  northern  trip  no  better  country 
was  found  than  that  in  the  region  of  La  Paz,  although 
some  fertile  isles,  and  good  ports,  and  very  rich  come- 
deros,  or  pearl-beds,  were  reported.  The  explorers 
returned  for  want  of  food,  and  they  found  Vizcaino 
and  his  men  also  living  on  short  rations.  There  being 
no  reliable  source  of  food-supply  in  the  country,  a 
junta  of  officers  advised  a  return  to  Mexico.  Not  a 
few  opposed  this  measure,  probably  willing  to  risk 
hunger  in  view  of  the  pearl  prospects,30  but  before  the 
question  was  definitely  settled  there  came  a  norther 
and  a  fire  which  laid  the  camp  in  ashes  and  left  barely 
food  enough  for  the  return  voyage.31 

Vizcaino  sent  the  capitana  with  most  of  the  colony 
to  Acapulco,  the  vessel  touching  at  Chametla  and 
Colima  on  the  way;  while  he  with  a  few  men  set  sail 
in  another  direction  with  a  view  to  further  discoveries; 
but  he  arrived  at  Acapulco  only  a  few  days  later 
than  his  companions.32  Thus  failed  the  second  at- 

29  According  to  Ortega,  Relation,  438,  the  Indian  attack  was  caused  by  the 
act  of  one  Gines,  who  seized  a  large  pearl  from  the  breast  of  a  native  girl. 
He  was  afterward  hanged  in  Mexico  for  other  crimes. 

30  Padre  Zamudio  told  Salmeron,  Rdaciones,  12-13,  that  the  men  secured 
many  pearls  until  Vizcaino  forced  them  to  show  their  gains  that  the  king's 
fifth  might  be  separated,  after  which  they  refused  to  search  further. 

31  Aparicio,  Conventos,  284-98,  says  the  Spaniards  were  forced  to  evacuate 
La  Paz  by  the  natives,  who  were  rendered  hostile  by  the  act  elsewhere  attrib 
uted  (see  note  29)  to  the  troubles  farther  north.     This  author,  moreover,  adds 
the  charms  of  romance  to  his  version.    It  seems  that  Don  Lope,  a  page  of  the 
viceroy,  loved  Dona  Elvira,  who  at  last  promised  him  her  hand  if  he  could  re 
place  a  magnificent  pearl  she  had  lost.     With  this  in  view  Lope  joined  Viz 
caino's  expedition,  and  at  last  saw  the  pearl  which  would  bring  him  happiness 
in  the  lip  of  a  chieftain's  daughter.    Entreaties  availed  him  nothing  and  he 
took  the  treasure  by  force.     By  this  act  California  was  for  the  time  lost  to 
Spain,  but  the  lover  gained  his  bride,  who  after  the  marriage  naively  con 
fessed  she  had  lost  no  pearl  at  all  ! 

32  Taylor,  Hist.  Summary,  23-4,  says  the  return  was  in  October. 


THE  PENINSULA. 


151 


tempt  to  settle  the  arid  peninsula,  which,  however, 
lost  by  this  voyage  none  of  its  mysterious  and  at 
tractive  attributes ;  for  the  reports  .of  great  riches  in 
pearls  assumed  more  definite  shape  than  ever  before, 
while  the  starved-out  adventurers  still  talked  of  maize 
in  immense  quantities  a  little  beyond  the  limit  of 
their  navigation.33  Thus  end  the  maritime  and  inland 


?^&^^^ 


LOK'S  MAP,  1582. 

annals  of  the  first  century  of  north-western  conquest. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that,  notwithstanding  the  frequent 
use  of  the  term  Islas  Californias,  the  country  was  re 
garded  as  a  peninsula  from  the  time  of  Ulloa  and 
Alarcon  down  to  the  end  of  the  century  and  consider 
ably  later.  Castillo's  map  of  1541  has  been  repro- 

33  The  standard  authority  for  Vizcaino's  voyage  is  Torquemnda,  Mon. 
Ind.,  i.  682-6.  Navarrete,  Sutily  Hex.,  lvii.-x.,  adds  nothing,  although  he 
claims  to  have  seen  some  original  papers.  Authorities  which  show  some 
slight  variations  have  been  mentioned  in  preceding  notes;  those  who  follow 
lorquemada,  giving  his  version  in  full,  are:  Veneyas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  183-9; 
Cla^gcro,  Stor.  CaL,  155-7;  March  y  Labores,  Marina  Espanola,  488-91; 
•°Zt£'  £>  '  £:  EsPafla^  3265  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  100-1;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs, 
i.  227;/>oc.  Hist.  Mcx.,  series  iv.,  v.  8-9;  Calle,  Not.,  108-9;  Bumnjs  Chron. 
Jhst.ii.  182-5;  Footer's  Hist.  Voy.,  452-3;  TuthUCs  Hist.  CaL,  28-9;  Glee- 
sons  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  78-80;  Shea's  Cath.  Miss.,  88. 


152 


VOYAGES  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 


duced  in  an  earlier  chapter.34  Michael  Lok's  map  of 
1582,  reproduced  on  the  next  preceding  page,35  con 
nects  the  peninsula  to  the  main  by  a  narrow  isthmus, 
turning  the  coast  abruptly  eastward  just  above  the 
junction ;  but  the  Wytfliet-Ptolemy  map  of  1597,  with 


WYTFLIET-PTOLEMY  MAP,  1597. 

a  variety  of  curious  geographical  developments,  leaves 
no  doubt  as  to  the  author's  intention  to  make  Cali 
fornia  a  peninsula.36 

34  See  p.  81  of  this  volume. 

35  Ilakliiyt's  Divers  Voyayes,  55. 

36  Wytfliet  (Com.)  Discriptionis  Ptolemaicce  Avgmentum. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

1601-1636. 

i 

VIZCAINO'S  SECOND  EXPEDITION— OUTER  PENINSULA  COAST — UP  TO  LATI 
TUDE  43° — LATER  PROJECTS — CALIFORNIA  AN  ISLAND — INTEREST  IN  THE 
NORTH-WEST — VIZCAINO'S  THIRD  VOYAGE — ONATE  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  THE 
GULF — CARDONA'S  CONTRACT  AND  VOYAGES — JUAN  DE  ITURBE — PICHJ- 
LINGUES  ON  THE  COAST — SPILBERG'S  CRUISE — MEMORIAL  OF  PADRE  As- 
CENSION — DUTCH  MAP — ARELLANO'S  CLAIM — PRIVATE  PEARL  VOYAGES — 
MKLCHOR  DE  LEZAMA — PETITION  OF  BASTAN — VIEWS  OF  SALMERON — 
THREE  EXPEDITIONS  BY  FRANCISCO  DE  ORTEGA — THIRD  COLONY  AT  LA 
PAZ — ORIGINAL  RECORDS — FIRST  OF  THE  JESUITS — ESTEVAN  CARBONEL 
IN  THE  GULF — D'AVITY'S  MAP. 

SEBASTIAN  VIZCAINO  had  failed  to  found  a  permanent 
settlement  in  California,  yet  he  was  deemed  the  best 
man  to  put  in  command  of  the  new  expedition  up  the 
outer  coast,  ordered  by  the  king  by  cedula  of  Septem 
ber  27,  1599,  the  special  object  being  to  search  the  coast 
for  a  harbor,  where  the  Manila  galleon  might  anchor 
and  her  scurvy- stricken  crew  find  relief.1  No  ex 
pense  was  to  be  spared  in  the  effort;  accordingly  more 
than  ordinary  care  was  exercised  in  the  selection  of 
vessels  and  men.  The  fleet  consisted  of  two  navios 
obtained  from  Guatemala,  &fmgata  built  for  the  voy 
age,  and  a  lancha.  Vizcaino  as  capitan  general  sailed 
on  the  capitana,  San  Diego;  Toribio  Gomez  de  Cor- 
van  as  admiral  on  the  Santo  Tornds;2  while  the  Tres 

1  According  to  cedula  of  Aug.  2,  1628,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  series  ii.,  iii. 
443,  and  that  of  Aug.  19,  1606,  in  Ve.necfas,  Not.  Cat.,  i.  194-4,  Vizcaino  was 
strictly  forbidden  to  enter  the  gulf.  Ascension,  litlacion,  f,4"2,  says  that  he 
had  orders  to  explore  the  gulf  on  his  return. 

2  The  vessels  are  usually  spoken  of  as  the  capitana  and  almiranta,  and  not 
a  few  modern  writers  have  evidently  mistaken  these  terms  for  their  names. 

(153) 


154  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

Reyes  was  under  Alferez  Martin  Aguilar  and  Pilot 
Antonio  Flores.  The  force  was  nearly  two  hundred 
picked  men,  many  of  whom  were  skilful  sailors,  and 
also  soldiers.3  Three  barefooted  Carmelites  had  charge 
of  religious  interests,  padres  Andres  de  la  Asuncion, 
Tomds  de  Aquino,  and  Antonio  de  la  Ascension,4  the 
first  serving  as  comisario  and  the  last  charged  with 
keeping  the  diary  and  serving  with  Palacios  as  cos- 
mographer  and  map-maker.  The  leader  having  been 
directed  by  the  viceroy  to  consult  his  officers  on  all 
matters  of  moment,  and  duly  admonished  respecting 
his  duties  and  responsibilities  in  other  directions,  left 
Mexico  on  March  7th,  and  sailed  from  Acapulco 
under  the  patronage  of  Our  Lady  of  Carmen  on 
Sunday  May  5,  1602,  at  4.  p.  M.5 

3  Other  officers  were  Capt.  Alvaro,  Este"van  Peguero  (Pesquero  or  Piquero), 
Capt.  Gaspar  (or  Pascual)  de  Alarcon,  Capt.  Geronimo  Martin  Palacios,  cos- 
mograplier;  alfe"reces,  Juan  Francisco  Suriano,  Sebastian  Melendez,  and  Juan 
de  Acebedo  Tejeda;  pilots,  Francisco  Bolanos,  Baltasar  de  Armas,  and  Juan 
Pascual;  sergeants,  Miguel  de  Legar  and  Juan  de  Castillo  Bueno;  corporals, 
Este  van  Lopez  and  Francisco  Vidal. 

*  Called  also  Asuncion  in  his  own  narrative  as  printed,  but  this  is  probably 
a  typographical  error. 

5  The  most  complete  narrative  is  that  given  in  Torquemada,  i.  694-726, 
probably  almost  identical  with  the  original  diary  of  Ascension.  The  only 
printed  account  in  the  friar's  words  is  Ascension,  Relation  Breve  en  que  se  da 
noticia  dd  descubrimiento,  etc.,  in  Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  viii.  539-74.  This  is 
dated  Oct.  12,  1620,  and  was  sent  to  the  king  in  December  of  the  same  year. 
It  is  an  essay  on  the  geography,  people,  and  products  of  the  Californias, 
written  with  a  view  of  promoting  further  attempts,  but  contains  information 
about  the  voyage  itself.  The  author  says  he  wrote  a  complete  narrative  and 
made  a  map,  besides  a  short  account  for  the  king.  Casanate,  Carta  Rel.,  27, 
says  Ascension  wrote  three  papers  on  the  subject  besides  one  that  was 
printed.  Navarrete  found  in  the  archives  certified  copies  of  the  following 
original  papers:  Record  of  the  councils  held  during  the  voyage;  a  circum 
stantial  diary;  an  itinerary  made  in  1602  by  Palacios,  approved  by  pilots  and 
by  Ascension  (doubtless  the  one  sent  from  Monterey),  and  32  maps  of  the 
coast  explored.  Considering  his  advantages  this  writer,  Sutil  y  Mex. ,  introd. , 
Ix.-lxviii.,  gives  an  account  which  is  hardly  satisfactory,  containing  some 
errors,  and  very  far  from  being  complete;  but  he  has  published  a  reduction  of 
the  charts,  Atlas  No.  4,  which  Burney  has  reproduced  and  which  I  give 
herewith.  Salmeron,  Relaciones,  14-21,  was  personally  acquainted  with 
Ascension  and  with  others  of  Vizcaino's  companions.  In  his  ce"dula  of  Aug. 
2,  1628,  Doc.  Hist.  Alex.,  se"rie  ii.,  iii.  443,  the  king  gives  some  points  con 
nected  with  the  voyage,  and  speaks  of  Vizcaino's  letter  from  Monterey  dated 
Dec.  28,  1602.  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  193-201,  gives  a  royal  order  of  Aug. 
19,  1606,  which  contains  original  information.  And  finally  Cabrera  Bueno, 
in  his  Navegacion  Especulativa,  Manila,  1734,  302-13,  has  a  Derrota  de*de 
el  Cabo  de  Mendocino  hasta  el  puerto  de  Acapulco  por  la  Costa,  which  contains 
the  results  of  this  expedition. 

The  above  are  the  original  authorities;  the  following  accounts,  more  or 


SEBASTIAN  VIZCAINO.  155 

Explorations  were  to  begin  at  the  point  of  Cali 
fornia,  and  the  fleet  anchored  June  llth  in  the  port 
of  San  Bernabe,6  or  Puerto  del  Cabo.  Here  began 
the  marvels  inseparable  from  northern  voyages.  A 
miraculous  lighting-up  of  the  air  saved  them  from 
wreck  off  the  cape  in  a  dense  fog;  the  natives,  pleased 
to  see  a  negro  on  board,  said  they  were  accustomed  to 
intercourse  with  people  of  that  race;  the  country  was 
most  fertile,  the  climate  all  that  could  be  desired,  and 
indications  of  wealth  were  abundant.  It  is  remarka 
ble  what  charms  the  sterile  peninsula  had  in  these 
times  for  all  save  such  as  were  called  upon  to  settle 
there.  The  devil,  to  adopt  the  chronicler's  opinion, 
was  averse  to  the  Spaniards'  departure,  involving  as 
it  did  the  invasion  of  his  northern  realms;  but  after 
three  vain  attempts,  a  fourth  was  more  successful,  and 
the  long-boat  having  been  abandoned,  the  three  vessels 
set  sail  on  the  5th  of  July. 

The  outer  coast  of  the  peninsula  having  been  already 
explored  by  Ulloa  and  Cabrillo,  arid  the  separation 
of  Vizcaino's  vessels  during  a  greater  part  of  the 
voyage  causing  no  little  confusion,  I  refer  the  student 
of  geographical  details  to  a  note  and  to  Vizcaino's 
map  which  accompanies  this  narrative.7  A  few  well 

less  extensive,  were  taken  from  Torquemada,  either  directly  or  through  Vene- 
gas  or  his  followers,  a  few  writers  having  also  consulted  Navarrete:  March 
y  Labores,  Marina  Espaucla,  ii.  491-506;  Vet/eyas,  Not.  CaL,  iii.  22-139; 
Claviyero,  Stor.-  Col.,  157-9;  Espinosa,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  v.  429-46;  Cavo, 
Tres  Stylos,  i.  238-9;  Cal.  Estab.  y  Prog.,  9-10;  Navarrete,  Viajes  Apoc.,  45; 
Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.,  326-7;  Taylor's  Hist.  Summary,  24-7;  Barney's 
Chron.  Hist.,  ii.  236-59;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  100,  etc.,  328;  HumboUlt,  Ess. 
Pol.,  330;  Greenhow's  Or.  ami  CaL,  44-6;  Times'  Or.  Quest.,  63;  Forster's 
Hist.  Voy.,  452-3;  TuthUVs  Hist.  CaL,  29-38;  Friynet,  La  CaL ,  13;  Gleeson's 
Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  80-1;  Lardncr's  Hist.  Mar.  Discov.,  ii.  285-6;  Cronise's 
Nat.  Wealth,  6-9;  Bartlett's  Pers.  Narr.,  ii.  88,  98-100;  Shea's  Cath.  Miss., 
88;  Walpole's  Four  Years,  ii.  212;  Robinson's  Life  CaL,  2;  Arner.  Quart.  Reg., 
ii.  150;  Cal.  Past,  Present,  etc.,  53-4;  Campbell's  Span.  Amer.,  84;  Farn- 
ham's  Life  CaL,  127-48;  Sammluny  der  Reise,  xvii.  159. 

6  So  named  from  the  day.     On  the  way  they  had  stopped  for  repairs  at 
Natividad  May  19th-22d,  sighted  Cape  Corrientes  May  28th,  passed  Mazatlan 
June  2d,  and  arrived  off  C.  San  Lucas  June  9th.     Taylor,  Hist.  Summary, 
24-5,  makes  the  arrival  at  S.  Bernab6  June  14th. 

7  The  points  are  given  as  nearly  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  visited 
as  possible,  according  to  Torquemada 's  text.     The  names  italicized  do  not 
appear  on  the  map: 

Cape  San  Lucas. 


156 


MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 


VIZCAINO'S  MAP,  1603. 


EXPLORATIONS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA.  157 

known  points  may  be  identified;  but  the  imperfections 
of  the  best  modern  charts,  frequent  changes  and  con 
sequent  confusion  in  names,  and  the  vagueness  of 
Torquemada's  text  render  futile  any  attempt  at  geo 
graphical  exactitude. 

In  doubling  the  cape  the  fragata  was  separated  from 
her  companions  and  was  forced  back  to  San  Bernabe; 

SierraddEnfado(\tl.  a.  E.  |  E.  from  B.  Marinas  in  23°.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

13.  Enganosa  de  Sta  Marina,  the  southern  entrance  to  Magdaleria  B.    (24°. 

Cabrer<i 


B.  de  Magdelena,  also  called  Puerto  de  Santiago  and  Puerto  del  Marque's 
(25°.  Cabrera  Bueno.  The  Pt  Trinidad  of  Ulloa  and  Cabrillo  was  on  the  island 
that  forms  this  bay.  Navarrete.  Ulloa  's  San  Abad.  Burney).  Named  Magda- 
lena  by  Cabrillo,  and  also  by  Vizcaino  from  the  day  of  arrival. 

B.  de  San  Cristobal  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  (Taylor  notes  that  there  are 
three  winter  streams  N.  of  Magdalena). 

B.  de  Ballenas,  a  part  of  Magdalena  according  to  map,  but  not  apparently 
according  to  text  (near  Abreojos  in  27°  15'?  Cabrera  Bueno). 

Sierra  de  losSlete  Infantes 

Isla  de  la  Asuncion  (Cabrillo's  Santa  Ana.  Navarrete.  A  few  leagues 
below  Turtle  B.  Taylor.  28°  scant.  Cabrera  Bueno.  )  Possibly  the  Inocentes 
of  Castillo's  map. 

Isla  de  San  Roque. 

Puerto  de  San  Bartolome",  just  below  Cedros  Isl.  (12  leagues  from  Nativi- 
dad  ?  in  28°  30'.  Cabrera  Bueno.  Cabrillo's  San  Pedro  Vmcula.  Navarrete). 

Isla  de  Natividad,  Cabrillo's  and  perhaps  Ulloa  's  San  Estdvan  (G  1.  s.  E. 
of  C.  San  Agustin.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

Isla  de  Cerros,  the  Cedros  of  Ulloa  and  Cabrillo  (middle  of  isl.  in  29°. 
Cabrera  Bueno). 

Cape  San  Agustin  on  Cerros  Isl. 

B.  San  llipolito  (San  Francisco  near  Rosario.  Taylor). 

Ensenada  de  San  Cosme  y  San  Damlan.  (San  Quintin.  Taylor.  Opposite 
San  Bruno.  Nlel,  Apunt.,  70.) 

Mesas  de  San  Cipriano  (M.  de  Juan  Gomez.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

Punta  del  Engaflo,  so  called  by  Ulloa  and  Cabrillo.  (Cape  Colnett.  Taj/lor. 
Navarrete  identifies  Cabrillo's  Pt  Engauo  with  the  cabo  bajo  of  Vizcaino's 
map.  ) 

Isla  de  Cenizas  (31°  20'  4  1.  s.  E.  £  s.  of  S.  Marcos.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

B.  de  San  Francisco,  still  so  called  (at  foot  of  and  s.  E.  of  Mesas  de  Juan 
Gomez.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

Isla  de  San  Geronimo,  Cabrillo's  San  Bernardo  and  still  so  called  (31°  30' 
s.  E.  J  s.  from  Virgin  Bay.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

Isla  de  Pdjaros. 

B.  de  Once  Mil  Virgenes  (Cabrille's  Puerto  de  Posesion.  Navarrete.  31° 
40'  3  1.  from  San  Marcos.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

Isla  de  San  Hilario  (36°.  Niel.  Navarrete  and  Cabrera  Bueno  both  mention 
Isla  de  San  Marcos  here). 

B.  de  San  Simon  y  Judas  (San  Jude,  near  Mission  San  Vicente.  Taylor. 
S.  Quintin.  Cabrera  Bueno). 

B.  de  Todos  Santos  (Cabiillo's  San  Mateo.  Navarrete.  s.  E.  £  s.  from  S. 
Martin,  32°.  Cabrera  Bueno).  Still  called  Todos  Santos. 

Idas  Coronation,  Islas  Desiertas  of  Cabrillo.  (San  Martin,  called  by  San 
Bias  Exped.  Coronados.  Sutil  y  Hex.  ,  app.,  14-15.  S.  Martin  61.  from  San 
Diego.  Cabrera  Bueno.  ) 

San  Diego.     Cabrillo's  San  Miguel. 


158  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

but  she  rejoined  the  capitana  at  Magdalen  a  Bay 
late  in  July,  the  almiranta  having  in  her  turn  parted 
from  her  consort  at  the  entrance  of  that  bay  on  July 
20th,  and  the  whole  fleet  not  being  reunited  until  Au 
gust  31st  at  Cerros  Island,8  which  the  Santo  Tomds 
had  reached  as  early  as  the  19th.  Farther  north  a 
furious  storm  caused  imminent  risk  of  shipwreck, 
especially  to  the  almiranta ;  but  all  obstacles  were 
overcome;  on  November  5th  the  fleet  entered  Todos 
Santos  Bay;  and  five  days  later  anchored  in  the  port 
of  San  Diego,  formerly  called  San  Miguel. 

The  voyage  had  been  a  long  and  tedious  one,  but 
beyond  the  petty  details  incident  to  such  navigation 
there  is  nothing  that  calls  for  special  notice.  The 
natives  were  for  the  most  part  shy  and  kept  aloof; 
but  their  signal -smokes  were  often  seen  in  the  moun 
tains.  At  Cerros  Island  they  refused  all  intercourse 
with  the  Spaniards;  at  San  Simon  Bay  they  were 
hostile,  discharged  their  arrows,  and  received  in  return 
a  volley  which  killed  several;  but  at  Virgin  Bay  they 
were  exceedingly  hospitable  and  spoke  of  other  bearded 
men  armed  with  muskets  then  in  the  interior,  referring 
as  the  voyagers  supposed  to  Ofiate's  men  in  New 
Mexico.  An  abundance  of  "  ill-smelling  bitumen," 
doubtless  asphaltum,  was  thought  to  be  amber;  and 
so  far  as  could  be  determined  by  a  Peruvian  miner  on 
board,  the  sierras  seen  at  a  distance  seemed  rich  in 
gold  and  silver! 

The  rest  of  this  voyage,  as  in  the  case  of  Cabrillo's 
earlier  navigation  of  the  same  waters,  belongs  in  its 
minor  particulars  of  geography  and  adventure  to  the 
history  of  Alta  California.9  Only  its  main  features 
as  a  voyage  to  the  north-west  claim  attention  at  pres 
ent.  The  fleet  left  San  Diego  November  20th,  several 
men  having  already  died  and  many  being  unfit  for 
duty  from  the  effects  of  scurvy.  Touching  at  Santa 

8Navarrete  incorrectly  states  that  the  almiranta  joined  the  capitana  at 
Magdalena  Bay  July  25th. 

"See  Hist.  CaL,  i.  97  et  seq.;  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  146  et  seq.  for  full 
details  of  the  northern  voyage. 


RESULTS  OF  THE  VOYAGE.  159 

Catalina  Island,  and  passing  through  the  Santa  Bar 
bara  Channel,  so  named  at  the  time,  the  navigators 
sighted  the  Santa  Lucia  range  on  December  14th  at 
a  point  where  it  had  often  been  seen  by  the  Manila 
ships  before;  and  on  the  16th  they  anchored  in  Mon 
terey  Bay.  From  this  port  the  almiranta  was  sent 
back  to  Acapulco  under  Corvan,  bearing  the  sick, 
with  reports  and  appeals  for  aid.  The  other  ships 
went  on  at  the  beginning  of  1603.  Vizcaino  entered 
Cermenon's  San  Francisco,  and  the  vessels  did  not 
meet  again  in  the  north.  Both  advanced,  however, 
beyond  Cape  Mendocino,  and  each  reached  a  Cape 
Blanco  located  in  latitude  42°  and  43°  respectively. 
Aguilar  thought  he  saw  a  great  river  near  that  point. 
They  turned  back  in  rough  weather  in  the  middle  of 
January. 

The  Santo  Tomds  from  Monterey  lost  twenty-five 
men  from  scurvy  on  the  voyage  to  Acapulco,  only 
Captain  Corvan  and  two  companions  landing  in  health. 
The  San  Diego  reached  Mazatlan  in  February.  Had 
no  relief  been  obtained  here  all  must  have  perished; 
but  the  general  with  five  men  who  could  walk  started 
inland  with  a  hope  of  reaching  San  Sebastian  de 
Chametla,  supposed  to  be  about  eight  leagues  distant. 
He  was  so  fortunate  as  to  strike  the  Culiacan  trail 
and  to  meet  a  mule-train  whose  arrieros  took  him  to 
the  presence  of  Captain  Martin  Ruiz  de  Aguirre,  al 
calde  mayor  of  the  province,  who  at  once  sent  relief 
to  the  afflicted  in  the  way  of  fresh  food,  vegetables, 
fruits,  and  especially  the  jocoliuitztles  to  which  above 
all  else  they  attributed  their  cure.  A  courier  hav 
ing  been  sent  overland  to  Mexico,  the  travellers  set 
sail  March  9th,  and  on  the  twenty-first  arrived  safely 
at  Acapulco.  Aguilar  and  Flores  of  the  Tres  Reyes 
died  on  the  southern  trip,  but  Corporal  Estevan  Lo 
pez  with  four  men  arrived  at  Navidad  while  Vizcaino 
was  at  Mazatlan.  The  total  of  deaths  on  all  the  ves 
sels  was  forty-eight. 

With  the  exception  of  having  discovered  Monterey 


160  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

Bay,  represented  as  a  good  harbor  and  well  adapted 
to  the  needs  of  the  galleons,  Vizcaino  had  in  reality 
as  a  discoverer  accomplished  less  than  Cabrillo  sixty 
years  before;  but  the  results  of  his  expedition,  unlike 
those  of  Cabrillo's,  were  preserved  and  made  known  to 
the  world  through  the  writings  of  Torquemada  and 
Cabrera  Bueno.  The  general  features  of  the  coast 
from  San  Lucas  to  Mendocino  were  now  tolerably 
well  known;  and  the  knowledge  thus  gained  had  to 
suffice  for  a  century  and  a  half. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  Vizcaino's  voyage,  not 
withstanding  the  careful  survey  of  the  outer  coast, 
instead  of  dispelling  the  popular  fallacies  of  imaginary 
northern  geography,  had  rather  the  contrary  tendency. 
Torquemada  contents  himself  with  expressing  the 
opinion  in  general  terms  that  the  mouth  of  Aguilar's 
river  was  at  the  entrance  of  the  strait  leading  to  the 
North  Sea;  but  Padre  Ascension,  both  in  his  written 
narratives  and  memorials,  and  especially  in  his  con 
versation  with  officials  and  friars  after  his  return, 
spoke  of  the  existence  and  location  of  the  strait  as 
facts  no  longer  susceptible  of  doubt;  and  not  only  this, 
but  he  stated  that  the  gulf  of  California  was  in  reality 
a  strait  which  opened  into  the  Pacific  at  or  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Anian  Strait  in  43°,  thus  making  of  the 
Californias  an  immense  island.  These  statements  had 
much  to  do  with  the  long-lasting  idea  of  California's 
insular  character,  and  they  also  serve  in  connection 
with  reports  of  pearl-fisheries  to  explain  why  subse 
quent  explorations  were  directed  so  exclusively  to  the 
gulf,  while  the  outer  coast  was  neglected. 

From  Vizcaino's  return  down  to  the  permanent  oc 
cupation  of  the  peninsula,  ninety-four  years  later,  the 
subject  was  kept  almost  constantly  before  the  viceroy, 
audiencia,  and  the  court,  by  a  succession  of  memorials 
either  offered  voluntarily  or  in  response  to  calls  of  the 
government  for  information  by  men  who  were  theoret 
ically  or  practically  acquainted  with  what  had  already 


NORTHERN  PROJECTS.  1G1 

been  done.  Friars  worked  for  the  extension  of  their 
fields  of  missionary  labor,  with  a  view  to  increase  the 
influence  and  wealth  of  their  respective  orders;  and 
they  never  allowed  the  authorities  to  forget  the  thou 
sands  of  natives  awaiting  spiritual  aid,  the  superiority 
of  the  northern  tribes,  and  the  civilized  peoples  to  be 
found  a  little  farther  on.  Navigators,  hungry  for 
fame  and  adventures,  dwelt  on  the  importance  to  every 
royal  interest  of  an  accurate  survey,  and  of  precau 
tions  against  foreign  schemes ;  being  uniformly  willing 
to  sacrifice  their  own  to  the  nation's  interests,  and  to 
take  command  of  a  new  expedition.  Traders  and 
seekers  for  pearls  and  precious  metals  were  enthusi 
astic  respecting  the  grand  discoveries  and  grander 
reports  of  northern  wealth,  and  the  prospective  glories 
of  Spanish  commerce;  and  they  too  were  entirely 
willing  to  undertake  explorations,  simply  asking  license 
to  pay  expenses  by  pearl-diving  on  the  way. 

Thus  all  the  classes  mentioned,  and  others  with 
individual  interests  more  or  less  clearly  defined,  urged 
their  own  views;  but  each  class  warmly  approved  the 
views  of  all  the  rest,  and  all  devoted  a  very  large  part 
of  their  memorials  to  the  fables  and  vagaries  of  the 
Northern  Mystery.  To  these  cosmographical  fancies 
a  future  chapter  will  be  devoted;  statements  of  the 
memorialists  respecting  what  had  already  been  accom 
plished  in  the  direction  of  their  aspirations  are  but 
versions,  often  inaccurate  and  always  incomplete,  of 
the  narratives  already  before  the  reader,  in  the  prepa 
ration  of  which  narratives  they  have  been  utilized; 
and  finally  the  several  propositions  in  their  real  and 
practical  aspects  are  to  be  noticed  in  the  following 
pages,  together  with  the  expeditions  that  resulted 
from  them. 

Vizcaino's  share  in  the  promotion  of  northern  enter 
prises  is  not  well  known.  We  are  told  that  he  retained 
his  faith  in  the  practicability  of  settling  the  Califor- 
nias,  and  applied  to  the  viceroy  for  license  to  under 
take  a  new  entrada.  The  viceroy  refusing  to  grant 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    11 


162  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

his  petition  unless  supported  by  royal  sanction,  the 
general  went  to  Spain  and  urged  his  schemes  at  court. 
The  royal  council,  bearing  in  mind  past  failures  and 
timid  about  incurring  expense,  delayed  its  approval  so 
long  on  the  plea  of  making  additional  investigations, 
that  the  navigator  came  back  disheartened  to  Mexico. 
In  1606,  however,  the  consejo  and  royal  cosmographer 
arrived  at  their  tardy  conclusion,  and  on  the  19th  of 
August  were  issued  the  king's  orders  to  Viceroy  Mon- 
tesclaros  and  to  Pedro  de  Acuna,  governor  of  the  Phil 
ippines,  by  the  terms  of  which  Vizcaino,  if  alive  and  to 
be  found,  or  if  not  his  admiral,  was  to  be  put  in  com 
mand  of  a  new  expedition. 

The  leader  and  pilots  were  to  sail  on  the  galleon  of 
1607  and  to  approach  Monterey  from  the  west  for 
additional  survey,  while  the  port  was  to  be  settled  and 
made  a  station  for  the  Manila  ships  in  1608,  also  by. 
a  voyage  from  the  west.10  Don  Sebastian  was  easily 
found,  and  was  disposed  to  accept  the  trust,  but  the 
generally  accepted  version  has  been  that,  for  some  un 
known  reason,  perhaps  connected  with  the  viceroy's 
death  in  1607,  the  king's  orders  were  not  carried  out, 
most  writers  also  adding  that  Vizcaino  died  before 
the  preparations  were  completed.  All  this,  however, 
is  erroneous.  Vizcaino  actually  sailed  from  Acapulco 
in  March  1611  on  the  San  Francisco.  But  mean 
while  reports  of  certain  "Islas  Ricas  de  Oro  y  Plata" 
in  the  far  west  seem  to  have  rendered  the  occupation 
of  the  north-west  coast  for  the  time  a  secondary 
consideration;  and  the  general  went  as  ambassador 
to  Japan  to  seek  license  for  further  explorations  in 
that  region.  Probably  it  was  still  intended  to  take 
steps  on  his  return  for  the  occupation  of  Monterey; 
but  his  experience  in  Japan  was  so  disastrous,  the 
complicated  details  having  no  bearing  on  the  present 

10Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  191-201,  gives  the  ce"dula  in  full.  Extracts  also 
in  Frignet,  La  CaL,  14-18.  The  date  is  given  as  1609  in  CaL  Estob.  y  Prog., 
9-10,  but  Montesclaros  was  not  viceroy  in  that  year.  See  also  Claviyero,  Stor. 
,Cal.,  i.  159-00. 


ORATE  AND  CAKDONA.  103 

subject,  that  Vizcaino  was  obliged  in  poor  health  to 
give  up  all  his  projects  and  to  return  as  a  passenger 
on  his  own  ship  in  1613.  The  return  was  by  the 
usual  northern  route,  the  California  coast  was  sighted 
in  December,  and  finally  the  San  Francisco  arrived 
at  Zacatula  in  January  1614..  This  seems  to  have 
been  the  end  of  Vizcaino's  career  as  an  explorer.11 

It  may  be  well  to  note  in  passing,  that  in  1605 
Governor  (Mate,  with  a  party  from  New  Mexico, 
came  down  the  Colorado  and  reached  the  head  of  the 
gulf  as  elsewhere  narrated.12  His  observations  and 
reports  obtained  by  him  from  the  natives  seemed  to 
favor  the  theory  of  a  strait  from  gulf  to  ocean.  It 
was  in  1609  that  Maldonado  set  forth  his  views 
already  noted.13  They  were  not  more  absurd  than 
than  those  entertained  by  others  at  the  time;  but 
while  others  aired  their  theories,  he  described  what  he 
falsely  claimed  to  have  seen.  His  statements  created 
no  sensation.  A  few  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
man's  character;  and  to  others  it  seemed  not  a  very 
great  achievement  to  sail  through  a  strait,  the  exist 
ence  of  which  was  so  well  known. 

ABout  1610  a  contract  seems  to  have  been  formed 
between  the  king  and  Captain  Tomds  Cardona,  by 
which  the  latter  undertook  certain  naval,  exploring, 
and  pearl-seeking  operations  both  in  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific.  Work  was  begun  in  1613,  and  Captain  Tomds 
with  his  nephew  Nicolas  Cardona  as  second  in  com 
mand,  cruised  for  a  year  in  the  Leeward  Isles  and  on 
the  coast  of  Tierra  Firme.  Francisco  Basilio  had  been 

n  Vizcaino,  Relation  del  Viage  hecho  para  el  descubrimiento  de  las  islas 
llamadas  Bicas  de  Oro  y  Plata,  1611-14.  In  Packecoand  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc., 
viii.  101-99.  The  royal  cddula  of  1628,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. ,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  443, 
is  made  to  say  that  Vizcaino  visited  Spain  in  1613.  This  must  be  a  misprint, 
but  Cardona,  Memorial,  46,  says  that  Sebastian  Vizcaino  commanded  at  Sala- 
gua  in  1616,  when  the  place  was  attacked  by  Dutch  pirates,  and  that  he,  the 
writer,  served  under  him. 

12  See  Hist.  New  Mex.  and  Ariz.,  this  series. 

13  See  p.  144  of  this  volume. 


164  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS, 

in  charge  of  the  enterprise  in  the  Pacific,  but  he  died, 
and  Nicolas  Cardona  was  sent  in  1614  to  take  com 
mand  jointly  with  Juan  de  Iturbe  and  Sergeant  Pedro 
Alvarez  de  Rosales.  Three  ships  were  built  at  Aca- 
pulco.  The  pichilingues,  or  foreign  pirates,  were,  how 
ever,  reported  to  be  on  the  coast,  and  an  attack  on 
Acapulco  was  feared,  so  that  Cardona  with  his  men  was 
obliged  to  aid  in  preparations  for  defence,  although  no 
pirates  appeared. 

March  21,  1615,  the  three  vessels  with  a  long-boat 
sailed,  bearing  at  least  thirty  soldiers  and  many  negro 
divers.  Crossing  from  Mazatlan  they  landed  two 
Franciscan  friars,  set  up  a  cross,  and  went  through 
the  forms  of  taking  possession  in  California.  From 
this  indeterminate  point  they  followed  the  coast  to  27°, 
landing  at  several  places,  noting  rich  mineral  prospects, 
sometimes  avoided  but  generally  well  received  by  the 
natives.  At  the  landing  in  27° — the  same  where  Viz 
caino  had  been,  as  proved  by  five  Christian  skulls  and 
the  fragments  of  a  boat14 — Cardona  with  thirty  divers 
was  attacked  by  six  hundred  natives,  and  himself 
wounded,  but  the  warriors  fled  when  two  mastiffs 
were  set  upon  them,  and  came  back  next  day  in  peace 
to  hear  mass. 

At  30°  the  vessels  crossed  over  to  a  large  island  on 
the  eastern  shore,  or  " contra  costa  de  Florida,"  where 
the  adventurers  remained  three  days,  noted  a  small 
island  with  many  seals,  heard  "  a  noise  on  the  main 
as  of  dogs  guarding  stock,"  and  then  advanced,  still 
on  the  eastern  side,  up  to  what  was  deemed  34°.  At 
this  point,  where  was  a  shallow  port  named  Santa 
Clara,  California  seemed  to  be  a  peninsula;  but  on 
crossing  to  the  western  shore  the  strait  was  seen  that 
made  it  an  island.  Rich  mines  were  found  on  both 
sides  in  this  latitude.  The  weather  being  stormy  and 
food  scarce,  the  voyagers  turned  southward,  following 
the  "  Florida  coast."  Touching  on  the  way  at  the 

14  See  p.  150  of  this  volume. 


CAEDONA  IN  THE  GULF.  165 

Mayo  River  in  28°,  where  was  a  Jesuit  establishment 
under  Padre  Pedro  Mendez,  Cardona's  soldiers  were 
utilized  by  the  padre  to  terrify  certain  Indians  who, 
a  few  months  before,  had  killed  and  eaten  his  com 
panion. 

Iturbe  remained  with  two  vessels  at  Sinaloa — or  as 
one  narrative  says,  returned  thither  from  Mazatlan — • 
to  winter  and  prepare  for  a  new  pearl- voyage;  while 
Cardona  with  the  capitana  and  boat  proceeded 
toward  Acapulco,  but  at  Zacatula  fell  in  with  the 
pichilingues  under  Spilberg,  who  took  the  vessel,  crew, 
padres,  and  pearls,  only  the  captain  and  a  few  soldiers 
escaping  by  jumping  into  the  sea.  The  preceding  are 
Cardona's  own  statements,  almost  the  only  original 
ones  extant  bearing  directly  on  the  voyage.15 

Other  authorities  do  not  mention  Nicolas  Cardona 
at  all.  although  Ribas  and  Ortega  tell  us  that  Iturbe 

*  O  O  • 

was  agent  for  Tomas  Cardona  of  Seville.16  The  best 
known  version  of  the  affair  is  that  Iturbe  with  a 
license  from  the  viceroy  fitted  out  two  vessels  at  his 
own  expense.  One  of  them  was  captured  by  pichi 
lingues  before  he  reached  the  gulf;  but  in  the  other 
he  went  up  to  30°,  where  the  shores  were  observed  to 
approach  nearer  to  each  other.  North-westers  and 
scarcity  of  food  forced  him  to  return,  and  his  wants 
were  relieved  on  the  way  by  Padre  Ribas  at  the 
Ahome  Mission,  at  the  mouth  of  what  is  now  the 
Rio  Fuerte.  He  next  touched  at  the  Rio  de  Sinaloa, 
where  he  was  aided  by  Captain  Hurdaide,  alcalde  of 
San  Felipe,  but  was  ordered  to  sea  to  protect  the 
Manila  galleon,  and  this  service — also  attributed  by 

15  Cardona,  Relation  del  descubrimiento  del  reino  de  la  California,  in  Pacheco, 
CoL  Doc.,  ix.  30-42.  This  is  a  memorial  of  the  class  I  have  alluded  to, 
addressed  to  the  viceroy  about  1617,  in  which  more  space  and  attention  are 
devoted  to  the  country  and  its  prospects,  and  the  writer's  services  and  misfor 
tunes,  than  to  the  voyage  itself.  Cardona,  Memorial  al  Rcy,  in  Id.,  42-57,  is 
a  similar  document  presented  in  1G33  or  a  little  later.  The  two  narratives  are 
not  alike,  one  reciting  events  not  mentioned  in  the  other,  yet  in  no  instance 
contradictory. 

16/t>i&os,  Hist.  Triumphos,  159-62,  followed  by  A  legre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus, 
ii.  77-8,  and  Ortega,  Relation  de  la  Entrada,  437-40.  The  last  very  nearly 
agrees  with  Cardona's  account. 


166  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

Cardona  to  his  almiranta — performed,  he  went  to 
Acapulco  and  to  Mexico  with  his  pearls,  most  of  them 
spoiled  by  roasting,  but  many  valuable,  and  one  worth 
forty-five  hundred  pesos.17 

It  remains  to  notice  briefly  in  this  connection  the 
voyage  of  George  Spilberg  and  his  pichilingues.  This 
Dutch  freebooter,  having  passed  through  the  Strait  of 
Magellan  in  April  1615,  and  having  ravaged  the  coast 
of  South  America  much  after  the  fashion  of  Drake  and 
Cavendish,  anchored  October  10th  before  Acapulco, 
and  under  a  truce  with  the  governor  exchanged  his 
Spanish  prisoners  for  provisions.  Leaving  Acapulco 
on  the  18th  for  the  north-west  the  Dutchman  captured 
on  the  26th  a  small  pearl  ship  from  California,  doubtless 
Cardona's  capitana.  She  carried  six  guns,  and  yielded 
only  after  a  fight,  part  of  the  Spaniards  escaping,  but 
two  friars  and  a  number  of  soldiers  remaining  as  cap 
tives.  Spilberg  subsequently  had  a  battle  with  the 
Spaniards  at  Salagua,  a  name  applied  to  the  bay  of 
Santiago,  or  to  a  part  of  it,  in  which  several  were 
killed  on  both  sides.13  From  Navidad  he  sailed  No- 


17  There  are,  however,  some  minor  differences  among  the  writers  who  give 
substantially  this  version.     Iturbe'a  presence  on  the  Sinaloa  coast  13  note;  I  in 
the  Jesuit  Anna  of  1616.    Siiialoa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  569.    See  Veiicyas,  Not. 
Cal.,  i.  202-4,  withref.  to  Acension's  Relaciones;  Claviyero,  Stor.  ('al.,i.  101; 
Cal.  Estab.  y  Prorj.,  10;  Lorenzana,  in  Cortts,  Hist.,  327;  Esteva,  in  So::  Hex. 
Gcoy.,  x.  674.     Navarrete,  in  Sutil  y  Mex.,  lxix.-x.,  followed  by  Taylor, 
Hist.  Summary,  27,  makes  the  date  1616,  and  the  latitude  reached  SB0,  but 
this  probably  means  nothing  more  than  that  it  was  at  the  head  of  tlio  gulf. 
Pdbas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  159-62,  implies  that  Iturbe's  ships  came  from  abroad 
into  the  Pacific.     He  says  the  voyage  up  the  gulf  was  in  the  spring  of  1G15; 
gives  some  particulars  of  Iturbe's  arrival  at  Ahome;  states  that  when  he  went 
after  the  pirates  he  took  with  him  Capt.  Suarez  and  some  soldiers;  and  finally 
that  before  going  to  Acapulco  he  returned,  built  another  vessel,  and  made  a 
new  voyage  for  pearls,  going  up  to  32.°    Ortega,  Relation,  437-40,  agreeing 
with  Cardona  in  many  points,  says  that  Iturbe  had  two  ships,  ll>  negro 
divers,  and  50  soldiers  and  sailors;  that  he  visited  La  Paz;  that  near  the  head 
of  the  gulf  the  negroes  refused  to  dive  and  the  men  mutinied;  that  "the  larger 
vessel  came  down  to  Salagua  and  was  taken  by  pirates,  the  men  escaping  in 
boats;  that  Iturbe  remained  in  Sinaloa  with  the  long-boat  after  his  ship  was 
sent  to  the  Philippines,  and  made  another  pearl  voyage;  and  finally  that 
although  only  14  marks  of  pearls  were  registered,  yet,  he,  the  writer,  saw 
large  quantities  in  the  hands  of  persons  named. 

18  Cardona,  Mem.,  46,  says  Sebastian  Vizcaino  was  in  command  atSr.lagua, 
was  aided  by  himself,  and  that  five  Dutch  men  were  captured  and  sent  to  Mexico. 
Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  272-3,  names  Vizcaino,  calls  the  corsairs  Eng 
lish,  the  prisoners  seven,  and  the  date  1617. 


VIEWS  OF  PADRE  ASCENSION.  16T 

vember  20th,  intending  to  watch  off  Cape  San  Lticas 
for  the  Manila  ship;  but  the  winds  were  unfavorable, 
and  at  the  beginning  of  December  he  left  the  coast  at 
Cape  Corrientes  and  steered  for  the  East  Indies.19 

Thus  Cardona's  narrative  is  corroborated,  save  in 
the  precise  date  in  the  autumn  of  1615  when  his  vessel 
was  taken,  by  excellent  authority,  as  is  the  other 
account  by  Bibas.  Some  errors  are  evident  in  each 
version,  but  the  differences  are  irreconcilable  and  the 
exact  truth  out  of  reach.  Cardona  relates  that  after 
the  return  of  Iturbe's  vessel  from  seekmg  the  galleon, 
he  repaired  her  at  great  expense;  but  the  viceroy 
seized  her  for  a  trip  to  the  Philippines,  and  the  captain 
was  thus  ruined.  He,  however,  went  to  Spain,  formed 
ne\v  contracts,  obtained  more  money,  and  subsequently 
made  extensive  preparations  at  Panamd  for  another 
expedition  to  the  gulf;  but  being  delayed  to  aid  in 
that  town's  defence,  he  was  too  late  for  the  season; 
his  capitana  sprang  a  leak;  two  vessels  were  burned 
at  Chiriquiri;  another  was  wrecked  at  Tehuantepec. 
After  setting  about  the  building  of  two  more  vessels, 
he  was  summoned  to  Habana,  and  thence  went  to 
Spain  in  1623. 

It  was  in  1620  that  Antonio  de  la  Ascension,  at  the 
Carmelite  convent  of  San  Sebastian  in  Mexico,  wrote 
his  memorial  on  northern  topics  already  referred  to  in 
connection  with  Vizcaino's  voyage.  In  it  he  gave  his 
views  on  the  best  methods  to  insure  a  permanent 
occupation  of  the  Californias.  Two  hundred  soldiers, 
also  skilled  as  mariners,  under  virtuous-  captains  and 
a  general  of  Christian  principles,  and  under  the  guid 
ance  of  barefoot  Carmelites,  should,  he  thought,  found 
the  first  pueblo  to  be  defended  by  a  fort  at  San  Ber- 
nabe  as  the  most  accessible  site.  From  this  nucleus 
the  conquest  would  extend  up  the  outer  coast  to  San 

19 Nicola,  Neweund  WarkafffeRel,  17-38;  Purchas,  His  Pilgrimts,  i.  20-6; 
Gottfriedt,  N.  Welt,  472-5;  (Boss),  Leben  der  See-Helden,  393-402.  Purchas 
says  the  pearl-ship  was  on  her  way  to  California. 


168  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

Diego  and  Monterey  by  land  on  account  of  the  winds, 
but  on  the  gulf  coasts  by  water.  On  the  main  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Tizon  a  station  was  perhaps 
needed  for  the  benefit  of  the  New  Mexican  enterprise, 
with  a  view  also  to  the  acquisition  of  the  Seven  Cities; 
and  opposite  in  California  there  should  be  another 
station.  Of  course  the  kingdom  of  Anian  across  the 
strait  was  not  to  be  neglected,  offering  as  it  did  a 
broad  enlargement  of  God's  domain  and  that  of  Spain. 
Pearl-diving,  mining,  and  the  working  of  the  salinas 
being  encouraged,  the  royal  quintets  would  doubtless 
pay  all  outlay  and  perhaps  leave  a  surplus  with  which 
new  colonists  might  be  sent  over.  Kindness  must  be 
the  Indian  policy,  and  no  encomiendas  or  repartimien- 
tos  were  on  any  plea  permissible.  The  whole  scheme 
being  thus  practicable  and  easy,  the  good  friar  "knows 
not  what  security  the  king  finds  for  his  conscience  in 
delaying  the  conversion  of  the  Californians."20 

This  document  was  forwarded  to  the  king  on  De 
cember  21st  of  the  same  year  by  Francisco  Ramirez 
de  Arellano,  who  sent  with  it  papers  setting  forth 
his  qualifications  and  past  services,  and  asked  that  the 
new  conquest  be  intrusted  to  him.  He  seems  to  have 
preferred  a  like  request  some  three  months  earlier. 
Arellano  was,  however,  poor  and  could  offer  but  his 
person  and  earnest  zeal  to  serve  his  sovereign;  per 
haps  it  was  for  that  reason  that  no  attention,  so  far  as 
appears,  was  given  to  his  proposal.21 

From  this  time  California  began  to  be  commonly 
regarded  as  an  island.  Lok's  map  of  1582,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  connected  it  to  the  main  by  a  very  nar 
row  isthmus;  Ascension's  theories  from  1603  tended 
to  favor  an  eastern  turn  of  the  coast  and  a  northern 
outlet  to  the  gulf;  Onate's  reports  of  1604  were  still 

20  Ascension,  Relation,  560-74.     The  author  alludes  to  another  treatise 
written  by  him  'on  the  mode  of  preaching  to  the  pagans;'  and  Casanate, 
Memorial,  27,  says  the  same  friar  sent  three  different  informes  to  the  king 
besides  one  that  was  printed. 

21  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  viii.  537-8;  Id.,  vi.  564-6.    One  copy 
makes  the  date  Sept.  21st. 


CALIFORNIA  AN  ISLAND. 


169 


more  positive;  Cardona  in  1615  believed  himself  to 
have  reached  a  latitude  of  34°  in  the  gulf,  and  openly 
declared  his  belief  in  the  insular  theory;  and  now  a 
rumor  became  current  that  certain  adventurers  in 


^feft    ji&Lr 


*«<&^-4*&rr 

(•.(k'STLmUi          LASMARIAs-^Cuth 


tiau 
SJCuthuacau 


DUTCH  MAP,  1624-5. 

1620  had  sailed  through  the  passage.  From  this  time 
for  more  than  a  century  most  maps  followed  this  idea, 
but  not  all.  I  reproduce  here  a  Dutch  map  of  1624-5 
from  Purchas. 


170  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

That  there  were  pearl  voyages  undertaken  during 
this  and  later  periods  by  private  individuals,  of  which 
no  record  has  been  preserved,,  if  any  was  ever  made, 
is  not  unlikely.  On  account,  however,  of  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  vessels  and  of  fitting  them  out  in  secret, 
such  private  voyages  could  not  have  been  very  nu 
merous  until  the  Sinaloa  coast  was  more  thickly 
peopled,  and  small  boats  were  found  to  suffice  under 
favorable  circumstances  for  crossing  the  gulf  waters. 
At  any  rate  we  hear  of  no  new  efforts  in  this  direc 
tion  until  1627,  when  the  contador  Melchor  de  Le- 
zama,  with  the  viceroy's  permission,  attempting  to 
build  a  vessel  in  the  region  of  the  modern  San  Bias; 
but  on  account  of  mosquitoes  and  other  inconveniences 
lie  abandoned  the  scheme  and  returned  to  Mexico, 
leaving  his  men  in  the  lurch.22  Next  year  Captain 
Antonio  Bastan  went  to  Spain  and  applied  for  a  royal 
license  to  undertake  the  conquest  at  his  own  cost; 
and  the  consejo  went  so  far  as  to  refer  the  matter  on 
August  2d  to  the  vice-regal  authorities  for  further 
investigation.23 

About  the  same  time  Padre  Geronimo  Zdrate  de 
Salmeron  wrote  his  Jtelccciones,  intended  to  awaken 
new  interest  in  northern  enterprises.  Although  pro 
fessing  to  write  of  New  Mexico,  where  he  had  served 
as  missionary,  he  still  included  all  that  was  known  and 
much  that  was  only  conjectured  of  all  the  north,  in 
cluding  California.  His  only  practical  suggestion, 
however,  respecting  that  province  was  that  the  entrada 
should  be  made  with  small  vessels  inside  the  gulf 
rather  than-  with  large  ones  outside.' 


24 


When  Lezaina,  as  already  related,  abandoned  his 
men  on  the  Jalisco  coast,  Francisco  de  Ortega,  prob 
ably  one  of  the  company,  took  up  the  enterprise  on  his 

22  Ortega,  Relation,  440-1.    The  locality  named  was  the  mouth  of  the  To- 
luca  river  in  22° — probably  the  Tololotlan  or  Santiago. 

23  Vent-gas,  Not.  Gal.,  i.  205;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  442-5. 
'M  Salmtron,  JRelaciones,  passim. 


ORTEGA'S  EXPEDITION.  171 

own  account,  and,  making  but  slow  progress  by  reason 
of  his  poverty,  completed  and  fitted  out  the  Madre 
Luisa  de  la  Ascension  of  seventy  tons  in  1631  at  a 
cost  of  12,000  pesos,  and  came  to  Mexico  to  apply  for 
a  license.  Having  received  the  king's  order  of  August. 
1628  asking  for  information,  and  being  assured  that 
Ortega  proposed  to  pay  his  own  expenses,  Viceroy 
Cerralvo  readily  granted  the  desired  permission,  which 
included  authority  to  trade  for  pearls  on  condition 
that  no  violence  be  done  to  the  natives.  With  a  cap 
tain's  commission,  and  instructions  to"  acquire  all  pos 
sible  information  about  the  country,25  Ortega  returned 
to  the  coast  at  the  end  of  the  year. 

It  took  yet  three  months  to  put  the  new  craft  in 
sailing  condition ;  but  finally,  after  a  formal  inspection 
by  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Acaponeta,  the  expedition 
sailed  from  San  Pedro,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of 
that  name,26  on  February  27,  1632.  The  priest  Diego 
de  Nava  was  sent  by  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara  to  say 
mass;  Estevan  Carbonel  de  Valenzuela  was  master 
with  nine  sailors;  Alferez  de  Castro  Tenorio  com 
manded  six  soldiers;  and  there  were  three  servants. 
Twice  the  Madre  Luisa  was  obliged  to  return  to  San 
Pedro  for  repairs,  but  made  her  final  departure  the 
20th  of  March.  She  took  in  supplies  at  San  Juan  de 
Mazatlan  from  the  1st  to  the  26th  of  April;  crossed 
over  from  Culiacan  the  1st  of  May;  and  on  the  4th 
touched  the  peninsula  opposite  Cerralvo  Island.  Two 
days  were  spent  here,  and  twelve  at  a  large  bay  above, 
supposed  to  be  San  Bernabe  in  24°.  Landings  were 
frequent  for  religious  and  exploring  purposes,  the  na 
tives  showing  no  hostility.  The  10th  of  June  Ortega 
entered  the  bay  of  Sacramento,  supposed  to  be  iden 
tical  with  La  Paz,  and  in  the  following  days  made  an 
examination  of  Espiritu  Santo  and  Salina  islands, 

25  The  viceroy's  license  and  instructions  are  given  under  date  of  Nov.  22, 
1G31,  in  Doc.  Ili.^t.  Mcx.,  se"rie  ii.  torn.  iii.  445-S;  also  repeated  several  times 
in  the  MSS.  to  be  noticed  presently. 

26  She  had  been  built  at  the  mouth  of  the  Toluca,  or  Tololotlan;  and  had 
lain  for  a  while  at  Matanchel. 


172  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 

naming  ports  Gato,  San  Francisco,  and  Espiritu  Santo. 
Subsequently  he  continued  his  voyage  up  the  coast  to 
latitude  27°,  discovering  and  naming  many  rich  pearl- 
beds;  but  on  June  24th  the  vessel  was  driven  by  the 
wind  across  to  the  port  of  Babachilato  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Sinaloa  River.  Here  on  July  3d  a  detailed 
narrative  of  the  trip  was  sworn  to  by  the  officers  and 
rnen;  and  the  possession  of  this  original  narrative  I 
was  fortunate  enough  to  secure.27 

Nava  was  sent  to  Mexico  with  the  report,  carrying 
also  a  quantity  of  pearls  for  the  king.  Meanwhile 
preparations  wrere  made  for  a  new  voyage ;  but  orders 
came  to  send  the  ship  under  Carbon  el  on  a  trip  to  warn 
the  Manila  galleon  of  danger.  This  service  completed, 
new  preparations  were  made  at  Mazatlan,  where  at 
different  dates  from  April  to  August  1633,  various 
legal  formalities  were  attended  to  by  the  alcalde 
mayor  Juan  de  Arriaran.  Then  the  Madre  Luisa 
sailed  the  8th  of  September  and  on  October  7th 
arrived  at  La  Paz.28  The  natives  were  most  friendly 
and  pearls  plentiful;  therefore  twenty-eight  men  were 
left  here  under  Diego  de  Canedo,  with  Brother  Juan 
de  Zuniga  to  say  mass,  while  Ortega,  Nava,  and  the 
sailors  sailed  northward.  An  island  named  San  Ilde- 
fonso  was  the  limit  of  the  voyage,29  from  which,  after 
the  discovery  of  rich  comederos  of  pearls,  the  com 
mander  returned  in  less  than  a  month  to  La  Paz. 
Here  the  natives  were  boasting  of  their  Christianity, 
and  it  was  learned  that  Zuniga  had  baptized  one 

27  Orteya,  Primera  Demarcation  de  las  Idas  California^,  hecJio  por  mi  el 
Capitan,  etc.,  1632,  MS.,  fol.  10  1.     This  is  an  original  certified  copy  made  in 
Mexico  Nov.  22,  1C36.     It  includes  not  only  the  sworn  account  of  July  3, 
1632,  but  the  viceroy's  license,  and  a  full  record  of  the   inspection  at  Sail 
Pedro  before  starting,  with  a  full  list  of  the  company.     The  printed  account 
Ortega,  Relation  de  la  Entrada,  449-53,  is  a  brief  re'sume'  from  the  same 
source. 

28  The  route  was,  Cerralvo  Island,  Port  San  Miguel,  La  Paz,  Espiritu  Santo 
Island,  San  Francisco  Javier  Bay,  San  Ignacio  Loyola  Bay,  San  Pedro  Bay, 
and  La  Paz. 

29  The  islands  named  are:  San  Simon  y  Judas,  San  Jose1,  Las  Animas,  San 
Diego,  Santa  Cruz,  Alcatraces,  San  Carlos  Borromeo,  Nra  Sra  de  Monser- 
rate,  Nra  Sra  del  Cdrmen,  29°,  Pitahayas,  Coronados,  San  Ildefonso,  and  on 
the  return  Nra  Sra  del  Rosario. 


COLONY  IN  CALIFORNIA.  173 

hundred  of  them,  an  act  not  approved  by  either 
Ortega  or  Nava.  After  the  erection  of  a  fort  the 
Mad  re  Luisa  was  sent  over  to  Sinaloa  with  de 
spatches  and  to  bring  supplies. 

All  was  couleur  de  rose  with  the  little  colony  for  a 
time.  King  Bacari  and  his  son  Prince  Conichi  were 
among  the  earliest  and  hungriest  converts,  baptized 
as  Don  Pedro  and  Don  Juan  respectively.  Early  in 
December,  Conichi,  while  on  a  fishing  expedition,  was 
killed,  with  his  wife,  son,  and  thirty  companions,  by 
the  hostile  Guaicuri.  The  Spaniards  took  an  active 
part  in  the  burial,  and  as  all  Bacari 's  subjects  from  far 
and  near  assembled  to  witness  the  ceremonies,  an 
excellent  chance  was  afforded  to  establish  the  most 
friendly  relations.  After  this  all  of  the  nation  deemed 
themselves  under  the  especial  protection  of  the  Span 
iards,  of  God,  and  of  the  guns  on  the  fort.  They  were 
docile,  submitting  to  chastisement  for  offences,  free 
from  idolatry,  content  each  with  one  wife,  manifesting 
real  affection  for  their  children  "and  for  their  food" — 
in  fact  model  converts. 

Thus  successful  at  La  Paz,  Ortega  wished  to  extend 
his  operations,  and  in  February  1634  started  westward 
with  Nava  and  twenty  soldiers,  leaving  Hernando 
Ortega  in  command,  and  intending  to  reach  the  Pacific 
and  to  make  friends  of  the  Guaicuri.  King  Bacari 
approved  the  expedition,  but  had,  it  seems,  his  own 
views  in  connection  with  it;  for  no  sooner  had  Ortega 
reached  the  Guaicuri  country,  than  the  king  joined 
him  with  two  hundred  warriors,  and  insisted  on 
attacking  his  foes,  slaying  a  large  number  of  them, 
despite  the  Spaniards,  who  could  only  save  a  few 
children  and  baptize  some  of  the  wounded.  Ortega 
immediately  returned  to  La  Paz,  where  the  natives 
celebrated  the  victory  and  were  thereafter  more 
ardent  friends  of  the  Spaniards  than  ever.  On  the 
8th  of  April  1634,  soon  after  the  events  just  noted, 
a  detailed  account  of  all  that  had  been  done  was  pre 
pared  and  sworn  to  by  Ortega  and  sixteen  of  his 


174  MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 


companions.  This  original  document  as  before  is  my 
authority.30 

Nothing  more  is  known  of  this  La  Paz  settlement 
or  of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  soon  aban 
doned.  The  authorities,  other  than  the  one  I  have 
followed,  give  but  a  bare  outline  of  Ortega's  two  trips, 
and  tell  us  that  the  settlement  was  abandoned  for 
want  of  food.31  It  is  very  likely  that  even  pearls  and 
affable  natives  may  have  lost  some  of  their  charms 
both  to  the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  branches  of  the 
enterprise  when  there  was  no  longer  anything  to  eat; 
but  it  must  also  be  remembered  that  Ortega's  purpose 
at  this  time  was  exploration  rather  than  permanent 
colonization.  It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  noth 
ing  is  known  of  his  operations  for  more  than  a  year. 
It  is  said  that  he  made  some  efforts  to  have  the  pre 
sidio  of  Acaponeta  transferred  to  California,  and  also 
to  obtain  funds  for  a  renewal  of  his  enterprise;  but 
without  the  original  record  writers  have  hitherto 
known  nothing  of  his  third  survey. 

In  January  1636  Ortega  appears  at  the  port  of 
Santa  Catalina  de  Sinaloa,  refitting  the  Madre  Luisa 
for  a  continuation  of  his  explorations.  Cosme  Lorenzo 
was  now  his  sailing-master;  Roque  de  Vega,  a  Jesuit, 
his  chaplain;  and  Gabriel  Figueroa  the  clerk.  His 
force  was  about  a  dozen  men.  The  visita,  or  inspec 
tion,  was  made  by  Captain  Francisco  Bustamante  of 
the  San  Felipe  presidio;  and  the  vessel  sailed  on  the 

30  Ortega,  Description  y  Demarcation  de  las  Yslas  Calif ornias,  sondas  y 
catas  de  los  comcderos  de  Pcrlas  que  ay  en  d'has  Yslas,  hecho  por  mi  el  Capstan 
Francisco  de  Ortega,  etc.,  MS.,  91.     This  is  the  certified  original  record  of 
Oct.  11,  1G36.     The  title  is  meant  to  apply  to  the  three  expeditions.     It  con 
tains  not  only  the  sworn  statement  of  April  8,  1634,  but  the  viceroy's  instruc 
tions  and  the  documents  connected  with  the  inspection  at  Mazatlan  in  April- 
August    1633.     The    latter    documents    and  an  abridged    narrative,    more 
complete  than  that  of  the  first  voyage,  are  given  in  Ortega,  delation,  452-71. 

31  Venegas,  Xot.  CaL,  i.  205-7;  Clavigero,  Stor.  CaL,  i.  162-3;  Gal.,  Estab. 
y  Prog.,  10;  Calle,  Not.,  109-10;  Payno,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.,  ii.  200; 
Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hint.,  327;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.   Ch.,  i.  81;  Taylor's 
Hint.  Summary,  27-8.    Taylor  calls  the  priest's  name  Nuna.    Otondo,  accord 
ing  to  Lockman's  Trav.  Jesuits,  i.  419,  found  in  a  cave  near  La  Paz  the  wreck 
of  Ortega's  vessel,  or  what  was  supposed  to  be  such.     Greeiihow,    Or.  and 
CaL,  95,  mentions  Vicuna  in  connection  with  the  voyage. 


ORTEGA'S  THIRD  VOYAGE.  175 

llth  of  January.  Three  days  later  the  explorers 
anchored  in  a  bay  formerly  called  Pla}^a  Honda, 
four  leagues  below  La  Paz.  A  terrible  storm  lasting 
eleven  days  drove  the  ship  on  the  shore  a  complete 
wreck.  The  men  escaped  to  land  on  a  fragment  of 
the  wreck;  and  enough  of  the  church  utensils  floated 
miraculously  to  enable  Father  Vega  to  say  mass  regu 
larly.  A  boat  was  made  from  pieces  of  the  wreck 
and  such  new  timber  as  could  be  found,  and  the  27th 
of  February  the  adventurers  set  sail  and  went  to  La 
Paz.  Here  they  found  fort,  church^  and  everything 
as  they  had  been  left  in  the  former  visit.  The  natives 
wished  them  to  remain,  which  was  of  course  imprac 
ticable,  and  after  Vega  had  baptized  a  few  dying 
Californians,  the  boat  sailed  on  the  10th  of  March. 
In  this  frail  craft  Ortega  in  about  two  months  ex 
plored  the  gulf  up  to  what  he  deemed  latitude  36° 
SO7,32  but  what  was  in  reality  perhaps  29°  45'.  Then 
adverse  winds  prevented  further  progress  and  drove 
the  boat  southward.  On  the  15th  of  May  they 
anchored  at  Santa  Catalina;  where  next  day  a  sworn 
statement  of  the  voyage  with  many  details,  especially 
of  pearl-deposits  found,  was  made  and  duly  wit 
nessed.33  Nothing  more  is  known  of  Ortega  as  an 
explorer. 

It  is  stated  also  that  Estevan  Carbonel,  Ortega's 
former  pilot,  secured  a  license  in  some  underhanded 
way  and  made  a  trip  to  the  gulf  in  1536.  He  had  a 
theory  that  Ortega  had  failed  because  of  the  sterility 
of  La  Paz;  and  that  there  were  fertile  sites  to  the 
north  where  a  colony  must  prosper.  Of  his  voyage 

32  The  route  was:  Cerralvo  Isl.;  San  Ildefonso,  March  20;  Tortugas  Isl. 
and  Port  San  Andres,  33°  15',  March  22d;  B.  San  Juan,  34°;  Pt  Caiman,  34° 
45',  April  4th;  San  Sebastian  Isl.,  40  leagues  in  circumference,  36°  scant, 
April  14th;  Pt  Buen  Viaje,  35°  30',  May  4th.  If  we  suppose  S.  Ildefonso  and 
Tortugas  to  be  the  islands  still  so  named,  S.  Sebastian  was  probably  one  of 
the  two  large  islands,  Tiburon  or  Angel  de  la  Guarda,  and  Pt  Buen  Viaje 
may  have  been  Cabo  Final. 

230rteya,  Copia  de  la  Demarcation  qne  yo  cl  Capitan. .  .salcjo  d  hacer  de  este 
puerto  de  Santa  Catalina  Provincia  de  Sinaloa  d  las  Yslas  California-'?,  1636, 
MS.,  G  1.  Similar  in  character  to  the  accounts  of  the  first  and  second  survey. 
As  I  have  said  this  part  of  the  expedition  has  been  entirely  unknown. 


176 


MARITIME  EXPLORATIONS. 


we  only  know  that  lie  failed  to  find  the  place  sought 
and  returned  to  Mexico  in  disgrace,  perhaps  as  a  pris 
oner,  not  a  little  comforted  nevertheless  by  the  pos 
session  of  certain  pearls  he  had  collected.  In  his 
scheme  Carbonel  was  aided  by  Francisco  de  Vergara, 
who  also  obtained  a  license,  and  is  said  to  have  worked 
in  the  interest  of  a  French  company.34  .1  annex  a 


D'AviTY's  MAP,  1637. 

map  of  1637  from  D'Avity's  cosmographical  work  of 
that  year,  to  show  that  not  all  even  yet  accepted  the 
insular  theory,  or  rather  it  shows  that  the  author 
simply  followed  old  models  long  out  of  fashion. 

s*Navarrete,  Viajes  Ap6c.,  221-4;  Cardona,  Memorial,  28;  see  also  refer 
ences  in  note  31.  Car bonel's  license  bore  date  of  Dec.  1,  1635;  and  Vergara 's, 
transferred  to  Francisco  Carbonel,  that  of  Jan.  16,  1636.  California*,  Descubri- 
miento,  MS.  In  his  royal  ce"dula  of  Feb.  20,  1638,  it  is  stated  that  when  it 
was  known  that  Vergara  had  sold  his  license  to  the  Frenchmen,  a  confisca 
tion  of  his  property  was  ordered  by  the  king.  Baja  CaL,  Cedulas,  MS.,  61. 


CHAPTEE  VIIL 

EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 
1636-1769. 

PORTER  Y  CASANATE  AND  BOTELLO  Y  SERRANO — MEMORIALS  AND  CONTRACTS 
• — PRETENDED  DISCOVERIES  OF  FONTE — CESTIN  DE  CAN  AS — CASANATE'S 
EFFORTS  AND  MISFORTUNES — Two  TRIPS  TO  CALIFORNIA— PI^ADERO'S 
PEARL-FISHING  EXPEDITION — LUCENILLA  IN  THE  GULF — ROYAL  ENTHUSI 
ASM—A  NEW  CONTRACT— SETTLEMENT  OF  CALIFORNIA  BY  OTONDO  AND 
THE  JESUITS— FOURTH  FAILURE  AT  LA  PAZ — COLONY  AT  SAN  BRUNO — 
BUCCANEERS  AND  PRIVATEERS— SWAN  AND  TOWNLEY — DAMPIER — 
WOODES  ROGERS,  COURTNEY,  AND  COOKE — VICTORY  AND  DEFEAT — 
FRONDAC'S  VOYAGE— SHELVOCKE  AT  THE  CAPE — ANSON'S  VOYAGE. 

IN  1635  Captain  Pedro  Porter  y  Casanate,  an  ex 
perienced  naval  officer,  was  authorized  by  Viceroy 
Cerralvo  to  make  a  survey  of  South  Sea  coasts  with 
a  view  to  the  preparation  of  accurate  charts  for  the 
council  of  Indies;  but  when  about  to  sail  from  Aca- 
pulco,  his  ship  was  seized  through  the  influence  ap 
parently  of  parties  interested  in  the  Vergara  and 
Carbonel  schemes.1  But  he  persevered  in  his  enter 
prise;  and  in  1636  renewed  his  offer  to  undertake  the 
work  of  northern  exploration.  On  September  17th 
of  the  same  year,  in  connection  with  Captain  Alonso 
Botello  y  Serrano,  he  presented  an  elaborate  report 
intended  to  show  how  little  was  really  known  of  the 
north-west,  notwithstanding  too  many  rumors  arid 
theories  afloat ;  and  to  urge  the  importance  of  putting 
an  end  to  the  prevalent  uncertainty.  It  was  a  more 
sensible  view  of  the  matter  than  was  generally  offered 

1  Royal  order  of  Feb.  20,  1C38,  in  Saja  Cal,  Cedillas,  MS.,  61;  Navarrete, 
in  trod.,  Ixxi.-iii.  It  is  said  that  Casanate  had  printed  in  1034  ail  account  of 
former  services. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    12  (177) 


178  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

in  memorials  on  the  Northern  Mystery.2  Offering  to 
undertake  the  enterprise  at  their  own  cost  a  license 
was  granted  by  the  viceroy  under  date  of  September 
2 3d.3  It  was  also  about  this  time  that  Cardona  re 
turned  from  Spain  and  presented  his  memorial,  giving 
his  views,  dwelling  on  his  own  past  losses  and  mis 
fortunes,  and  offering  for  the  service  his  person  and 
the  money  of  his  friends.4  Probably  there  were  other 
applicants  attracted  by  the  recent  reports  of  pearls  in 
the  gulf. 

Thus  in  1636  there  were  four  persons  who  had 
licenses  for  Californian  exploration,  Ortega,  Carbonel, 
"Vergara,  and  Casanate.  From  this  state  of  things 
trouble  was  sure  to  result.  Ortega  desired  to  continue 
his  expeditions  and  protested  against  other  licenses 
being  granted  in  view  of  what  he  had  actually  accom 
plished.  The  matter  was  brought  before  the  authori 
ties  in  Mexico,  and  the  original  expediente,  or  transcript 
of  record  in  the  case,  has  furnished  my  authority  for 
Ortega's  voyages,  as  it  gives  me  also  authority  for  the 
final  settlement.5  The  decision,  contained  in  a  decree 
of  Viceroy  Cadereita  of  November  11,  1636,  was  to 
the  effect  that  Ortega's  last  expedition  had  been  made 
without  legal  authority,  since  Cerralvo's  license  had 
expired  with  that  viceroy's  term  of  office;  and  that  all 
the  other  licenses  should  be  considered  as  revoked, 
pending  new  investigations  and  royal  orders.  Casanate 
was  thus  obliged  to  suspend  preparations  on  which  he 
and  his  friends  had  expended  some  eighteen  thousand 
pesos.  On  his  way  to  Spain  with  complaints  he  was 
captured  by  Dutch  pirates  and  kept  a  prisoner  for  six 

2  Botello  y  Serrano,  and  Porter  y  Casanate,  Declaration  que  hitieron  de  las 
convenicn'cias  que  seguiran  de  descubrir  como  se  comunica  por  la  California  d 
Mar  del  Sur  con  el  del  N.  1636.   See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  107,  this  series. 

3  Calif orniasy  Descubrimiento.  MS. 

4  Cardona,  Memorial,  40-7. 

6  Calif ornias,  Descubrimiento,  MS.,  28  1.  This  contains  the  royal  regula 
tions  on  discoveries  of  July  13,  1573,  bearing  among  others  the  autograph 
signature  of  F.  Antonio  de  la  Ascension ;  a  report  of  Alvarez  Serrano,  fiscal 
of  the  audiencia,  dated  Oct.  30th;  a  decree  of  the  audiencia  dated  Nov.  llth; 
and  the  final  order  of  the  viceroy  of  the  same  date. 


CASANATE'S  MEMORIAL.  179 

months  in  1637;  but  after  his  escape  he  obtained  the 
royal  order,  which  I  have  already  cited  under  date  of 
February  20,  1638,  requiring  haste  on  the  part  of  the 
viceroy  in  forwarding  papers  and  reaching  a  definite 
settlement.  Meanwhile,  with  a  view  to  secure  or 
hasten  the  royal  approval,  a  new  memorial  was  pre 
pared  and  presented,  perhaps  in  1638.  In  it  the 
author  amplified  all  the  points  previously  urged  and 
exerted  all  his  ingenuity  to  suggest  new  ones.6  In  this 
document  he  eulogizes  in  the  most  enthusiastic  and 
exaggerated  terms  California,  its  people,  and  its  pro 
ducts;  its  mineral,  commercial,  and  spiritual  wealth, 
which  can  be  lost  to  Spain  only  by  the  most  inexcusa 
ble  negligence.  All  statistics  of  gold,  silver,  pearls, 
coral,  amber,  and  salt  which  were  accessible  in  the 
archives  as  supplemented  by  a  lively  imagination  were 
laid  before  the  king.  The  need  of  a  harbor  for  the 
relief  of  the  galleons;  the  ease  with  which  the  voyage 
may  be  made  from  Sinaloa;  the  lessened  cost  of  for 
warding  supplies  to  New  Mexico  by  way  of  the  gulf; 
the  impulse  to  be  given  to  the  Culiacan  trade;  the 
geographical  enigmas  to  be  solved;  the  rumors  of  grand 
cities,  of  golden  lakes,  of  mighty  rivers,  of  giants,  of 
white  men,  to  be  verified;  facilitated  intercourse  with 
Anian,  Japan,  Tartary,  and  China;  the  necessity  of 
precautions  against  foreigners;  the  avarice  and  incom 
petence  of  former  navigators;  all  are  elaborated  in  a 
series  of  twenty-seven  articles,  resting  on  the  author 
ity  of  all  who  have  made  expeditions  to  California.7 
The  arguments  employed  were  sufficiently  forcible  to 
convince  the  king,  and  in  1640  Casanate  received  the 
requisite  commission  with  the  exclusive  right  to  navi- 

6 Casanate,  Memorial  del  Almirante  D.  Pedro  Porter  Casanate  al  Rey,  recom- 
endando  una  nueva  espedicion  d  la  California,  etc.,  in  Pacheco,  Col.  Doc.,  ix. 
19-20.  The  original  was  a  printed  document  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional. 

7  Besides  those  already  referred  to  in  connection  with  different  voyages, 
there  are  named  the  following  who  have  expressed  their  views:  Capt.  Juan 
Lopez  de  Vicuiia,  Gonzalo  de  Francia,  Capt.  Alonso  Ortiz  de  Sandoval,  Se 
bastian  Gutierrez,  and  several  Mexican  officials.  It  must  riot  be  supposed 
that  all  these  made  separate  voyages  to  California.  Perhaps  all  were  simply 
companions  of  the  leaders  that  had  been  removed. 


180  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

gate  the  gulf.8  No  limit  of  time  was  fixed,  and  the 
admiral  was  detained  for  several  years  in  Spain  on 
other  service. 

It  was  in  1640  that  Bartolome'  de  Fonte.  admiral 
of  New  Spain  and  Peru,  made  his  famous  voyage  to 
the  north,  starting  from  Callao  on  April  3d,  according 
to  the  narrative  first  made  public  in  I708.d  He  had 
four  ships,  but  one  of  them,  the  Santa  Lucia  under 
Diego  de  Penalosa,  was  detached  to  explore  the  gulf, 
while  the  admiral  went  on  up  to  the  Rio  de  los  Reyes 
in  53°.  Above  this  point  the  continent  seems  to  have 
been  a  complicated  net-work  of  islands,  straits,  lakes, 
and  rivers,  where  the  navigators  had  but  to  choose  a 
route,  and  where  they  continued  their  explorations  in 
ships  or  boats  from  June  to  September.  They  did 
not  pass  through  into  the  Atlantic;  in  fact  none  of 
the  channels  they  tried  would  permit  such  a  passage 
to  ships;  but  pressing  on  in  boats  they  met  a  Boston 
ship  from  the  other  side.  They  reached  a  latitude  as 
high  as  86°,  and  .they  had  on  board  Jesuits  who  had 
previously  established  missions  as  high  as  66°! 

In  all  the  voluminous  discussions  on  the  authen 
ticity  of  this  narrative  there  never  was  produced  the 
slightest  evidence  in  its  favor.  It  rested  entirely  on 
the  prevalent  ignorance  of  northern  geography,  not 
withstanding  which  ignorance  the  best  writers  pro 
nounced  it  a  fabrication.  The  expedition  demands  no 
farther  consideration  in  a  chapter  of  historical  annals; 
the  narrative  like  that  of  Maldonado's  achievements 
will  receive  elsewhere  some  notice  as  a  bibliographical 
curiosity.10 

8 License  dated  Aug.  8th.  Casanate  also  received  the  order  of  Santiago, 
and  space  for  eight  tons  of  private  merchandise.  Galle,  Mem.  y  &ot.  Sac,* 
110-12;  Raja  Gal.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  65. 

tt  Fonte,  Letter  from  Admiral,  in  Monthly  Miscellany,  or  Memoirs  for  the 
Curiout,  Lond.,  1708. 

10  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  115  et  seq.,  this  series.  There  are  some 
slight  indications  in  the  use  of  Pefialosa's  name  and  a  scrap  of  evidence  given 
by  Navarrete  that  the  London  perpetrator  of  the  hoax  may  have  based  it  re 
motely  on  a  Spanish  original. 


CESTIN  DE  CAfrAS.  181 

Viceroy  Escalona  in  1642  ordered  Luis  Cestin  de 
Canas,  spoken  of  as  governor  of  Sinaloa,  but  really 
comandante  of  the  presidio,  to  cross  over  and  explore 
California.  He  sailed  from  Babachilato  in  July, passed 
the  port  of  San  Ignacio,  noted  a  farallon  some  twenty 
leagues  from  the  latter  port,  and  landed  at  the  port, 
or  island,  of  San  Josd.  From  this  point  he  explored 
the  Calif ornian  shore  for  forty  leagues  to  La  Paz,  and 
then  returned,  the  voyage  having  taken  but  a  month. 
Canas  was  accompanied  by  Padre  Jacinto  Cortes,  the 
second  Jesuit,  not  the  first  as  has  been  supposed,  to 
visit  the  land  his  order  was  destined  to  occupy.  There 
was  nothing  of  the  marvellous  in  the  reports  brought 
back  either  to  viceroy  or  provincial.  The  natives 
were  well  disposed,  some  pearls  were  obtained,  but 
the  country  was  sterile  and  altogether  unpromising.11 

In  1643  Porter  y  Casanate  was  ordered  to  fulfil 
his  contract  in  the  New  World.12  With  some  men 
and  families  he  left  Cddiz  in  June  and  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  August,  setting  to  work  with  zeal  and  much 
success  to  gain  friends,  money,  and  recruits,  greatly 
aided  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  who  desired  the 
salvation  of  Californian  souls.  At  the  end  of  Novem 
ber  Alonso  Gonzalez  Barriga  was  sent  with  a  force 
of  sailors  and  carpenters  to  build  two  vessels  on  the 
coast  of  Nueva  Galicia,  one  fragata,  the  Rosario,  hav 
ing  been  previously  chartered.  The  intention  was  to 
sail  the  next  spring. 

11 A  letter  of  Padre  Cortes  in  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  441-2,  seems  to  be 
the  original  of  all  that  is  known  of  this  voyage.  Venegas,  Not.  Cal. ,  i.  209- 
11,  says  the  cause  of  this  voyage  was  the  loss  of  the  journals  and  maps  of 
preceding  ones.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  236-7,  states  that  the  results 
caused  Escalona  to  advocate  in  Spain  the  conquest  of  California.  Lorenzana, 
Cortes,  I/ixt.,  327,  says  that  Cortes  founded  the  mission  of  San  Jose",  evidently 
confounding  this  M'ith  a  later  expedition.  Clavigero,  Stor.  Cal.,  i.  1G3-4, 
and  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  12,  make  the  date  1640,  and  the  latter  calls  the 
leader  Luis  Cestinos.  See  also  Cal.,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  19;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i. 
102;  Burners Chron.  Hist.,iv.  357 ;  Browne's L.  Cat.,  28;  Shea's Cath.  Miss.,  89. 

12  The  leading  authority  from  this  point  is  Casanate,  Carta  Relation,  in 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  ix.  ,5-18,  which  is  a  fragment  of  a  private 
letter  to  a  friend  narrating  the  course  of  events  down  to  May  1644,  the 
whole  having  extended  down  to  June  24,  1649. 


182          EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Now  came  news  that  the  pichilingues  were  ravaging 
the  coast  of  Chile,  and  would  soon  come  north  to  lie 
in  wait  for  the  Manila  galleon.  To  warn  and  protect 
the  galleon  there  was  no  craft  available  but  the  Rosario 
which  lay  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de  San  Pedro. 
Casanate  therefore  hastened  to  the  coast  in  December, 
with  the  cosmographer  Perez  de  Soto  and  the  chap 
lain  Luna,  to  fit  out  the  fragata  for  a  cruise  of  three 
months  under  Barriga.  She  passed  out  over  the  bar 
on  January  3,  1644,  took  ballast  at  Matanchel,13  and 
sailed  on  the  9th  by  way  of  Mazatlan  and  the  Rio 
Navito  to  Cape  San  Lucas,  where  she  anchored  on 
the  25th  probably  in  San  Bernabe  Bay.  Sentinels 
were  posted  on  the  hills  to  watch  for  the  galleon,  for 
whose  benefit  signals  of  smoke  or  fire  were  constantly 
displayed;  but  she  passed  without  seeing  or  being 
seen,  and  passed  unmolested  to  Acapulco.14  Barriga 
also  made  a  short  trip  of  five  days  up  the  outer  coast. 
Like  other  visitors  to  the  peninsula,  he  found  friendly 
natives  greatly  in  fear  of  the  Guaicuri,  a  few  pearls, 
and  what  were  thought  to  be  good  mineral  prospects. 
The  return  was  from  the  21st  to  the  25th  of  February 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Santiago.  The  chaplain 
arrived  in  Mexico  only  fourteen  days  after  having 
said  mass  in  California. 

After  despatching  the  Rosario  Casanate  located  his 
dock-yard  with  all  his  stores  in  six  leagues  up  the  Rio 
Santiago,  or  Tololotlan,  in  a  spot  deemed  secure  from 
pichilingues,  but  exposed  to  bats  and  mosquitoes  and 
Hoods,  where  he  built  dwellings  and  warehouses,  set 
his  men  to  felling  timber  for  the  vessels,  and  returned 
to  Mexico.  Soon  after  Padre  Luna's  arrival  with  the 
notice  of  Barriga's  return,  there  came  news  that  cer 
tain  men  had  run  away  from  the  ship-yard  with  a 
boat  and  such  valuables  as  they  could  carry.  A  little 
later  came  the  more  serious  tidings  that  vessels,  tim- 

13  Navarrete  says  she  sailed  from  Sintiqnipac  (Centipac),  an  unknown  port, 
and  was  forced  into  Matanchel  by  the  weather. 

44  Several  writers  state  that  Casanate  convoyed  the  galleon  to  Acapulco. 


CASANATE'S  MISFORTUNES.  183 

ber,  stores,  and  everything  at  the  Santiago  station 
had  been  burned  on  April  24th.  A  Portuguese,  jeal 
ous  of  Casanate's  exclusive  privileges,  was  the  insti 
gator  of  the  deed,  himself  instigated,  as  the  admiral 
piously  exclaims,  by  Satan.  From  the  devil's  oppo 
sition,  however,  Casanate  argued  his  fear  and  the 
danger  of  his  realms,  and  was  therefore  not  discour 
aged  though  his  losses  were  twenty  thousand  pesos. 
He  renewed  his  preparations  and  by  a  third  memorial 
tried  unsuccessfully  to  get  the  appointment  of  cornan- 
dante  of  Sinaloa  as  a  means  of  facilitating  the  con- 

O 

quest  of  the  contra  costa.15 

Meanwhile  the  king  on  October  11,  1645,  had  sent 
his  thanks  through  the  viceroy  for  the  zeal  displayed 
by  Casanate;  and  after  hearing  of  the  latter's  mis 
fortune  he  sent  orders  November  10, 1647,  that  every 
possible  aid  and  encouragement  should  be  afforded  for 
a  resumption  of  the  enterprise.  With  a  letter  from 
Sinaloa  dated  April  13,  1649,  Casanate  sent  a  narra 
tive  of  his  voyage  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  find ; 
announced  his  intention  of  continuing  his  efforts  the 
following  summer;  and  asked  for  the  office  of  alcalde 
mayor  of  Sinaloa.  The  king's  reply  of  August  6, 
1650,  was  a  recommendation  that  the  explorer's 
schemes  should  still  be  favored  and  his  demands 
granted  if  there  was  no  serious  objection;  but  he  also 
desired  an  explanation  of  the  long  delays,  reminding 
Casanate  that  his  license  was  not  unlimited  in  respect 
of  time.  This  is  the  last  definite  record  I  find  on  the 
subject.  Respecting  the  unfortunate  admiral's  voyage 
and  subsequent  operations,  we  are  told  by  Venegas, 
Alegre,  and  others  that  he  finally  succeeded  in  com 
pleting  two  vessels  on  the  Sinaloa  coast,16  and  with 

15  Here  ends  the  fragment  of  Casanate's  letter.  Navarrete  says  he  ob 
tained  the  desired  comandancia  with  orders  to  the  viceroy  to  aid  his  scheme, 
but  that  the  orders  were  not  carried  out.  Introd.  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Ixxiv.-v. 
Alegre,  I  lift.  Comp.  Jevus,  ii.  328-30,  implies  that  the  burning  was  the  re 
sult  of  carelessness  rather  than  malice.  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.  Sac.,  110-12,  says 
that  Casanate  notified  the  king  of  his  misfortune  in  letters  of  Feb.  20th,  25th, 
and  20,  1G25,  and  that  the  king's  order  for  his  relief  was  dated  April  llth. 

10  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  328-30,  copied  also  in  Dice.  Univ.,  viii. 


184          EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

them  made  a  trip  to  California  in  1648,  accompanied 
by  the  Jesuit  friars,  Jacinto  Cortes  and  Andres  Baez, 
originally  named  by  the  provincial  for  the  service. 
After  seeking  in  vain  on  the  peninsula  coast  a  suitable 
site  for  their  colony  the  voyagers  returned,  the  ves 
sels  were  perhaps  ordered  again  to  act  as  convoys  to 
the  Manila  ship,  and  the  enterprise  was  thus  finally 
abandoned.17 

After  a  blank  of  nearly  twenty  years  in  maritime 
annals,  two  vessels  were  built  at  Valle  de  Banderas, 
and  in  them  Bernardo  Bernal  de  Pinadero  undertook 
the  reduction  of  California  under  a  commission  from 
Felipe  IV.  Once  in  the  gulf,  however,  he  gave  his 
exclusive  attention  to  the  search  for  pearls,  cruelly 
ill-treating  the  natives,  who  were  forced  to  serve  as 
divers,  and  thus  well  nigh  destroying  the  favorable 
impression  left  by  some  of  the  earlier  Spaniards.  The 
harvest  of  pearls  is  said  to  have  been  rich,  and  in 
dividing  the  spoil  the  adventurers  quarrelled,  with 
some  loss  of  life.  Pinadero  was  not  well  received  in 
Mexico,  but  was  nevertheless  required  to  repeat  his 
voyage  in  fulfilment  of  his  contract,  as  he  did  in  1667 
with  two  new  vessels  built  at  Chacala,  without  any 
practical  results  that  are  known.18 

The  voyage  of  Captain  Francisco  Lucenilla  y  Torres 
was  made  in  1668.  Two  Franciscan  friars,  Juan 
Caballero  y  Carranco  and  Juan  Bautista  Ramirez, 
accompanied  the  expedition,  besides  a  chaplain  who 
did  not  cross  the  gulf.  The  two  vessels  sailed  on  May 

633-4,  is  very  enthusiastic  over  Casanate's  pure  life  and  pious  example  during 
his  stay  in  Sinaloa.  He  showed  the  greatest  respect  for  the  padres,  aided  in 
decorating  the  streets  for  processions,  and  washed  the  feet  of  the  poor. 

17  Royal  orders  of  Oct.  11,  1645,  Nov.  10,  1647,  and  Aug.  6,  1650,  in  Baja 
Cat.,  Cedilla*,  MS.,  63-6.     See  also  ftibas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  162,  750;  Cavo, 
TresSiglos,  ii.  33;  CorMs,   Hist.,  327-8;  Clavigero,  Stor.  Gal,  164-5;  Gal, 
Estab.  y  Prog.,  10-11;  Mofras,  Explor. ,  i.  102;  Browne's  L.  Gal.,  28. 

18  Venegas,  Not.  Gal.,  i.  216-7,  seems  to  be  the  original  authority,  refer 
ring,  however,  to  a  MS.,  by  Padre  Kino.     Others  follow  Venegas  in  a  mere 
mention  of  the  voyage:  A  leqre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  437-8;  Gal. ,  Estdb.  y  Prog. , 
ii.;  Cavo,  Trcs  Stglos,  ii.  47-8;  Navarrc.te,  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Ixxxiv. ;  Browne's  L. 
Gal.,  28;  Payno  'in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  e>,  ii.  200;  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  136-7; 
JZamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  394. 


LUCEXILLA  AND  PIftADERO.  185 

1st  from  Chacala,  and  on  the  13th  touched  at  Maza- 
tlan.  Crossing  over  a  few  days  later  they  touched  at 
La  Paz,  Port  San  Bernabd,  and  one  or  two  other 
points,  finding  the  natives  well  disposed;  but  as  the 
country  seemed  barren  and  inhospitable  Lucenilla 
decided  to  return,  or  possibly  was  driven  to  the  main 
in  a  storm.  At  any  rate  the  usual  sworn  statement 
of  the  trip  was  dated  the  4th  of  July.  The  license 
seems  to  have  required  a  settlement  in  California; 
but  there  are  indications  that  Lucenilla's  real  aim  was 
pearl-fishing.19 

It  is  probable  that  several  unrecorded  expeditions 
in  quest  of  pearls  were  made  in  these  years.  The 
government  required  each  would-be  conqueror  to  fit 
out  his  fleet  at  his  own  cost,  and  imposed  such  condi 
tions  in  connection  with  settlement,  survey,  and  treat 
ment  of  natives  that  the  venture  was  deemed  risky 
notwithstanding  the  rich  comederos.  It  was  safer  to 
make  private  unauthorized  trips  in  smaller  vessels. 

Pinadero's  misdeeds  in  connection  with  his  Cali 
fornia  trips  depend  mainly  upon  the  statement  of 
Venegas,  whose  authority  was  Father  Kino.  Perhaps 
they  were  exaggerated,  as  there  was  trouble  between 
the  navigator  and  the  Jesuits.  At  any  rate  they 
were  not  made  public  for  several  years.  Down  to 
1678  Pinadero  considered  his  contract  still  in  force, 
and  continued  his  efforts  to  carry  out  his  schemes  of 

19  The  most  definite  account  is  that  in  Robles,  Diario,  61-2.  The  same 
writer,  109,  says  this  attempt  of  the  Franciscans  to  obtain  the  Calif ornias  was 
one  of  the  causes  of  a  reprimand  from  Spain  to  the  commissary  in  1671. 
Lorenzana,  in  Cortts,  Hist. ,  328,  followed  by  Payno  in  Soc.  Mex.  Gcog. ,  2da  £p., 
ii.  200,  attributes  the  failure  to  the  opposition  of  the  Jesuits.  Clavigero, 
Stor.  CaL,  i.  165-6,  pronounces  this  a  calumny,-  as  there  were  no  Jesuits  in 
California  at  the  time;  but  Lorenzana  probably  did  not  refer  to  Jesuits  in 
California.  Clavigero  gives  scarcity  of  food  as  the  cause  of  failure.  Cavo, 
Tres  Siglos,  ii.  48,  adds  the  barrenness  of  the  coast.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesm,  ii.  49-50,  says  the  efforts  of  the  friars  were  counteracted  by  the  avarice 
of  the  Spaniards.  The  padres  passed  from  the  Yaqui  to  Nayarit.  Niel,  Apunt. , 
70,  says  Lucenilla  explored  from  Conception  B.  to  Cerralvo  Island.  Taylor, 
Hist.  Summary,  28-9,  calls  the  name  Lucinella;  andGleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,i. 
82-3,  Luzan villa.  See  also  Navarrete,  Introd.,  Ixxxiv. ;  CaL,  Estab.  y  Proy., 
11;  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  750-1;  Greenhow's  Or.  and  Col.,  95;  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Alfj.,  v.  413;  Vetancvrt,  Chr6n.  Sl°  Evan.,  117. 


186  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

conquest,  professing  at  different  times  to  have  vessels 
in  readiness.  In  1671  he  petitioned  for  the  coman- 
dancia  of  Sinaloa  for  a  series  of  years,  and  for  author 
ity  to  found  two  Jesuit  missions,  one  on  the  peninsula 
and  the  other  on  the  main,  using  for  that  purpose  the 
funds  bequeathed  to  the  company  by  Alonso  Fernan 
dez  de  la  Torre.  The  king  looked  favorably  on  the 
proposition;  but  the  Jesuit  provincial  reported  that 
the  Torre  estate  was  in  litigation  and  not  likely  to 
yield  funds  for  the  proposed  missions,  though  the 
company  would  gladly  furnish  missionaries;  and  some 
officials  doubted  the  practicability  of  effecting  the 
permanent  occupation  of  the  peninsula  by  private 
enterprise.  The  king,  however,  manifested  increasing 
interest  in  the  matter;  ordered  the  viceroy  to  make 
new  investigations;  and  insisted  that  a  contract  should 
be  made,  if  not  with  Pinadero,  then  with  some  other 
responsible  man,  the  expense  to  be  borne  if  possible 
by  the  contractor,  but  otherwise  by  the  royal  treasury. 
In  the  investigations  that  followed  in  Mexico  it  was 
decided  by  the  audiencia  not  only  that  Pifiadero's  de 
mands  were  excessive  and  his  sureties  insufficient,  but 
that  he  deserved  punishment  for  past  irregularities 
that  had  now  come  to  light.  But  the  project  was 
kept  in  view,  and  under  the  new  financial  conditions 
it  was  not  difficult  to  find  an  empresario  to  undertake 
the  conquest  of  California  at  government  expense. 
Late  in  1678  a  contract  was  made  with  Isidro  Otondo 
y  Antillon,  receiving  the  royal  approval  at  the  end 
of  1679.  Details  of  the  contract  are  not  extant,  but 
Otondo  was  not  burdened  with  a  large  part  of  the 
cost.20 

20  The  best  authority  on  these  transactions  is  a  series  of  four  royal  orders, 
dated  Nov.  11,  1G74,  May  20,  1676,  June  18,  1676,  and  Dec.  29,  1679,  with 
frequent  allusions  to  other  documents  in  Baja  CaL,  Ctdulas,  MS.,  67-75.  See 
also  Montemayor  Svmarios,  2,  for  a  ccklula  of  Feb.  26,  1677;  Veiiefjas,  Not. 
CaL,  i.  218  et  seq. ;  Alcr/re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jcsits,  iii.  41-57,  repeated  in  Dice. 
Univ.,  viii.  278-81;  Clavigero,  Stor.  CaL,  i.  167-74.  Some  of  the  best  authori 
ties  call  the  empresario  Atondo;  but  the  probabilities  seem  to  favor  the  other 
form.  Niel,  Apunt.,  20,  calls  him  Hondo.  Burney,  Citron.  Hist.,  iv.  345-50, 
followed  by  Taylor,  says  he  was  governor  of  Sinaloa. 


OTONDO'S  EXPEDITION.  187 

A  fleet  of  three  vessels  was  fitted  out  at  Chacala 
on  the  Sinaloa  coast.  It  was  expected  to  be  ready  in 
the  autumn  of  1681;  but  delays  were  caused  by  the 
necessity  of  transporting  many  needed  supplies  from 
Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz.21  The  Jesuits  were  intrusted 
with  the  spiritual  conquest,  and  the  provincial  named 
for  the  duty,  fathers  Eusebio  Kino,  Juan  Bautista 
Copart,  and  Pedro  Matias  Goni,  the  first  being  supe 
rior  and  also  cosm6grafo  mayor.  Goni  did  not  go  to 
California,  however,  at  first,  and  Father  Jose  Guijosa 
of  the  order  of  San  Juan  de  Dios  seems' to  have  made 
the  trip  in  his  stead.22 

The  Limpia  Conception,  capitana,  and  the  San  Jose 
y  San  Francisco  Javier,  almiranta,  with  about  one  hun 
dred  men  under  captains  Francisco  Pereda  y  Arce, 
and  Bias  de  Guzman  y  Cordoba,  and  Alferez  Martin 
de  Verastegui,  sailed  from  Chacala  on  January  18, 
1G83.23  A  sloop  was  to  follow  with  supplies,  and  did 
start,  but  never  joined  the  fleet  nor  reached  California. 
Winds  were  at  first  contrary,  and  Otondo  was  forced 
to  touch  February  9th  at  Mazatlan,  and  March  18th 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Sinaloa.  But  finally  he  crossed 
over  from  San  Ignacio  and  sighted  Cerralvo  Island 
after  one  night's  voyage.  After  three  clays  they  were 
able  to  approach  the  coast,  which  they  followed  north 
westward  for  some  eight  leagues,  and  on  March  30th 
entered  the  bay  of  La  Paz,24  where  they  anchored  on 

21  King's  Letters  of  Aug.  15th  and  Dec.  31,  1681,  in  Baja  CaL,  Ccdulas, 
MS.,  75-8. 

22  According  to  Ale^jre,  iii.  27-8,  a  secular  chaplain  for  the  expedition  had 
been  appointed  in  1681  by  the  bishop  of  Durango,  but  at  the  request  of  the 
Jesuits  this  act  was  overruled  by  the  government.     P.  Goni's  name  is* also 
written  Gogni,  Gony,  and  Coqui.     It  is  not  unlikely  that  Gogni  was  the 
original  name.     Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  103,  adds  Salvatierra! 

23  Royal  communications  of  June  16,  1683,  and  March  28,  1684,  in  Baja 
Cal.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  78-9.     Several  authorities  make  the  date  Jan.  18th;  and 
Venegas,  followed  by  several,  March  18th. 

21  Otondo,  Nouvflle  Descente  des  Espacjnols  dans  VIsle  de  Califomie,  at  the 
end  of  Voyages  de  C  Empereur  de  la  Chine,  81-110.  This  was  doubtless  the 
first  published  account  of  the  voyage,  having  been  taken  from  Otondo's  let 
ters  and  printed  in  1685.  Otondo,  Delation  d'une  Descente  das  Esjiagnofs  dans 
la  Cal'ifornie  en  1683.  Traduite  de  Castillan,  in  Voiarjes  au  Nord,  iii.  288-300, 
is  the  same  narrative;  and  the  same  appears  in  substance  in  Lockman's  Trav 
els  of  the  Jesuits,  i.  408-20. 


188  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

the  1st  of  April,  landed  next  day,  and  on  the  5th  set 
up  the  holy  cross,  and  the  royal  standard  saluted  by 
a  volley  of  musketry,  while  all  the  company  shouted 
Viva  Carlos  II.!  The  province  was  named  Santisima 
Trinidad  de  las  Californias,  and  the  locality  Nuestra 
Sefiora  de  La  Paz,  the  document  of  possession  being 
signed  by  the  officers  and  padres  before  Diego  de 
Salas,  the  royal  escribano.25 

No  natives  had  been  seen,  a'nd  this  fact,  considered 
in  connection  with  former  hospitality,  seemed  strange, 
and  even  suggested  doubts  as  to  the  identity  of  La 
Paz,  about  whose  exact  latitude  authorities  differed. 
The  bay  was,  however,  the  veritable  La  Paz;  neither 
had  the  people,  as  wTas  feared,  been  annihilated  by  the 
fierce  Guaicuri;  but  the  acts  of  pearl-seekers  had 
cooled  the  native  friendship  for  Spaniards  and  made 
the  harbor  no  longer  the  Bay  of  Peace.  Still  the  site 
was  deemed  favorable,  being  well  watered,  and  here  the 
camp  was  .fortified.  The  natives  began  to  appear  in 
small  numbers  and  in  hostile  attitude,  expressing  by 
gestures  their  wish  to  be  rid  of  the  intruders.  Trivial 
particulars  of  the  process  by  which  very  gradually  the 
good  will  of  the  natives  was  gained  through  appeals 
to  their  palates  are  given  at  considerable  length,  and 
with  a  few  unimportant  discrepancies  in  Otondo's  ver 
sion  and  that  of  the  friars,26  but  require  no  extended 
notice  here.  The  inhabitants  soon  became  so  friendly 
as  to  come  freely  to  the  camp,  to  accept  gifts,  and  even 
to  steal  such  articles  as  struck  their  fancy ;  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  they  returned  as  a  trite  to  the  shores 
of  the  bay.  Wholesome  fear  was  promoted  by  a  pub 
lic  test  of  the  musket  as  compared  with  the  bow;  a 
church  and  cabins  were  built;  the  friars,  after  putting 

25  The  document  is  given  in  full  in  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  43-5,  and 
from  it  the  dates  are  taken,  differing  slightly  from  those  given  by  other  authori 
ties.     Otondo,  Nouvelle  Descente,  states  that  possession  was  taken  April  1st. 
Kino,  Diario,  440,  afterward  speaks  of  March  25th  as  the  anniversary  of 
the  arrival  in  California. 

26  As  represented  by  Venegas.     Otondo  naturally  exaggerates,  as  the 
padres  underrate,  the  hostile  movements  of  the  Indians. 


OTONDO  IN  CALIFORNIA.  189 

themselves  in  communication  with  the  natives,  devoted 
themselves  to  the  acquisition  of  the  language;  and,  all 

?>ing  smoothly,  the  Conception  w.as  sent  over  to  Bio 
aqui  for  supplies.27 

Two  expeditions  were  made  for  short  distances  into 
the  interior,  the  first  south-west  to  the  home  of  the 
Guaicuri,  hostile  to  the  end,  and  the  second  eastward 
to  the  territory  of  the  Coras,  a  gentle  but  very  avari 
cious  people.  On  June  6th  the  former  people  ap 
peared  in  arms  before  the  fort  at  La  Paz,  bent  on 
carrying  out  their  oft-repeated  threats  to  drive  out  the 
Spaniards;  but  the  admiral  sallied  out  and  scattered 
the  assailants  with  shouts  and  wild  gestures  causing 
much  terror  but  no  bloodshed.  Peace  reigned  nomi 
nally  for  a  time,  but  later  a  mulatto  ship-boy  ran  away 
and  the  Guaicuri  were  charged  by  the  Coras  with  his 
murder.  Their  chief  was  therefore  imprisoned,  not 
withstanding  the  entreaties,  protests,  and  threats  of 
his  subjects,  who  in  their  fury  planned  a  general  attack 
for  July  1st  and  invited  the  Coras  to  join  them,  but 
were  betrayed  by  that  politic  people,  who  desired 
nothing  more  than  the  defeat  of  their  foes.  Extra 
precautions  were  taken,  and  at  the  first  appearance  of 
the  hostile  band,  ten  or  twelve  of  their  number  were 
killed  by  a  volley  from  the  pedrero  and  the  rest  fled 
in  terror.23 

This  act  of  Otondo,  like  many  later  ones,  was  not 
approved  by  the  Jesuits,  and  subsequent  misfortunes 
were  looked  upon  as  a  retribution.  The  soldiers,  who 
before  the  attack  had  shown  a  spirit  of  timidity  almost 
amounting  to  cowardice,  now  became  more  panic- 
stricken  than  ever,  insisting  that  the  whole  country 
would  be  aroused  to  fall  upon  arid  destroy  them,  and 
tearfully  praying  the  admiral  to  take  them  away  even 

27  Here,  with  a  vague  allusion  to  explorations  inland,  which  may  or  may 
not  be  those  referred  to  by  the  padres,  Otondo's  narrative,  the  Nouvelie  2)e- 
scen'e,  ends  abruptly,  giving  no  information  about  subsequent  troubles. 

2bln  Salvatierra's  report  to  the  viceroy  of  May  25,  1705,  it  is  stated  that 
Otondo  killed  some  Guaicuri  while  eating  boiled  maize  at  a  feast  to  which 
.they  had  been  invited.  Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  ii.  155. 


190  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

if  it  were  only  to  land  them  on  a  desert  island.  The 
remonstrances  of  officers  and  padres  availed  nothing; 
supplies  were  becoming  scarce  from  the  non-arrival 
of  the  vessels;  and  on  July  14th  the  settlement  was 
abandoned.  The  Conception  was  met  near  the  mouth 
of  the  gulf,  and  the  two  vessels  crossed  together  to 
the  main. 

Otondo  refitted  his  vessels  in  Sinaloa,  largely  at  his 
own  expense  it  is  said,  and  recrossed  the  gulf  a  few 
months  later,  arriving  on  October  6,  1683,  at  a  bay 
north  of  La  Paz,23  which  from  the  day  was  named  San 
Bruno.  Here  a  site  was  chosen  for  the  camp  some 
what  less  than  a  league  from  the  shore,  where  there 
was  a  supply  of  not  very  good  water,  in  a  sterile  coun 
try.  A  fort,  church,  and  the  required  dwellings  were 
built  with  the  aid  of  the  natives,  who  were  friendly 
from  the  first,  and  were  willing  to  work  or  to  learn 
the  doctrina  for  a  small  daily  allowance  of  pozole.  Ten 
days  after  landing  the  San  Jose  sailed  with  despatches 
for  the  viceroy,  reporting  progress  and  asking  for  men 
and  money.  A  little  later  the  Conception  made  a 
trip  to  the  Yaqui  and  returned  November  20th  with 
food  and  some  live-stock,  including  goats,  horses,  and 
mules. 

The  San  Bruno  settlement  was  kept  up  about  two 
years,  the  admiral  and  his  men  occupying  the  time  in 
protecting  the  camp  and  in  exploring  the  country, 
while  the  padres  devoted  themselves  to  conciliating 
the  natives,  learning  their  language,  and  the  usual 
routine  of  missionary  duty.  Padre  Kino  in  his 
diary30  details  most  conscientiously  the — to  us — petty 
occurrences  of  each  day,  and  a  more  uneventful  record 

29  Possibly  Ensenada  de  San  Juan  about  151.  north  of  Loreto.  Taylor, 
Hist.  Sum.,  29-SO,  incorrectly  identifies  it  with  Loreto.  On  Aug.  3cl,  news 
had  reached  Mexico  of  the  former  safe  arrival  in  California.  Robles,  Diario, 
381. 

s°Kino,  Tercera  Entrada  (de.  los  Jesuitas  en  California),  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mcx., 
se"rie  iv.  torn.  i.  408-C8,  although  evidently  but  a  fragment  of  the  original, 
is  acomplete  diary  of  events  at  San  Bruno  from  Dec.  21, 1683,  to  May  8,  1G84. 
Venegas  refers  to  a  MS.  J/ixtoria  de  Sonora  by  Kino,  referring  perhaps  to  the 
letters  embodied  in  the  Aposttilicos  Afanes.  Alegre  also  refers  to  Kino's  jour 
nal  for  some  dates  not  included  in  the  diary  as  printed. 


EVENTS  AT  SAN  BRUNO.  191 

it  would  be  Lard  to  imagine.  Prominent  events  were 
the  first  rain  on  January  5th,  a  frost,  and  a  temblor; 
also  the  gathering  and  eating  of  the  first  corn,  beans, 
and  melons  of  California  production.  The  stocks  were 
continually  brought  into  play  to  punish  runaway  ser 
vants  or  thieving  Californians.  Difficulties  of  the 
latter  class  usually  resulted  in  a  withdrawal  from 
camp  of  all  the  Edues  or  Didius,  according  to  the 
nationality  of  the  unlucky  culprit;  and  on  such  occa 
sions  there  was  great,  terror  among  the  Spaniards, 
who,  as  we  have  seen,  wTere  conquistadores  of  a  very 
mild  type.  But  all  these  troubles  terminated  uni 
formly  in  the  return  of  the  penitent  and  hungry  prod 
igals  to  prayers  and  pozole.  In  all  their  doings  the 
were  mere  children,  crying  to  sleep  in  the  same  room 
with  the  padre,  sorrowful  because  the  painted  virgin 
would  not  give  them  her  baby  to  hold,  begging  for  a 
ride  on  the  padre's  mule,  delighted  with  the  move 
ments  of  a  rubber  ball,  and  filled  with  wonder  at  the 
coming  to  life  of  half-drowned  flies,  by  the  aid  of  which 
the  friars  explained  the  resurrection. 

There  were,  moreover,  industrial  agitations  in  those 
primitive  days,  and  on  divers  occasions  the  conflicting 
claims  of  capital  and  labor  had  to  be  conciliated  by 
concessions — a  handful  of  maize  wa£  added  to  a  week's 
rations.  The  food  distributed  was  for  the  most  part 
from  the  stores  given  by  the  missionaries  across  the 
gulf,  and  on  one  occasion  the  padres  refused  to  dis 
tribute  gifts  of  clothing  offered  by  Otondo  in  the 
king's  name.  They  were  often  displeased  at  what 
they  termed  the  admiral's  needless  severity;  but  for 
an  officer  in  those  days  to  please  the  missionaries  was 
almost  impossible.  He  must  be  a  mere  machine  for 
the  preservation  of  order,  an  object  of  terror,  like  a 
pedrero,  feared  but  not  loved  by  the  natives,  com 
pletely  under  the  control  of  the  padres,  and  to  be 
conciliated  only  through  their  influence.  Then  we 
read  of  the  weather,  and  of  the  day  when  the  sickness 
of  the  tortillera  cut  off  the  supply  of  tortillas  for  the 


192  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

officers;  of  minor  expeditions  to  neighboring  ranche- 
rias,  to  the  shore  for  fish,  or  to  a  distant  spring  for 
water  needed  by  the  sick;  of  the  falling  of  the  cross 
on  the  shore  of  the  bay,  and  of  the  day  when  one  of 
the  padres  found  it  necessary  to  take  physic.  On 
the  whole  the  missionaries  were  content  with,  the 
country,  their  progress,  and  the  prospects.  Four 
hundred  converts  were  ready  for  baptism,  but  only  to 
the  dying  was  the  rite  administered,  for  the  danger 
of  having  to  abandon  the  country  was  foreseen. 

Of  the  many  trips  into  the  interior,  or  up  and  down 
the  coast  for  short  distances,  we  have  no  information 
that  seems  of  any  geographical  importance.  One  at 
tempt  was  made  to  reach  the  South  Sea,  but  the 
roughness  of  the  country  and  scarcity  of  food  pre 
vented  success.  Kino  also  speaks  of  two  expeditions 
to  the  south  in  search  of  the  bay  of  San  Dionisio  and 
of  the  Danzantes,  both  of  which  were  seen  from  a 
distance.31  The  admiral  with  his  men  was  very  much 
less  pleased  with  the  prospect  than  wrere  the  Jesuits. 
Their  exploration  had  revealed  but  a  rough  and  sterile 
country,  with  no  mines,  poor  water,  an  unhealthy  cli 
mate,  and  unreliable,  inefficient,  though  gentle,  in 
habitants.  There  was  some  suffering  from  want  of 
food  and  from  sickness,  before  the  San  Jose  arrived 
on  August  10th,  bringing  Padre  Copart,  twenty  sol 
diers,  fresh  supplies,  and  eleven  months'  pay  for  the 
whole  force.  Kino,  a  little  later,  went  over  to  the 
Sonora  coast,32  and  his  absence  doubtless  accounts  for 
our  limited  information  about  subsequent  events. 

Copart  and  Goni  continued  their  labors  with  great 
zeal,  but  the  Spaniards  became  daily  more  and  more 
disgusted  with  a  land  that  promised  neither  fortune 

slKino,  Tercera  Entrada,  411.  The  same  writer  describes  a  trip  made  by 
him  with  Alfe"rez  Nicolas  Contreras  and  eight  men  to  the  N.  and  N.  w.,  in 
which  some  names  of  localities  perhaps  merit  a  record — 3  leagues  along,  or 
over,  the  Sierra  Giganta  to  S.  Isidro,  3  1.  to  San  Pablo,  6  1.  N.  to  Rio  de  Sto 
Tomas,  up  the  river  w.  and  s.  w.  to  the  summit  of  the  sierra,  C  1.  in  the  valley 
of  S.  Fabiano  in  the  Didiu  country,  rancheria  of  S.  Nicolas,  and  return  by  a 
different  route  to  S.  Bruno.  This  journey  was  made  in  December  1683. 

*'zAleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  56. 


ANOTHER  FAILURE.  193 

nor  pleasure.  Fate  seems  to  have  opposed  the  Jes 
uits,  for  the  season  was  unusually  dry  even  for  this 
arid  country.  Otondo  finally  despatched  the  Conwp- 
cion  to  the  north  with  orders  to  find,  if  possible,  a 
better  site,  while  he  in  the  San  Jose,  after  carrying  the 
sick  to  Sinaloa,  sailed  to  make  a  more  thorough  search 
for  pearl  comederos.  Before  his  departure,  however, 
the  question  of  remaining  at  San  Bruno  had  been 
discussed  in  a  general  junta,  and  the  conflicting  views 
of  the  two  parties  were  put  in  writing,  and  sent  to  the 
viceroy. 

In  September  1685  the  viceroy's  reply  was  received 
by  Otondo  at  San  Ignacio.  Its  purport  was  that  no 
additional  settlements  were  to  be  formed,  though  the 
establishment  at  San  Bruno  must  be  sustained  if  pos 
sible  until  a  more  suitable  site  could  be  found;  but 
the  capitana  had  returned  without  having  been  able 
to  find  such  a  site;  the  survey  of  the  almiranta  for 
pearls  had  been  equally  unsuccessful;  provisions  failed 
again,  and  Otondo  had  to  transfer  his  whole  company 
to  Matanchel,  probably  at  the  end  of  1685.  Here  he 
received  the  order,  so  familiar  to  west-coast  voyagers 
of  the  period,  and  perhaps  not  altogether  unwelcome 
in  this  case,  to  escort  the  pichilingue-threatened  gal 
leon;33  one  more  was  added  to  the  list  of  failures  to 
conquer  California,  a  failure  which  in  this  instance 
cost  the  government  225,400  pesos.34  Subsequently, 
during  the  same  or  the  next  year,  although  the  gov 
ernment  refused  pecuniary  aid  to  Lucenilla,  who  was 
disposed  to  renew  his  attempts,  yet  it  retained  confi 
dence  in  Otondo,  and  ordered  an  advance  payment  of 

33  Dec.  18,  1685,  news  reached  Mexico  from  Acapulco  that  the  China  ship 
had  arrived  on  the  14th  in  company  with  Otondo's  two  vessels,  which  had 
joined  her  on  Nov.  28th.  Robles,  Diario,  442-3. 

34  See  also  on  Ortega's  operations  in  addition  to  preceding  references : 
Navarrete,  Sutil  y  Mex.,  lxxxiv.-v.;  Cortes,  Hist.,  328;  Cavo,  Tres  Siylo*,  ii. 
63;  Col-.,  JSvtdb.  ?/  Prog.,  11-12;  Lassepas,  B.  Gal,  165;   Vetancvrt,  C/irou. 
Sto  Evan.,  117-18;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  103;  Gordon's  Hist.  Mex.,  92;  Doyle's 
Hist.   Pious  Fund,   2;  Forbes'  Gal,   12-13;  Gal,  Hist.   Chret.,  23-31;  Dice. 
Univ.,  i.  350;  iv.  547;  Ewudero,  Not.  Son.,  12;  Alvarez,  Estudios,  iii.  282-7; 
Winterbotham'*  Hist.  Geog.,  iv.  109;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  83-4;  Tut- 
hill's  Hist.  Cal. ,  37-40. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    13 


194  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

30,000  pesos  for  a  new  voyage  under  that  leader. 
On  account  of  the  Tarahumara  revolt,  however,  and 
other  pressing  needs  for  money,  the  payment  was 
never  made.35 

In  1685  two  vessels  under  Swan  and  Townley, 
separating  themselves  from  the  fleet  of  freebooters  in 
southern  waters,  came  north  for  a  plundering  cruise, 
the  main  purpose  being  as  usual  to  capture  the  Manila 
galleon.  Their  varied  experiences  and  disasters 
between  Acapulco  and  Jalisco  were  not  within  the 
territorial  limits  of  this  volume,  and  have  been  else 
where  noted.36  In  January  1686,  however,  Captain 
Swan  sailed  north  ward  from  Banderas  Valley  and  his 
ship  reached  a  point  just  above  Mazatlan,  the  explora 
tion  being  continued  in  boats  farther  north  in  search 
of  Culiacan,  which  was  not  reached.  Swan  turned 
about  at  the  beginning  of  February  to  meet  with 
fresh  disasters  in  the  south,  losing  fifty  men  at  the 
Rio  Tololotlan.  After  this  discouragement  to  British 
enterprise,  the  ship  sailed  for  Cape  San  Lucas  but 
was  driven  back  by  the  winds  after  passing  the  Maza 
tlan  Islands ;  and  at  the  end  of  March  sailed  from  Cape 
Corrientes  for  the  East  Indies.  William  Dampier, 
historian  of  the  expedition,  does  not  quit  the  coast 
without  having  his  say  about  Californian  geography 
and  the  strait  of  Anian.  I  reproduce  his  map  of  this 
region,  and  add  in  a  note  some  geographical  items 
from  his  text.37 

Venegas,  followed  by  later  writers,  barely  mentions 
a  voyage  to  the  gulf  undertaken  at  his  own  expense 
in  1694  by  Francisco  de  Itamarra,  who  it  seems  had 
been  one  of  Otondo's  companions.  He  accomplished 

35 Gal,  Estdb.  y  Prog.,  12;  Venegas,  Not.  Gal,  L  238-9;  Akfjre,  Hist. 
Gomp.  Jesus,  iii.  60;  Clavif/cro,  Stor.  Gal,  i.  175-6;  Browne's  L.  Gal,  30-1; 
Burners  Ghron.  Hist.,  iv.  350-1. 

*6  See  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.,  this  series. 

37  Dampier's  New  Voyage  round  the  World,  i.  237-78.  See  also  Hist. 
Northwest  Coast,  i.  112,  this  series.  He  puts  C.  Corrientes  in  20°  28'.  The 
northern  point  of  Valle  de  Banderas  is  called  Pt  Pontique  in  20°  50'.  Two 


PRIVATE  VOYAGES. 


195 


nothing  beyond  ascertaining  that  the  natives  of  San 
Bruno  had  not  forgotten  the  taste  of  pozole,  arid 
were  clamorous  for  conversion.38  This  was  the  last 
expedition  of  the  century  save  those  by  which  the 
actual  occupation  of  the  peninsula  was  effected,  and 
which  with  subsequent  explorations  of  the  gulf  will 
be  included  in  the  annals  of  Baja  California  and  So- 
nora  in  future  chapters.  Private  individuals  it  must 
be  supposed  continued  to  despatch  small  craft  from 
the  contra  costa  manned  chiefly  by  Yaqui  crews  to 
seek  pearls,  often  with  profitable  reslilts;  but  it  was 
now  well  understood  that  more  formal  and  extensive 
expeditions  including  in  their  plan  the  settlement  of 
the  country  could  not  be  undertaken  except  at  a 
serious  loss. 

There  were,  however,  several  foreign  expeditions 
into  these  waters  during  the  first  half  of  the  eigh 
teenth  century,  which  require  brief  mention  in  con 
nection  with  this  subject,  and  which  may  be  more 


small  "barren  isles  1  1.  west  called  Isle  of  Pontique  (Las  Marietas);  Isl.  of 
Chametly,  6  small  isles  in  23°  10' and  31.  from  main.  (There  are  no  such  islea 
off  Chametla;  by  the  map  they  must 
be  the  Mazatlan  group.)  Six  or 
seven  1.  N.  N.  w.  from  Chametly 
Isles,  in  23°  30',  is  the  mouth  of  a 
lake  which  runs  about  12 1.  parallel 
with  the  coast,  and  is  called  Rio  de 
Sal,  Landing  at  the  N.  E.  of  this 
lake  they  marched  to  Massaclan. 
(The  lake  must  be  that  at  the 
mouths  of  the  Canas  and  San  Pe 
dro,  but  this  does  not  agree  with 
either  text  or  map.)  Rosario,  on  a 
river  of  same  name,  whose  mouth 
is  in  22°51',having  near  its  mouth 
a  hill  called  Caput  Cavalli.  (This 
would  seem  to  be  Rio  Chametla, 
and  Rosario  has  preserved  its 
name.)  Rio  Oleta,  eastward  of  Rio 
Rosario,  but  not  found  (San  Pedro 
or  Cauas) ;  Rio  St  lago  in  22°  15'; 
Santa  Pecaque,  5  1.  up  the  river 
and  four  hours'  march  from  the 
bank;  Santiago  3  1.  off,  and  Com- 
postela  21  1.  DAMPIER'S  MAP,  1G99. 

3ri  }'<>n<>r}a*,  Not.  Cat.,  i.  230-40;  Ategre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  81;  Clavi- 
ge.ro,  Star.,  CaL,  176;  Gal.,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  13. 


196 


EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


conveniently  noticed  here  than  elsewhere:  those  of 
Dampier,  Rogers,  Frondac,  Shelvocke,  and  Anson. 

Captain  William  Dampier,  a  companion  of  Swan 
eighteen  years  before,  in  1704  entered  northern  waters 


HARRIS'  MAP,  1705. 

on  the  St  George  with  sixty-four  men.  On  the  Co- 
lima  coast  in  November  and  December  he  took  several 
prizes,  one  of  them  a  bark  from  California  carrying 
a  few  pearls.  On  December  6th  Dampier  sighted 
and  attacked  the  Manila  galleon;  but  the  guns  of  that 


DAMPIER  AXD  ROGERS.  197 

craft  proved  too  strong  for  the  St  Georc/e,  and  the 

A  O  «-/      ' 

discomfited  British  had  to  withdraw  from  the  conflict 
and  lose  the  golden  treasure  they  had  come  so  far  to 
seek.  This  expedition  did  not  reach  the  Sinaloa  or 
California  coasts;  but  the  author  of  the  narrative 
introduced  some  unimportant  geographical  material 
from  Swan's  observations,39  and  a  careless  examina 
tion  perhaps  of  some  Spanish  authority.  I  reproduce 
on  the  preceding  page  a  map  of  1705  from  Harris' 
collection  of  voyages.40 

Yet  a  third  time  Danipier  returned  to  the  coasts 
of  New  Spain,  on  this  occasion  as  pilot  on  Woodes 
Kogers'  fleet.  The  DuJze,  of  320  tons  and  30  guns, 
with  117  men  under  captains  Rogers  arid  Thomas 
Dover — famous  for  "Dover's  powders"  rather  than 
for  his  skill  as  a  seaman — and  the  Duchess  of  260 
tons,  26  guns,  with  108  men  under  captains  Stephen 
Courtney  and  Edward  Cooke,  duly  commissioned  as 
privateers,  left  England  in  August  1708.  A  year  later, 
having  doubled  Cape  Horn,  rescued  from  the  island 
of  Juan  Fernandez  Alexander  Selkirk  of  Robinson 
Crusoe  fame,  and  met  with  many  adventures,  the  two 
vessels  with  a  companion  prize,  the  Marquis,  under 
Captain  Cooke,  and  a  bark  as  tender,  left  Central 
America  and  sighted  Cape  Corrientes  on  October  2,. 
1709. 

Most  of  October  was  passed  at  the  Tres  Marias,, 
where  a  supply  of  wood,  water,  and  turtles  was  ob 
tained.  The  point  of  California  was  decided  by  a 
majority  vote — and  all  movements  of  the  fleet  were 
uniformly  decided  upon  by  vote  in  full  council,  the 
record  being  preserved  in  the  narrative — to  be  the 
best  cruising-ground  for  the  expected  galleon,  and 
therefore  in  the  first  days  of  November  the  vessels 
took  the  positions  assigned  them  in  a  line  stretching 

from  Cape  San  Lucas  to  the  south-west,  having  dur- 

« 

™Fnnneirs  Voyacje  round  the  World,  Lond.,  1707,  79-93.    The  author  was 
Dampier's  mate.     His  reputation  for  accuracy  is  not  good.     The  map  makes* 
California  an  island,  but  is  on  too  small  a  scale  to  furnish  details. 
™Harrix,  Naviyalium. 


198  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

ing  the  next  five  or  six  weeks  occasional  communica 
tion  with  the  natives,  described  as  a  naked,  miserable 
people,  without  the  slightest  trace  of  missionary  influ 
ence.  The  galleon,  however,  seemed  to  have  escaped 
the  blockade,  or  else  was  much  later  than  usual,  and 
the  hope  of  meeting  her  was  at  last  abandoned.  The 
1 5th  of  December  the  Marquis  was  sent  into  Puerto 
Seguro,  or  San  Bernabe,  to  refit;  and  on  the  20th  it 
was  decided  to  refit  the  fleet  and  sail  for  the  Ladrones, 
supplies  being  barely  sufficient  for  the  voyage. 

First  a  calm  and  then  a  gale  prevented  them  from 
entering  the  port,  most  fortunately  for  them,  since 
next  day  the  Manila  ship  hove  in  sight,  and  on  the 
22d  was  taken  after  a  sharp  fight,  for  which  the  men 
were  fortified  in  the  absence  of  liquors  by  a  kettle  of 
chocolate  and  by  prayers,  which  were  interrupted  by 
the  foe's  first  shot.  The  prize  was  the  Nuestra  Senora 
de  la  Encarnacion  del  Desengano,  commanded  by  Cap 
tain  John  Pichberty,  carrying  twenty  large  guns  and 
the  same  number  of  pedreros,  and  manned  by  193 
men,  of  whom  nine  were  killed  and  ten  wounded.  The 
Englishmen  had  two  wounded,  one  of  whom  was  Cap 
tain  Rogers. 

From  the  captives  it  was  learned  that  the  Desen 
gano  had  sailed  with  a  consort  of  still  larger  size; 
consequently  it  was  determined  on  the  24th  that  the 
Duchess  and  Marquis  should  cruise  for  eight  days  in 
the  hope  that  she  had  not  yet  passed.  They  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  see  the  intended  prize  and  attacked 
her  at  midnight  of  the  25th,  keeping  up  the  battle  at 
intervals  until  the  next  night,  when  the  Duke  came 
up,  and  next  morning  all  three  united  their  efforts 
against  the  monster  foe,  which  was  the  Bigonia,  900 
tons,  carrying  60  brass  guns,  and  as  many  pedreros, 
with  a  force  of  450  men.  She  was  so  strongly  built — 
Manila  ships  were  always  superior  to  those  built  on 
the  Mexican  coast — that  the  500  small  balls  poured 
into  her  from  the  light  guns  of  the  buccaneers  had  no 
apparent  effect  on  her  hull,  although  some  damage 


DEFEATED  BY  THE  GALLEON.  199 

was  done  to  her  rigging.  Besides  her  complement 
of  450  men  there  were  among  the  Bigonias  passen 
gers  150  " European  pirates,  who  having  now  got  all 
their  wealth  on  board  were  resolved  to  defend  it  to 
the  last." 

The  battle  was  continued  until  just  before  noon  of 
the  27th,  when  the  attacking  squadron,  finding  them 
selves  fast  becoming  disabled  without  making  any 
impression  on  the  enemy,41  drew  off  for  a  council,  at 
which  it  was  decided  to  keep  near  the  enemy  until 
night,  to  lose  her  in  the  darkness,  and  then  to  give 
their  whole  attention  to  saving  themselves  and  their 
first  prize.  Rogers  had  again  been  wounded,  as  had 
ten  of  his  companions,  and  a  still  greater  number  on 
the  Duchess,  where  eleven  were  also  killed.  It  was 
Rogers'  opinion  that  had  all  three  vessels  gone  out  to 
the  attack  together,  as  he  had  wished  but  had  been 
overruled  by  the  majority,  the  prize  might  have  been 
taken  by  boarding,  though  after  her  'netting-deck' 
and  ' close-quarters'  were  made  ready  the  attempt 
would  have  been  madness.  The  buccaneers  submitted 
with  as  good  grace  as  possible  to  the  decrees  of  a  kind 
providence  which  had  given  them  one  rich  prize. 

The  fleet  hurried  back  to  Puerto  Seguro,  whence 
the  prisoners  from  the  Desengano  with  others  taken 
as  hostages  in  South  America,  were  sent  away  in  the 
bark,  Captain  Pichberty,  a  French  chevalier,  having 
given  as  a  ransom  bills  of  exchange  on  London  for 
6,000  dollars.  The  prize,  was  renamed  the  Batclielor, 
manned  from  the  other  vessels,  and,  after  a  long 
1  paper  war'  of  argument  and  protest,  put  under  the 
nominal  command  of  Captain  Dover,  but  really  under 
the  control  of  captains  Frye  and  Stretton,  with  Alex 
ander  Selkirk  as  master.  Cape  San  Lucas  was  last 
seen  on  January  12,  1710,  and  the  fleet  arrived  at 

41  Rogers,  however,  afterward  met  in  Holland  a  sailor  who  had  been  on 
board  the  galleon  and  who  said  she  was  much  disabled,  and  that  the  fight 
had  been  kept  up  only  by  the  gunner  who  went  into  the  powder-room  and 
swore  he  would  blow  up  the  ship  if  she  were  surrendered,  p.  331. 


200  EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  GULF  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


the  Ladrones  in  March.  The  profits  of  the  voyage 
are  said  to  have  been  nearly  £400, OOO.42 

Of  the  many  French  voyages  made  to  the  South 
Sea  during  this  period  there  are  but  two  which  call 
for  mention  here;  and  indeed  there  is  nothing  beyond 
a  mere  mention  of  either  extant.  In  the  summer  of 
1709  Captain  Frondac  in  the  Saint  Antoine  crossed 
from  China  by  the  northern  route.  He  went  to  45°, 
a  higher  latitude  than  usual,  and  he  also  touched  on 
the  California  coast  in  31°,  shortening  his  passage  by 
the  former  change  and  refreshing  his  men  by  the  lat 
ter,  so  that  he  suffered  comparatively  little  from 
scurvy,  the  scourge  of  these  waters.43  In  1721,  as 
Anson  learned  from  what  he  deemed  good  authority, 
another  French  vessel  made  the  passage  in  less  than 
fifty  days,  but  only  five  or  six  of  the  crew  survived 
the  plague.44 

It  was  in  1721  also  that  Captain  George  Shelvocke, 
after  one  of  the  typical  privateering  cruises  on  the 
central  coasts,  came  northward  in  the  Sacra  Familia, 
a  prize  taken  at  Sonsonate.  He  had  left  England  in 
1719  in  company  with  John  Clipperton  and  the  Suc 
cess,  but  had  soon  parted  from  his  consort,  meeting 
her  again  two  years  later  on  the  Mexican  coast, 
where  the  two  cruised  for  a  time  together  off  Aca- 
pulco,  hoping  to  intercept  the  galleon  at  her  departure 
for  the  west;  but  the  two  commanders  were  not  on 
good  terms,  and  Shelvocke,  when  no  longer  needed, 
was  treacherously  deserted  by  Clipperton.  It  was 
chiefly  with  the  hope  of  again  meeting  the  Success 
that  he  came  so  far  north  on  his  return  to  India,  fall 
ing  in  with  Cape  Corrientes  early  in  August.  Find 
ing  neither  consort  nor  a  supply  of  water  after  a  three 
days'  search  of  the  Tres  Marias,  the  Sacra  Familia 

&  Rogers' Cruising  Voyage  round  the  World,  266-312,  356-7.  This  is  the 
commander's  own  narrative.  Capt.  Cooke  also  seems  to  have  written  an  ac 
count  which  wag.  consulted  by  the  editor  of  Voyages,  Hist.  Acct.,  ii.  1-90,  and 
in  Voyages,  New  CoL,  iii.  122-335.  The  voyage  is  noticed  in  many  collec 
tions  and  in  most  of  the  general  works  referred  to  in  this  chapter. 

&  Burnerf*  Chron.  Hist.,  iv.  487;   Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  iii.  210-17. 
Voyage,  by  Walter,  ed.  of  1756,  326. 


GEORGE  ANSON.  201 

crossed  over  to  California,  and  on  August  13th  anch 
ored  in  Puerto  Seguro.  Here  they  remained  five 
davs,  watering,  and  sailed  on  the  18th  for  the  south- 

*/'  O ' 

west,  to  the  great  sorrow  of  their  native  friends,  who 
had  come  in  large  numbers  to  the  shore  and  even  to 
the  ship,  and  had  been  feasted  with  unlimited  quanti 
ties  of  sweetmeats  and  hasty-pudding.  The  soil  about 
the  port  when  "turned  fresh  up  to  the  sun  appears  as 
if  intermingled  with  gold-dust."  Thus  did  each  suc 
cessive  visitor  contribute  his  mite  to  the  fund  of  pop 
ular  marvels  respecting  California.45  - 

Captain  George  Anson,  later  Lord  Anson,  cruised 
in  the  Pacific  from  1740  to  1742  with  a  fleet  of  pri 
vateers  duly  commissioned  by  the  British  government. 
He  waited  a  long  time  off  Acapulco  for  the  westward 
bound  ship,  but  becoming  discouraged,  he  crossed  the 
ocean  and  succeeded  in  capturing  a  rich  galleon  at 
the  Philippines.  He  did  not  reach  the  coasts  which 
form  the  territorial  basis  of  these  chapters.46  Padre 
Cavo  tells  us  that  a  Dutch  ship  was  driven  by  stress 
of  weather  to  the  port  of  Matanchel  in  1747,  eighteen 
of  the  officers  and  men  were  invited  on  shore  to  dine 
by  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Huetlan,  who  had  been  enter 
tained  on  shipboard,  and  then  treacherously  arrested 
and  sent  to  Guadalajara.  There,  however,  they  were 
released  as  soon  as  the  treachery  was  known,  and 
hospitably  entertained  by  the  leading  families  until 
an  opportunity'  occurred  to  send  them  home.47  During 
this  century  the  Manila  ships  frequently  touched  on 
the  peninsula  coast,  chiefly  at  the  cape  port,  as  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  mention  in  connection  with  the  mis 
sionary  annals  of  Baja  California. 

45  Shelvoclx'a  Voyage  .round  the  World,  337-99.  The  author  gives  quite  a 
long  account  of  California  and  its  people,  which  Betagh,  }7oyaf/e,  215-21 — 
\vho  accompanied  Shelvocke,  and  writes  chiefly  to  contradict  and  ridicule  his 
commander — pronounces  absurdly  false  where  not  plagiarized  from  Woodes 
Kogers.  The  narrative  more  or  less  abridged  from  these  two  authorities  is 
given  in  most  of  the  collections  published. 

Ansorix  Voynrie,  round  the  World,  compiled  by  Richard  Walter. 

47  Cavo,  Tres  Sifjlos,  ii.  159-GO.  In  some  papers  left  by  Ignacio  Vallejo 
the  date  of  the  arrival  is  given  as  March  1747,  and  the  leader's  name  is 
Wilhelm  Maal.  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  228-9. 


CHAPTEK  IX. 

ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 
1600-1650. 

COAST  PROVINCES — CHAMETLA,  COPALA,  CULIACAN,  SINALOA,  OSTIMURI, 
SONORA,  AND  PlMERIA — VlLLAS  OF  SAN  SEBASTIAN  AND  SAN  MlGUEL — 
SAN  JUAN  DE  MAZATLAN— SAN  FELIPE  DE  SINALOA — COMMANDANTS  on 
GOVERNORS — THE  JESUIT  ANUAS — CAPTAIN  HURDAIDE?S  RULE — THE 
GUAZAVES — DEFEAT  OF  THE  SUAQUIS — CHIEFS  HANGED — EXPEDITION 
TO  CHINIPA— SINALOAS  PUT  TO  DEATH — TEHUECO  CAMPAIGN — OCORONI 
REVOLT — CONVERSIONS — FUERTE  DE  MONTESCLAROS— SPANIARDS  DE 
FEATED  BY  THE  YAQUIS — TREATY  OF  PEACE — BISHOP'S  VISIT — TEPAHUE 
CAMPAIGN — MAYO  MISSIONS — CONVERSION  OF  THE  YAQUIS — CHINIPA 
MISSIONS — DISTRICT  OF  SAN  IGNACIO — DISTRIBUTION  OF  PADRES — 
DEATH  OF  HURDAIDE  —  PE*REA  IN  COMMAND — MURDER  OF  PADRES 
PASCUAL  AND  MARTINEZ — SONORA  VALLEY — DISTRICT  OF  SAN  FRAN 
CISCO  JAVIER — DIVISION  OF  PROVINCE — NUEVA  ANDALUCIA — JESUITS 
VERSUS  FRANCISCANS— PADRES  AND  STATISTICS — RIB  AS'  TRIUMPHS  OF 
THE  FAITH — CONDITION  OF  THE  MISSIONS. 

THE  geography  of  the  regions  corresponding  to  the 
modern  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  was  in  some  respects  not 
clearly  defined  during  the  seventeenth  century.  Yet 
while  I  shall  name  pueblos  whose  exact  location  cannot 
be  fixed,  the  prevalent  uncertainty  respecting  precise 
boundaries  of  provinces  and  districts,  arising  often 
from  the  fact  that  they  had  no  precise  boundaries, 
will  interfere  but  little  with  the  narrative  of  events, 
as  most  of  the  confusing  subdivisions  of  territory  had 
no  real  existence  politically  or  ecclesiastically,  being 
simply  geographical  names  in  common  and  often  care 
less  usage.  Many  of  the  difficulties  would  moreover 
be  removed  did  such  a  thing  exist  as  an  accurate 
modern  map.  Glancing  at  the  coast  provinces  in  their 
order  from  south  to  north,  we  find  the  names  Cha- 

(202) 


GEOGRAPHY.  203 

and  Rosario  applied  to  the  region  lying  between 
the  rivers  Canas  and  Mazatlan.1  Chametla  was  the 
aboriginal  name  when  Guzman  arrived  here  in  1530; 
was  long  applied  to  the  port,  to  the  river,  and  to  a 
real  de  minas;  and  it  is  still  found  on  modern  maps. 
A  small  province  east  of  Chametla  on  the  slope 
of  the  sierra  was  sometimes  called  Maloya.  Next 
northward,  between  the  rivers  Mazatlan  and  Piastla, 
was  Copala,  comprising  parts  of  the  Quezala  and 
Piastla  of  Guzman's  lime.  The  name  rarely  appears 
in  the  annals  of  the  country,  and  was  represented  in 
later  times  by  a  mining  camp  in  the  mountains.2  Cu- 
liacan,  the  ancient  Ciguatan,  Land  of  Women,  ex 
tended  from  Piastla  to  the  Rio  Culiacan.  It  included 
the  site  of  San  Miguel  and  the  name  is  still  retained 
for  city  and  river. 

Next  we  find  Sinaloa,  often  described  as  lying  be 
tween  Culiacan  and  Rio  Mayo,  but  whose  limit  was 
more  properly  the  Rio  del  Fuerte,  or  possibly  the 
Alamos.  The  name  was  originally  that  of  a  tribe 
dwelling  on  the  stream  called  Rio  del  Fuerte  far  from 
the  sea;  thence  it  was  extended  from  tribe  and  river 
to  province  and  capital;  then  from  the  capital  over 
several  provinces  within  the  governor's  jurisdiction  as 
far  north  as  the  Rio  Yaqui  or  even  beyond;  and  it 
has  finally  remained  in  use  not  only  for  city  and  for  a 
river  south  of  that  on  which  the  Sinaloas  lived,  but 
for  the  state  extending  from  the  Canas  to  the  Ala 
mos.3  The  provinces  thus  far  named,  or  at  least  up 
to  the  Rio  Mocorito,  or  fivora,  were  confined  to  a 
very  narrow  strip  of  coast,  having  on  the  east  the 
mountains  of  Topia,  the  annals  of  which  I  have  in- 

1  The  latter  stream  is  oftener  called  Hio  del  Presidio.     Rio  de  las  Caiias 
was  probably  named  for  the  reeds  growing  on  its  banks,  but  possibly  in  honor 
of  Gov.  Canas.     Torquemada  says  the  province  of  Mazatlan  was  called  Aca- 
poneta  or  Chametla.     See  chapter  xi.  for  map  of  southern  provinces. 

2  The  Rio  de  Piastla  was  sometimes  called  Rio  Elota,  Rio  de  la  Sal,  and 
also  far  up  in  the  mountains  Rio  Humase. 

3  Sinaloa  was  also  called  La  Calimaya  and  Pusolana,  and  sometimes,  in 
connection  with  Culiacan  and  Ostimuri,  Nuevo  Reino  de  Aragoc.     The  Rio 
del  Fuerte  was  also  called  Tamotchala,  Santiago,  Ahome,  Suaqui,  and  even 
Sinaloa.     The  Rio  de  Sinaloa  was  originally  the  Petatlan. 


204  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

eluded  in  those  of  Durango.  North  of  Sinaloa  was 
Ostimuri,  which  reached  from  the  Alamos  to  the  Rio 
Yaqui,  and  up  its  eastern  bank  to  the  latitude  of 
Nacori  or  Sahuaripa.*  A  small  pueblo  bore,  and  per 
haps  originated  the  name,  which  in  modern  times  was 
still  applied  to  the  partido  of  Alamos.  This  province 
and  those  to  the  north  were  separated  on  the  east 
from  Nueva  Vizcaya,  or  Tarahumara,  or  Chihuahua, 
by  the  Sierra  Madre. 

All  the  country  north  of  the  Yaqui  was  sometimes 
called  Sonora5  even  at  this  time,  a  name  which,  aug 
mented  by  Ostimuri  on  the  south  and  deprived  of 
Arizona  on  the  north,  it  still  retains.  Yet  it  was 
more  common  among  the  Jesuits  to  restrict  the  name 
to  the  valley  where  it  originated;  and  the  terms 
Pimeria  Baja  and  Pimeria  Alta,6  divided  by  a  rather 
vague  line  just  below  the  rivers  Altar  and  San  Igna- 
cio,  wrere  the  terms  perhaps  in  most  common  use. 
The  provincial  divisions  thus  indicated,  except  Sina 
loa  and  Sonora  in  their  broadest  application,  will 
occur  but  rarely  in  the  annals,  and  may  for  the  most 
part  be  disregarded.  Throughout  nearly  the  whole 
century  Sinaloa  is  the  best  general  name  for  the 
whole  territory;7  that  is,  there  is  no  other  single 
name  that  can  be  properly  applied  to  the  whole  terri- 

4  Some  writers  give  the  Rio  Mayo  as  the  line  between  Sinaloa  and  Osti 
muri;  but  Ostimuri  evidently  included  Alamos.     According  to  Orozco  the 
province  extended  across  in  the  latitude  of  Nacori  to  the  Rio  de  Oposura,  or 
west  branch  of  the  Yaqui.     The  Rio  Mayo  was  called  by  Guzman  in  1533 
San  Miguel;  and  the  Yaqui,  San  Francisco;  but  the  latter  was  also  termed  by 
the  Jesuits  Espiritu  Santo.     Moto-Padilla  in  1742  speaks  of  'Ostimuri  or 
Alamos. ' 

5  Of  the  origin  of  this  name  more  hereafter.     It  was  also  called  for  a  few 
years  only  Nueva  Andalucia. 

6  According  to  AiiostoVicos  Afanes  and  Arricivita,  Pimeria  Baja  extended 
from  mouth  of  the  Yaqui  to  Tecora  mission;  and  Pimeria  Alta  from  Caborca 
east  to  Terrenate,  and  San  Ignacio  north  to  Rio  Gila.     New  Mexico  is  often 
named  as  the  northern  bound. 

7  On  the  geography  of  the  coast  see  Villa  Seilor,  Theatro,  ii.  338,  385-93; 
Mota-Padilla,  Cong.  N.  GaL,  520-2;  Calk,  Mem.  Noticias,  97;  fiibcui,  Hist. 
Triumphos,  1,  2;  Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  serie  iii.  pt.  iv.  494,  625,  703;  Arricivita, 
Cron.,  396;   Apostolkos  Afanes,   230-1;   Alegre,  Hist.    Comp.   Jesus,   92-3; 
Orozco  y  Bcrra,  G'eofj.,  328-9,  337-8;  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  392-3;  Torqncmada, 
Monarq.  Lid.,  i.  697;  America,  Descrip.,  120;  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS., 
523. 


COAST  PROVINCES.  205 

tory,  which  was  under  one  government;  yet  in  view 
of  later  divisions,  and  of  the  fact  that  even  then 
Sinaloa  was  commonly  regarded  as  extending  only  to 
the  Yaqui,  I  have  deemed  it  best  to  use  the  double 
term  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  in  the  heading  of  this  chap 
ter. 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  coast 
provinces  were  still  in  an  important  sense  a  part  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  being  in  this  century  as  from  the 
first  subject  to  the  governor  of  that  country  residing 
at  Durango.  Yet,  as  the  original  idea  had  been  to 
restrict  Vizcaya  to  the  region  east  of  the  Sierra 
Madre,  as  the  sierra  still  formed  a  natural  bound  and 
barrier  rendering  communication  difficult,  and  espe 
cially  as  the  governor's  authority  on  the  coast  was 
delegated  to  a  military  comandante,  often  spoken  of 
as  governor  of  Sinaloa,  it  became  a  common  usage 
to  apply  the  name  Nueva  Vizcaya  to  the  eastern 
country  corresponding  to  the  modern  Durango  and 
Chihuahua;  and  this  usage  I  find  it  most  convenient 
both  for  writer  and  reader  to  follow  in  the  present 
record. 

The  southern  provinces  from  Chametlato  Culiacan, 
inclusive,  a  narrow  strip  of  territory  along  the  coast — 
not  including  the  mountainous  Topia  district  which  I 
have  found  it  most  convenient  to  include  in  Durango 
for  historical  purposes,  though  a  large  part  of  it  was 
west  of  the  sierra  summit — came  as  near  having  no 
recorded  history  as  is  possible  in  a  country  where 
some  civilized  men  lived  and  where  each  year  may  be 
supposed  to  have  had  its  complement  of  days.  There 
\vere  no  missions  proper  here;  but  missionaries  from 
the  adjoining  districts  on  the  south  and  east  and  north 
made  occasional  visits,  as  did  the  bishop,  for  the  spir 
itual  edification  of  the  Spanish  inhabitants  and  na 
tives,  all  of  whom  were  nominally  Christians  since 
the  early  years  of  Franciscan  efforts. 

The  villa  of  San  Sebastian  de  Chametla  seems  to 


206  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

have  maintained  its  existence  under  an  alcalde  mayor 
and  curate,  with  a  presidial  guard  for  defensive  pur 
poses.  Of  mining  operations  absolutely  nothing  is 
known,  though  there  are  indications  that  the  mines 
were  not  altogether  abandoned.  In  1603  the  explorer 
Vizcaino  touching  at  Mazatlan  found  a  mule-train  on 
the  road  between  Culiacan  and  Chametla,  and  obtained 
aid  from  Captain  Martin  Ruiz  de  Aguirre,  described 
as  alcalde  mayor  of  the  province.8  At  an  unknown 
date  between  this  time  and  1633  a  town  of  San  Juan 
de  Mazatlan  was  founded.  Juan  de  Arriaran  was 
alcalde  mayor  of  the  town  and  military  commandant 
of  the  Rio  Piastla  at  the  time  of  Ortega's  visit  in  the 
year  mentioned.9  The  name  Mazatlan  was  originally 
that  of  a  native  town  on  the  river;  and  navigators 
had  several  times  touched  at  the  port,  but  I  find  no 
record  of  any  Spanish  settlement  before  Ortega's 
visit;10  and  the  later  visits  of  gulf  navigators  recorded 
in  earlier  chapters  have  left  no  information  about  the 
place  for  a  century  and  more.  Calle  tells  us  that  in 
1646  there  were  in  this  southern  region  four  alcaldes 
may  ores  all  appointed  by  the  governor  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya;  those  of  Piastla  and  Mazatlan,  of  Chametla 
and  Salinas,  of  the  Maloya  mines,  and  of  San  Sebas 
tian,  where  was  a  presidio  and  captain.11 

At  the  north  still  existed  the  ancient  villa  of  San 
Miguel  de  Culiacan.  Its  alcalde  mayor,  unlike  those 
of  other  settlements,  was  appointed  by  the  audiencia 
of  Guadalajara,  at  a  salary  of  six  hundred  and  ninety- 
six  pesos.  There  was  also  a  curate  in  charge  of  the 
parochial  district.  We  have  no  names  of  officials,  no 

8  See  p.  159  of  this  volume. 

9  Orteya,  Description.  MS.    Pedro  de  Pdbera  is  named  as  curate ;  and  Alf. 
Juan  Pardo,  Martin  Fernandez,  and  Francisco  Martin  were  vecinos. 

10 According  to  Mazatlan,  JDatos  Eslad.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  e"p.,  iv. 
65,  there  are  no  records  extant  on  the  earliest  history  of  Mazatlan. 

11  Calle,  Mem.  Not.,  97-101.  This  author  also  names  16  corregimientos 
yielding  from  20  to  200  pesos  of  tribute  in  the  province  of  Culiacan  y  Natoato. 
They  are  Istlaxe  y  Guzmanilla,  Tecurimeto,  Navito  y  Naboato,  Nabolato, 
Chilobito,  Cuspita  y  Tolobato,  Cobota  y  Cocala,  Culaca  y  Ognane,  Vizcaino  y 
Tecolinuocimala,  Acala  y  San  Este"van,  Alicama  Abanito  y  Dato,  Apacha  y 
Baila,  Soloneto,  Lauroto,  Loto,  Auilameto  la  Galga,  Mobolo  y  el  Nueyo  y 
Viejo  Tepuche.  All  this  is  unintelligible  to  me. 


GOVERNORS.  207 

record  of  local  happenings,  and  no  statistics  of  popu 
lation.  There  were,  perhaps,  from  thirty  to  fifty 
Spanish  families,  besides  a  few  Aztecs  and  Tlascal- 
tecs.  Nearly  every  year  the  Jesuits  came  down  from 
the  north  for  a  mission  tour  among  the  natives,  by 
whom  they  were  always  well  received. 

At  San  Felipe  y  Santiago  de  Sinaloa  on  the  Rio 
Petatlan  was  stationed  a  garrison  of  from  thirty  to 
forty  men,  besides,  a  little  later,  a  fort  on  the  Rio 
Fuerte  farther  north.  The  captain  of  the  garrison 
was  appointed  by  the  viceroy;  but 'from  the  gov 
ernor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  he  received  the  appointment 
of  alcalde  mayor,  and,  as  already  stated,  was  often 
called  governor  of  Sinaloa.  From  1600  to  1G26  the 
position  was  held  by  Captain  Diego  Martinez  de 
Hurdaide;  then  by  Pedro  de  Perea  to  1641,  ex 
cept  in  1636,  when  Francisco  Bustamante  held  the 
place;  by  Luis  Cestin  de  Canas  to  1644;  and  by  Juan 
Peralta  y  Mendoza  perhaps  for  the  rest  of  the  half 
century,  he  being  succeeded  by  Porter  y  Casanate.12 
San  Felipe  had  a  population  of  some  eighty  families 
de  razon  in  the  middle  of  the  century,  their  spiritual 
necessities  being  attended  to  by  the  Jesuits,  whose 
central  establishment,  or  college,  was  here,  and  who 
had  also  a  school  for  native  boys.  By  the  missiona 
ries  the  citizens  are  highly  praised  for  their  good  char 
acter  and  marked  devotion  to  religion;  but  of  events 
and  men  from  a  secular  point  of  view,  we  know  prac 
tically  nothing.  Indeed,  were  it  not  for  the  Jesuit 
missionary  annals,  the  record  for  the  north  would  be 
almost  as  meagre  as  that  of  the  southern  provinces. 

Fortunately  the  Jesuit  annals,  especially  in  the 
early  years,  are  quite  complete.  In  addition  to  the 
standard  chronicles  of  Ribas  and  Alegre,  with  occa 
sional  aid  from  other  sources,  I  have  before  me  the 
regular  anuas,  or  annual  records  of  the  provincial, 
made  up  from  the  letters  of  the  missionaries  them- 

12 Some  slight  references  for  dates  of  succession,  etc.,  will  be  given  later. 


208 


ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONOKA. 


SlNALOA  AND   SoNOEA   IN   THE   SEVENTEETH   CENTURY. 


JESUIT  ANNAIA  209 

selves.  These  are  very  bulky  and  minute,  but  as  in 
the  case  of  similar  records  for  an  earlier  period  already 
noticed,  only  a  small  portion  can  be  profitably  util 
ized  for  historical  purposes.  The  primary  object  of 
the  missionaries  was  to  convert  gentiles f to  the  faith; 
the  struggle  between  divine  and  diabolic  influences  in 
the  case  of  some  poor  sick  Indian  girl  must  be  re 
corded  in  full.  Other  matters  affecting  events  and 
institutions  and  men  were  of  secondary  importance, 
to  be  mentioned  incidentally,  if  at  all,  and  there  were 
as  yet  no  controversies  with  secular"  authorities  or 
settlers  to  claim  space  in  their  correspondence.13 

In  1600  five  Jesuit  missionaries,  Perez,  Velasco, 
Yillafane,  Orobato,  and  Mendez,  had  founded  eight 
missions  with  substantial  churches,  and  were  at  work 
in  some  thirteen  towns  on  and  near  the  rivers  Sina- 
loa  and  Mocorito,  having  also  visited  the  tribes  on 
the  Rio  Tamotchala  and  beyond,  but  without  found 
ing  as  yet  any  mission  there.  Certain  disturbances 
in  1599  had  caused  Captain  Alonso  Diaz  to  send 
Hurdaide  his  lieutenant  to  Mexico  with  a  request 
for  reinforcements  and  for  the  comandante's  relief 
from  office.  At  the  end  of  the  year  Hurdaide  came 
back  as  comaridante  with  ten  soldiers,  thus  increasing 
the  presidial  force  to  thirty-six.  He  proved  a  model 
captain  in  every  respect,  no  less  noted  for  the  piety 
and  justice  which  endeared  him  to  Jesuit  and  convert 
than  for  the  activity  and  valor  which  made  him  a 
terror  to  unruly  savages,  to  keep  whom  in  subjection 
by  the  aid  of  his  small  force,  was  a  duty  that  left  him 
but  little  rest  during  his  rule  of  nearly  thirty  years.14 

The  new  captain's  first  task  was  to  quiet  the  Gua- 
zaves,  who  had  burned  their  church  and  fled  to  the 

"The  anuas  are  contained  in  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  340-803.  They 
are  for  the  years  1601-2,  1604,  1610-17,  1619-26,  1628-9. 

u  He  conquered,  according  to  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  85-6,  over  20  nations 
and  not  one  of  his  soldiers  ever  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  foe;  but  he  spent  all  his 
private  fortune  in  the  work,  dying  in  debt.  He  had  a  peculiar  way  of  sending 
his  orders,  four  seals  of  wax  on  a  paper  without  writing  forming  the  token 
borne  by  his  messenger,  who  wore  it  in  a  reed  stuck  in  the  hair.  It  was  un 
derstood  that  any  interference  with  a  messenger  bearing  this  credential  would 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  U 


210  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

woods.  The  offenders  were  hanged,  but  the  chief, 
Don  Pablo,  ordered  his  people  back  to  Christian  life, 
and  was  pardoned.  Both  chief  and  subjects  became 
noted  later  for  their  faith,  and  the  former  once  had 
his  sight  miraculously  restored.  New  and  fine  churches 
of  adobe  -replaced  the  burnt  structures,  but  were  de 
stroyed  by  floods  a  few  years  later.  The  Guazaves 
quieted,  the  valiant  captain  deemed  the  time  a  fitting 
one  to  humble  the  hostile  Suaquis,  who  had  exhibited 
a  threatening  indifference  to  the  salvation  of  their 
souls  by  Spanish  methods.  He  did  it  in  an  original 
way.  Wild  cattle  had,  it  seems,  greatly  multiplied  in 
the  north  since  the  abandonment  of  Carapoa,  and 
Hurdaide  ordered  a  grand  hunt  for  meat.  Reaching 
the  Suaqui  country  he  produced  shackles  and  ropes, 
explaining  to  his  astonished  company  of  twenty-four 
that  each  man  was  required  to  seize  and  bind  two  of 
the  foe.  The  natives  coming  to  make  inquiries  were 
informed  of  the  projected  hunt  and  promised  a  share 
of  the  meat;  then  the  common  people  were  sent  to 
gather  wood  for  a  grand  barbecue,  while  the  haughty 
chiefs  remained.  At  the  word  'Santiago!'  forty-three 
were  seized  by  the  hair  and  secured  with  some  diffi 
culty,  except  two  who  escaped.  The  plebeians  soon 
came  up  with  bows  and  arrows,  but  without  leaders 
could  do  nothing,  and  were  finally  persuaded  through 
a  Christian  woman,  Luisa,  that  they  would  be  much 
better  off  without  chiefs,  and  that  no  harm  would  be 
done  to  them  if  they  kept  quiet.  The  masses  retired 
to  their  towns ;  but  the  wives  of  the  captives  remained 
and  bravely  attempted  a  rescue,  attacking  the  Span 
iards  with  stones.  Fathers  Menclez  and  Velasco  came 
up  to  prepare  the  victims  for  death;  all  but  two  be 
came  Christians;  and  all,  save  two  killed  in  the  skir 
mish  with  the  women,  were  hanged  on  two  trees.  Dona 
Luisa  was  sent  to  the  towns  with  the  admonition  to 

be  promptly  and  terribly  avenged,  and  before  long  the  seals  were  respected 
by  even  the  most  distant  and  hostile  tribes.  A  bloody  knife  was  also  sent 
occasionally  as  a  threat  of  punishment.  See  also  Id.,  81-2,  93,  97,  100; 
Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  387-8;  Mange,  Hist.  Pimeria,  398. 


CHINIPAS  AND  TEHUECOS.  211 

the  people  to  be  good  Indians,  and  on  no  account  to 
take  down  the  suspended  bodies.15 

The  viceroy  had  ordered  an  exploration  of  the  Chi- 
nipa  country  in  search  of  certain  rich  mines  reported 
to  exist  there,  and  Hurdaide  seems  to  have  started 
immediately  after  his  exploit  among  the  Suaquis  in 
the  spring  of  1601.  Father  Mendez  accompanied  him 
in  search  of  spiritual  treasure,  and  Sinaloa  guides  were 
taken  who  proved  to  be  treacherous.  The  Spaniards 
were  attacked  April  10th  in  a  difficult  pass  and  a  part 
of  the  company  was  besieged  for  a'  day  or  two  in  a 
mountain  refuge  ;  but  no  lives  were  lost,  and  the  pros 
pectors  were  able  to  reach  a  Chinipa  rancheria  called 
Curepo,  where  silver  ore  was  indeed  found,  but  not  so 
rich  as  had  been  expected.  A  native  woman  was 
taken  back  for  later  use  as  a  messenger  or  interpreter, 
and  on  the  return  march  the  treacherous  Sinaloas 
were  punished  by  having  their  fields  ravaged  and  four 
teen  of  their  number  put  to  death.16 

The  Ahomes  now  complained  that  the  Tehuecos 
had  come  down  the  river  to  usurp  their  lands  and  to 
maltreat  their  women.  Hurdaide  of  course  started 
at  once,  desiring  to  encourage  the  friendly  spirit  of 
the  Ahomes;  but  on  the  way  was  opposed  by  the 
united  Suaquis  and  Sinaloas,  who  had  apparently 
forgotten  their  late  chastisement.  Taxicora,  chief  of 
the  Sinaloas,  was  seized  at  the  first  approach  by  the 
captain's  own  hand,  and  his  men  retreated,  fearing  to 
kill  their  leader.  Again  the  Spaniards  were  attacked 
in  a  forest  where  the  horsemen  could  not  operate. 
Taxicora's  orders  had  no  effect  to  make  his  men  desist, 
but  when  Hurdaide  rushed  out  single-handed,  cap- 


,  87-92.     Mange,  Hist.  Pimeria,  398-9,  says  that  24  leaders  of  the 
Suaques  and  inciters  of  revolt  were  hanged. 

3  Velasn,  Carta  al  Padre  Provincial,  1601,  MS.,  in  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist., 
t3-50.  There  was  a  pestilence  this  year  which  killed  many,  chiefly  old 
people,  at  Ocoroni  and  Nio.  There  were  many  marvellous  cures.  Of  128 
adults  baptized  58  died.  The  natives  at  first  captured  a  few  pack-mules,  the 
sacred  utensils  carried  by  the  padre,  and  a  copper  kettle  which  they  used  as 
a  drum  in  the  premature  celebration  of  victory.  The  Chinipas  lived  within 
the  limits  of  the  modern  Chihuahua.  Ribas,  95-9;  Alegre,  i.  388-9. 


212  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

tured  one  of  the  savages,  and  hanged  him  to  a  tree, 
the  rest  retired.  Advancing  to  the  Matava  Valley, 
he  drove  the  Tehuecos  to  the  woods  and  captured 
two  hundred  women  and  children,  who  were  given  up 
on  the  promise  of  the  tribe  to  return  to  their  home 
and  let  the  Ahomes  alone.  The  latter  people  were 
not  only  grateful  but  clamorous  for  missionaries.  Not 
yet  done  with  the  Suaquis  the  comandante  stopped 
on  his  return  at  their  town  of  Mochicavi.  The  war 
riors  fled,  but  sent  by  Luisa  their  apologies  that  the 
Sinaloas  alone  had  been  to  blame.  Their  lives  and 
town  were  spared,  but  they  had  to  make  certain  pres 
ents  to  the  native  allies,  and,  as  a  still  more  humili 
ating  penance,  to  lose  their  war-locks,  the  mark  of 
honor  most  prized  by  the  braves.  Taxicora  was  con 
demned  to  the  gibbet  at  San  Felipe,  and  died  a  good 
Christian.1'  There  were  now  in  the  field  four  priests, 
Father  Orobato  having  disappeared  from  the  list,  and 
one  lay  brother  Francisco  Castro.  Baptisms  in  1602 
were  850,  two  thirds  of  which  were  in  the  new  Gua- 
zave  district.  The  boys'  school  at  San  Felipe  had 
now  thirty  native  pupils. 

Padres  and  mission  paraphernalia  were  needed  in 
order  to  take  spiritual  advantage  of  recent  military 
successes,  and  Hurdaide  accordingly  made  a  trip  to 
Mexico,  apparently  in  1603-4,  with  a  party  of  native 
chiefs.  His  requests  were  granted  by  Viceroy  Montes- 
claros.  His  Indians  were  feted  and  given  fine  clothing 
and  swords,  and  he  brought  back  two  new  missionaries, 
Cristobal  de  Villalta  and  Andres  Perez  de  Kibas,  the 
latter  subsequently  famous  as  the  chronicler  of  his 
order  in  Nueva  Vizcaya.  At  Zacatecas,  on  the  re 
turn,  four  of  the  native  traders  ran  away  and  hastened 

17  See  Native  Races,  L,  this  series.  In  the  Annas  of  1602,  378-408,  Taxi 
cora  is  said  to  have  had  a  compact  with  Satan,  and  to  have  been  the  inciter 
of  the  attack  of  1601.  In  a  trip  of  the  captain  and  Bro.  Castro  to  the  Suaqui 
country  for  corn,  the  people  are  said  to  have  been  found  friendly.  Another 
apostate  native  was  put  to  death  for  inciting  a  revolt  on  the  Evora  River. 
Two  tours  to  Culiacan  Valley  this  year,  and  Padre  Santaren  from  Topia  also 
spent  some  time  there.  Alegre,  i.  410-11,  writes  the  names  in  Hurdaide's 
entrada  Matahoa  Valley  and  Mochicauis  pueblo;  see  also  Ribas,  100-5. 


HURDAIDE'S  CAMPAIGNS.  213 

home,  after  committing  three  murders  on  the  Topia 
frontier,  to  preach  revolt  among  the  Tehuecos,  some 
of  whom  fled  to  join  the  Tepahues,  fearing  punish 
ment  for  the  crimes  of  their  chiefs.  At  the  same 
time  the  Christians  of  Ocoroni  and  Bacoburito  re 
volted,  not  without  provocation  it  is  said,  and  burned 
their  churches.  It  was  also  during  Hurdaide's  ab 
sence  that  the  country  was  visited  by  floods  which 
destroyed  crops,  undermined  adobe  churches,  did  some 
damage  even  in  the  villa,  and  drove  neophytes  and  in 
some  cases  even  padres  to  the  momitains.  Father 
Mendez  was  kept  up  in  a  tree  for  a  day  and  night, 
while  Father  Velasco  was  imprisoned  for  four  days  in 
his  sacristy.  Hurdaide  heard  the  bad  news  at  Topia 
on  a  day  when  he  had  taken  a  purge,  but  he  felt  that 
providence  was  on  his  side  and  he  could  not  be  de 
terred  from  hastening  homeward.  After  a  sharp  fight 
he  defeated  the  Bacoburitos,  put  the  leading  rebels  to 
death,  and  forced  the  rest  to  rebuild  their  church. 
The  Tehuecos  were  easily  quieted  and  induced  to 
pursue  the  four  murderers,  who  were  executed  on  the 
very  spot  where  their  crime  had  been  committed. 
The  Ocoronis  gave  more  trouble;  some  young  men  at 
school  under  Padre  Mendez  refused  to  join  the  revolt; 
but  the  rest,  four  hundred  strong,  tied  from  their 
pueblo  and  were  scattered  among  wild  tribes,  some 
forty  families  of  the  number  taking  refuge  in  the  far 
north  among  the  Yaquis.  By  1604  the  Jesuits  are 
said  to  have  baptized  40,000  natives,  while  Velasco 
had  prepared  a  grammar  and  vocabulary  of  one  of 
the  leading  languages.18 

The  nations  of  the  Rio  Tamotchala  wanted  padres, 
and  as  their  promises  were  all  that  could  be  desired, 
the  superior,  Padre  Perez,  announced  the  following 
distribution:  Ribas  was  to  take  charge  of  the  Ahonies 

"According  to  the  Anna  of  1004,  408-14,  however,  the  total  number  of 
baptisms  is  given  as  10,000.  Baptisms  for  1604  were  1,000.  Escudero,  Not. 
Son.,  43,  and  Calle  tells  us  that  Queen  Margarita  sent  golden  tabernacles  for 
the  new  churches.  See  Ribas,  97-9,  105-9,  125-6;  Alegre,  i.  424-6; 
Mem.  Not.,  98. 


214  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

and  Suaquis,  Mendez  of  the  Tehuecos  and  allied  bands, 
and  Villalta  of  the  Sinaloas,  all  the  tribes  being  thus 
provided  for  in  the  order  of  their  respective  homes 
from  the  coast  up  the  river.19  Ribas  went  to  his  sta 
tion  at  once  and  seems  to  have  met  no  obstacles  from 
the  first.  The  Ahomes  had  always  been  peaceful  and 
friendly,  and  within  a  year  every  man,  woman,  and 
child,  two  thousand  or  more,  had  been  baptized,  and 
all  were  living  in  two  towns,  where  handsome  adobe 
churches  had  taken  the  place  of  temporary  jacales  and 
enramadas.  The  mountain  Batucaris  and  the  fish- 
eating  Bacoregues  of  the  coast  were  induced  to  come 
and  join  the  Ahomes;  while  the  wild  Comoporis,  speak 
ing  the  Ahome  dialect,  were  converted  within  two 
years,  although  not  willing  to  quit  their  old  home. 
Even  the  Suaquis  kept  their  promises,  built  fine 
churches  in  their  three  towns,  and  experienced  a  rad 
ical  change  of  character,  largely  through  the  influence 
of  Dona  Luisa.  Mendez  went  among  the  Tehuecos 
probably  in  1606  and  met  with  equal  success,  although 
there  had  been  some  fear  about  this  people  on  ac 
count  of  their  polygamous  customs.  The  padre  took 
with  him  no  military  escort  and  no  attempt  was  made 
to  interfere  with  the  civil  powers  of  the  native  chief 
tains.  The  Bacabachis  were  among  his  converts.  At 
the  same  time  Villalta  went  up  the  river  among  the 
Sinaloas,  baptized  four  hundred  children  the  first  day, 
and  within  a  year  reduced  the  whole  tribe  to  Christi 
anity  and  to  village  life  in  three  towns.  A  deadly 
epidemic  caused  a  temporary  relapse  into  superstitious 
rites;  but  the  reaction  when  these  rites  proved  un 
availing  helped  the  new  faith  and  the  implements  of 
sorcery  were  burned.  Suicide  by  poisoning  is  men 
tioned  as  one  of  the  worst  habits  of  the  Sinaloas,  but 
it  was  gradually  abandoned  with  the  old  beliefs.20 

19  The  river  at  this  period  was  called  most  commonly  Rio  Ahome,  Suaqui, 
Tehueco,  and  Sinaloa,  according  to  the  tribe  living  in  the  territory  referred  to. 

v!0Alegre,  i.  426-8,  460,  says  the  Ahomes  and  Suaquis  numbered  over  1,000 
vecinos  each,  the  Tehuecos  5,500  warriors,  and  the  Sinaloas  over  1,000  fami 
lies.  See  also  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  506-8.  The  Annas  are  missing  for  1605-9. 


PADRES  AND  A  FORT.  215 

In  1607  some  six  thousand  souls  of  the  hostile 
rancherias  of  Chicoratos,  Cahuimetos,  and  Ogueras, 
living  in  the  mountains  south-eastward  from  San 
Felipe,  were  induced  by  Father  Velasco  to  embrace 
Christianity  after  Hurdaide  had  visited  their  country 
and  bought  from  their  neighbors  land  for  their  towns 
and  milpas.  Bibas  also  speaks  of  certain  Toroacas 
who  revolted  and  took  refuge  on  an  island  to  which 
the  captain  crossed  on  rafts,  bringing  back  the  fugi 
tives,  hanging  seven  leaders,  and  scattering  the  rest 
among  the  Guazave  towns,  where  they  became  the 
best  of  Christians.21  In  these  years,  1607-9,  several 
new  missionaries  were  sent  to  Sinaloa,  including  per 
haps  Pedro  Velasco,  Laurencio  Adauie,  Alberto  Cleri- 
cis,  Juan  Calvo,  and  Luis  de  Bonifacio;  at  least  these 
names  appear  within  a  few  years  without  other  record 
of  their  arrival.  Several  of  them  arrived  by  way  of 
Topia  at  the  end  of  1609.  Padre  Velasco  was  a  rela 
tive  of  the  viceroy  of  that  name,  and  in  three  years 
he  baptized  1,900  converts.22  Another  Jesuit  of  this 
period,  whose  name  I  do  not  find  in  the  annual  records, 
was  Vicente  de  Aguila.23 

In  1610  the  Fuerte  de  Montesclaros — named  for 
the  viceroy  who  had  ordered  its  construction  but  had 
ceased  to  rule  in  1607 — was  built  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  river  called  from  this  fort  Rio  del  Fuerte.  It 
was  built  of  adobes  with  a  tower  at  each  corner,  and 
located  on  a  hillock  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  a 

21  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  9-10,  perhaps  alludes  to  the  same  affair  when 
he  speaks  of  coast  Indians  under  P.  Alberto  Clericis,  not  before  named,  who 
retired  to  a  mountain  nearly  surrounded  with  water,  and  were  coaxed  back 
by  the  padre.  This  was  in  1608,  and  3,238  persons  were  baptized  that  year. 
Hibas,  125. 

-Anna,  1610,  414-37.  There  are  some  letters  from  Velasco,  who  seems 
to  have  come  in  1607;  also  a  letter  from  another  of  the  new-comers  not  named. 
According  to  a  biographical  sketch  in  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  654,  Padre  Bonifacio  was 
a  native  of  Jaen,  born  in  1578,  who  became  a  Jesuit  in  1598.  came  to  America 
in  1602,  and  served  20  years  in  Sinaloa.  He  afterward  became  provincial, 
and  died  at  the  college  of  Valladolid  in  1644. 

'-•'  Who,  as  will  be  seen  later,  died  at  Ahome  in  1641,  after  35  years  of  ser 
vice  in  Sinaloa.  He  wrote  several  artes,  vocabularies,  sermones,  doctrinas, 
etc.,  in  native  dialects. 


216  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONOKA. 

broad  grassy  plain,  which  furnished  food  for  the 
soldiers'  horses,  and  prevented  secret  attacks  by  the 
natives.  Here  were  stationed  ordinarily  a  corporal 
and  a  few  soldiers.  The  site  was  in  the  Tehueco 
country  and  almost  identical  with  that  of  the  ancient 
San  Juan  Bautista  de  Carapoa.24 

It  was  also  in  1610  that  peace  was  made  with  the 
Yaquis  after  several  serious  reverses.  Some  years 
before  the  Ocoronis  had  revolted,  and  forty  families 
under  the  apostate  chief  Lautaro  seem  to  have  taken 
refuge  among  the  Yaquis.  Lautaro,  and  Babilomo  a 
Suaqui  cacique,  attempted  without  success  to  arouse 
the  Mayos,  who  were  hostile  to  the  Yaquis,  and  for 
that  reason,  perhaps,  well  disposed  toward  the  Span 
iards.  Hurdaide  pursued  the  Ocoronis  in  1609  up  to 
the  country  of  the  Yaquis,  who  made  no  attack,  but 
strong  in  spirit  and  number,  there  being  thirty  thou 
sand  in  eighty  rancherfas,  they  disregarded  alike 
threats  of  punishment  and  offers  of  pardon,  absolutely 
refusing  to  give  up  Lautaro  and  his  party.  Unpre 
pared  for  war  the  captain  returned  to  Sinaloa.  It 
seems,  however,  that  there  was  a  party  in  favor  of 
peace,  for  the  chief  Anabailatei  soon  came  to  San 
Felipe25  with  an  offer  to  make  peace  and  give  up  the 
fugitives  if  Christian  Indians  were  sent  to  receive 
them.  A  party  of  Tehuecos  was  therefore  sent  with 
two  converted  Yaqui  women;  but  the  latter  were 
seized  and  the  former  plundered,  and  with  few  excep 
tions  killed,  Anabailatei  having  been  treacherous,  or 
perhaps  having  been  overpowered  by  Lautaro  in  the 
savage  councils. 

Again  Hurdaide  hastened  northward  with  forty 
soldiers  and  two  thousand  allies, including  some  gentile 
Mayos.  The  army  reached  the  river,  encamped,  and 
had  even  received  some  overtures  for  peace,  when  the 

24  Some  description  in  Anna,  1610,  MS.,  428;  Ribas,  178-9;  Alegre,  ii.  30; 
Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  534;  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  88G-7. 

25  Or  to  Hurdaide's  camp  on  theYaqui  according  to  Alegre,  who  represents 
these  events  as  having  occurred  before  his  return  southward,  as  is  perhaps 
more  likely. 


WAR  WITH  THE  YAQUIS.  217 

camp  was  assailed  at  daybreak  by  eight  thousand 
warriors.  The  battle  raged  nearly  all  day  and  the 
loss  of  life  was  great  among  the  Indians  on  both  sides. 
Hurdaide  took  a  few  prisoners,  but  many  of  his  sol 
diers  were  badly  wounded,  and  he  was  forced  to  order 
a  retreat.26  The  Yaquis  were  naturally  exultant  and 
continued  their  preparations  and  drill  under  the  in 
struction  of  Lautaro,  who  claimed  ability  to  teach  the 
most  effective  tactics  against  horses  and  muskets. 
The  Spaniards  at  Sinaloa  and  in  the  missions  were 
correspondingly  despondent;  but  Hurdaide  fitted  out 
a  third  expedition,  obtained  aid  from  San  Miguel  de 
Culiacan,  and  marched  northward  at  the  head  of  fifty 
mounted  Spaniards  and  four  thousand  allies,  the 
largest  army  that  had  trod  the  soil  since  the  days  of 
Guzman  and  Coronado.  Again  was  the  brave  co- 
mandante  attacked  at  dawn,  and  again  after  a  battle  of 
several  hours  was  he  forced  to  retreat,  losing  most  of 
his  supplies  and  this  time  hotly  pursued  by  the  Yaqui 
warriors.  Fighting  as  they  retreated  the  Spaniards 
were  hard  pressed  in  a  difficult  pass,  where  the  savages 
were  protected  by  trees  and  horsemen  could  not  op 
erate  advantageously.  With  a  view  to  gain  time  and 
to  prevent  a  threatened  panic  among  the  allies,  Hur 
daide  with  the  vanguard  charged  back  upon  the  foe, 
who  yielded  a  little  at  first,  but  then  rallied  with  such 
effect  that  the  allies  broke  and  ran  away,  while  the 
rear-guard,  panic-stricken,  fled  also  southward  to  re 
port  the  death  of  all  their  companions. 

The  captain  had  five  arrow  wounds,  and  most  of 
his  twenty-two  men  were  wounded,  as  were  most  of 
his  horses;  but  after  prodigies  of  desperate  valor  they 
reached  a  high  bare  hill,  which  they  held  till  night 
fall  in  spite  of  attempts  of  the  savages  to  burn  or 
smoke  them  out  by  firing  the  grass  and  shrubbery. 
The  situation  was  critical;  but  at  night  many  of  the 

2G  The  Anna  of  1609  with  a  detailed  account  of  the  earlier  transactions  is 
missing;  but  in  that  of  1G10,  p.  429-34,  is  given  a  re"sume\  In  this  account, 
however,  this  second  expedition  and  defeat  are  not  mentioned. 


218  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONOKA. 

foe  withdrew  to  defend  their  rights  in  the  distribution 
of  the  spoils,  when  the  Spaniards  by  an  ingenious 
ruse  and  much  good  luck  were  able  to  escape.  They 
let  loose  a  band  of  wounded  horses,  which  as  was 
expected  stampeded  for  the  river;  and  while  the 
Indians  gave  their  whole  attention  to  the  capture  of 
these  animals  and  their  supposed  riders,  the  soldiers 
gained  a  start  which  enabled  them  to  reach  the  Mayo 
country  and  finally  the  San  Felipe.  The  Spaniards 
who  had  abandoned  their  leader  in  the  Yaqui  country 
were  pardoned  at  the  intercession  of  the  padres  and 
by  the  advice  of  the  comandante,  though  the  governor 
was  disposed  to  deal  severely  with  them.27  This 
disastrous  defeat  seems,  in  some  manner  not  quite 
clear,  to  have  been  as  effectual  in  promoting  the 
objects  of  the  Spaniards  as  a  victory  could  have  been. 
Ribas  tells  us  that  Hurdaide  was  much  troubled  at 
his  failure,  knowing  that  his  campaign  was  not 
approved  by  the  governor,  and  that  he  could  not 
renew  his  efforts  without  aid  from  the  viceroy;  but  he 
caused  reports  to  be  circulated  of  three  grand  expedi 
tions  being  organized,  expeditions  which  had  no 
existence  save  in  the  boasting,  but  which  frightened 
the  Yaquis  into  suing  for  peace. .  Alegre  on  the 
other  hand  claims  that  the  Yaquis  were  impelled  to 
submit  by  their  admiration  of  Spanish  valor  in  the 
last  campaign;23  while  Mange's  theory  is  that  God 
humbled  gentile  obstinacy  in  this  instance  by  a 
miracle,  causing  the  report  of  fire-arms,  whizzing  of 
balls,  and  all  the  noise  of  conflict  to  haunt  the  ears 
of  the  savages  until  frightened  and  worn  out  they 
were  forced  to  yield.  However  this  may  be  they 
soon  opened  negotiations  for  peace,  first  through 

27  'God  forgive  the  men  who  forsook  me  and  put  the  whole  province  in  such 
jeopardy,'  wrote  Hurdaide  in  his  letter  to  the  padre  from  the  Mayo.     Some 
of  the  soldiers  died  from  the  effects  of  their  wounds.     Alegre  says  that  some 
Indians  remained  with  the  captain,  of  whom  about  100  escaped. 

28  This  is  also  the  view  taken  in  the  Jesuit  A  nua,  except  that  Hurdaide's 
defeat  is  not  admitted.     After  all  his  allies  and  half  his  soldiers  had  deserted 
him,  he  won  a  glorious  and  miraculous  victory.     Why  under  these  circum 
stances  he  retreated  is  not  explained. 


TREATY  WITH  THE  YAQUIS.  219 

female  ambassadors  and  the  Mayos,  and  later  through 
a  deputation  of  chieftains.  They  agreed  to  deliver 
the  fugitives  who  had  in  a  measure  caused  the  late 
troubles,  to  return  all  plunder,  and  to  remain  at  peace 
with  the  Mayos  and  all  other  tribes  who  were  friendly 
to  the  Spaniards.  This  treaty  was  ratified  with  great 
festivities  on  April  25,  1G10,  and  very  soon  the 
Yaquis  were  asking  for  padres,  sending  also  fourteen 
children  for  instruction.  Lautaro  and  Babilomo  were 
condemned  to  death. .  The  submission  of  the  Yaquis 
led  to  the  establishment  of  friendly"  relations  with 
many  other  tribes,  and  eighty  thousand  souls  were 
this  year  brought  to  the  very  doors  of  salvation.29 

Bishop  Juan  del  Valle  of  Guadalajara  in  a  tour 
through  his  diocese  visited  Sinaloa  in  1610,  accom 
panied  by  Father  Juan  Gallegos.  On  his  arrival  he 
was  entertained,  and  perhaps  somewhat  terrified  as 
well,  by  hordes  of  natives  who  went  through  the 
manoeuvres  of  a  sham  attack  on  the  episcopal  party. 
The  bishop  was  at  San  Felipe  for  five  days  at  Christ 
mas,  and  in  that  time  confirmed  over  eight  thousand 
persons,  Spanish  and  natives.  He  subsequently  ex 
pressed  himself  as  delighted  with  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  this  country,  and  with  the  Jesuit  manage 
ment.30 

On  account  of  the  new  fort,  the  Yaqui  treaty,  and 
the  bishop's  visit,  the  missionaries  regarded  their  pros 
pects  as  in  every  way  encouraging;  baptisms  were 
over  seventeen  hundred  for  the  year ;  but  the  destruc 
tion  of  certain  idols  by  Padre  Mendez  aroused  the 
native  sorcerers  and  caused  a  revolt  among  tlxe  Tehue- 

29 On  the  Yaqui  wars  see  R'tbas,  283-301;  Alegre,  ii.  31-8;  Mange,  Hist. 
Pimeria,  398-9;  Stone's  Sonora,  15.  Urreain5oc.  Mex.  Geoff.,  ii.  42-4,  gives 
a  curious  and  for  the  most  part  fictitious  narrative  of  Hurdaide's  campaigns 
in  1025-30,  full  of  particulars,  and  involving  the  massacre  of  a  padre  and  a 
body  of  troops.  There  are  a  few  slight  indications  that  the  story  is  based  on 
the  Yaqui  wars  of  earlier  times.  Ribas  implies  erroneously  that  the  conquest 
was  as  late  as  1615  and  that  Iturbe's  arrival  had  an  influence  in  subduing 
the  Indians. 

™Anua,  1611,  MS.,  449  et  seq.;  Alegre,  ii.  53;  Ribas,  175-6;  Calle,  98. 


220  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

cos  in  1611.  Enough  of  the  neophytes,  however, 
remained  faithful  to  save  the  life  of  the  padre  until  a 
guard  of  four  men  was  sent  up  from  Sinaloa.  The 
padre,  old  and  feeble,  was  transferred  to  Ocoroni,  re 
tiring  next  ^year  to  Mexico.  Laurencio  Adarne  took 
his  place;  but  the  troubles  could  not  be  checked,  the 
church  was  burned,  other  towns,  as  Nacori  and  Siviri- 
joua,  joined  the  revolt,  the  Tehuecos  took  refuge  with 
the  Tepahues  of  the  sierra,  and  Father  Adame  retired 
to  San  Felipe  in  1612.  What  the  garrison  of  Fort 
Montesclaros  was  doing  all  this  time  does  not  appear. 
Captain  Hurdaide  after  vain  efforts  to  bring  about  a 
friendly  settlement  marched  to  the  Tepahue  country 
with  his  forty  soldiers  and  two  thousand  allies.  To 
such  of  the  latter  as  were  not  yet  Christians  Hur 
daide  had  to  grant  the  privilege  of  beheading  or 
scalping  the  foe;  yet  in  the  interests  of  humanity 
he  offered  a  horse  for  each  living  captive.31  This 
was  in  1613,  and  Padre  Hibas  went  with  the 
army.  The  foe  counted  on  having  to  resist  only  a 
short  campaign,  and  were  much  disconcerted  by  a 
message  from  Hurdaide  that  he  was  coming  prepared 
to  spend  a  year  in  their  country  if  necessary.  Accord 
ingly  the  Spaniards  on  entering  Tepahue  territory 
deliberately  encamped  to  wait  for  the  natives  to  devour 
their  accumulated  supplies.  This  course,  with  Hur- 
daide's  discovery  and  disregard  of  a  plotted  ambush, 
induced  the  Conicaris,  one  of  the  hostile  bands,  to  sue 
for  peace.  Soon  after  the  captain  moved  forward,  and 
met  the  fugitive  Tehuecos  returning  en  masse  to  beg 
for  pardon.  He  was  very  severe  at  first,  threatening 
flogging  for  the  women  and  more  bloody  retribution 
for  the  men;  but  finally  Father  Bibas  interceded  as 
had  been  agreed  upon  beforehand,  and  the  rebels, 
burning  their  weapons  and  giving  up  certain  leaders, 
were  pardoned  and  sent  home.  The  Spaniards  en- 

81  The  statement  that  some  encomenderos  were  required  to  join  the  expe 
dition  or  to  arm  for  the  protection  of  the  villa  is  the  only  indication  that  the 
encomienda  system  was  in  vogue  here  at  this  date. 


TEHUECO  REVOLT.  221 

camped  again  near  the  Tepahue  strongholds,  were 
reduced  for  a  week  to  the  terrible  hardship  of  eating 
beef  though  it  was  Lent,  and  allowed  the  allies  to 
ravage  the  enemy's  cornfields.  All  overtures  for 
peace  were  rejected  with  scorn.  A  series  of  well 
contested  battles  ensued,  in  which  the  allies  took 
many  Tepahue  heads  for  their  bloody  orgies,  and  the 
Spaniards  were  uniformly  victorious,  despite  unusual 
obstacles  in  the  shape  of  sharp  and  poisoned  stakes 
concealed  in  the  grass-  over  which  they  had  to  march. 
The  country  was  devastated  and  seven  chiefs,  some 
of  them  apostate  Christians,  were  taken  and  executed. 
The  foe  did  not  formally  surrender,  and  Hurdaide 
retired  when  his  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted; 
but  the  surrender,  together  with  the  usual  petition  for 
missionaries,  the  best  means  of  conciliation  as  the 
wily  savages  well  knew,  arrived  at  San  Felipe  but 
little  later  than  the  army.  The  Tehuecos,  eight 
thousand  in  number,  were  reduced  from  three  villages 
to  two,  and  soon  became  exemplary  Christians.  A 
padre  was  sent  to  the  Tepahues,  who  came  down  and 
settled  in  a  town  on  the  Rio  Mayo,  where  they  built 
a  fine  church  and  remained  quiet  for  more  than  thirty 
years.32 

The  conversion  of  one  tribe  was  tediously  like  that  of 
another  in  these  years.  To  feel  a  deep  interest  in  such 
missionary  annals  one  needs,  whether  he  be  historian 
or  reader,  all  the  padres'  faith  in  the  incalculable  benefit 
conferred  by  conversion  on  each  savage.  It  was  about 
1612  that  Father  Villalta,  from  his  station  among  the 
Sinaloas,  added  the  Huites  and  Zoes  to  the  list  of  con 
vert  tribes,  without  incident  requiring  notice.  There 
were  also  at  this  period  disorders,  burning  of  churches, 
abandonment  of  towns,  and  killing  of  several  natives, 

32Amias,  1611-13,  437-80,  where  the  Tehueco  expedition  is  described 
in  a  letter  of  Padre  Andre's  Perez.  Padre  Calvo  also  writes  of  another  slight 
revolt  jit  San  Iguacio.  Four  new  churches  were  completed  in  1612.  Alegre, 
ii.  46-7,  55,  60-2,  gives  a  letter  from  Ribas  describing  the  campaign  somewhat 
less  fully  than  in  his  Hist.  Triumphs,  180-91.  See,  also,  Rivera,  Gob.  de 
Mex.,  i.  103;  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  530. 


222  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONOBA. 

vaguely  recorded  as  having  occurred  among  the  Chi- 
coratos  and  Cahuimetos  south  of  the  Rio  Sinaloa,  who 
were  in  charge  of  Father  Calvo  and  Juan  Bautista 
Velasco.  The  latter,  a  pioneer  in  this  field,  where  he 
had  served  for  over  twenty  years,  died  in  1613.83 
The  Tepehuanes  are  said  to  have  had  some  influence 
in  fomenting  these  disorders. 

In  1613  also  a  mission  was  founded  among  the 
Mayos,  who,  thirty  thousand  in  number  according  to 
Ribas'  estimate,  lived  on  the  river  of  the  same  name, 
their  country  being  bounded  on  the  north  by  that  of 
their  foes,  the  Yaquis.  They  had  always  been  friendly 
to  the  Spaniards;  had  done  good  service  as  allies 
against  hostile  tribes ;  and  had  of  late  been  clamoring 
for  padres.  The  matter  was  referred  to  Viceroy  Gua- 
dalcazar,  and  the  venerable  Padre  Mendez,.who  had 
retired  to  Mexico  but  was  tired  of  inaction,  was  sent 
again  into  the  field.  With  a  guard  of  thirty  men 
under  Hurdaide,  he  entered  the  Mayo  territory  where 
his  success  was  immediate,  extraordinary,  and  perma 
nent.  Seven  large  towns  with  a  population  of  twenty 
thousand,  or  nine  thousand  as  Alegre  states,  were 
founded  within  a  space  of  eighteen  leagues,  while 
three  thousand  one  hundred  children,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  sick  and  aged,  were  baptized  within  fifteen  days. 
A  famine  raging  at  the  time  contributed  to  the  padre's 
success,  and  his  influence  was  felt  beyond  Mayo  limits 
among  the  Nevomes  and  Nuns.  Thus  1613  may  be. 
regarded  as  the  date  when  missionary  work  began  in 
the  modern  Sonora.34 

33  Juan  Bautista  Velasco  was  a  native  of  New  Spain,  and  was  29  years  of 
age  when  he  came  to  Sinaloa.  Though  always  delicate  he  was  a  zealous 
worker.  He  excelled  all  the  other  Jesuits  in  his  knowledge  of  the  native 
languages,  and  prepared  several  grammars  and  vocabularies  for  the  benefit  of 
his  associates.  It  was  his  pride  that  he  had  never  sinned  carnally  and  never 
told  a  lie.  His  illness  was  a  slow  fever  lasting  three  months,  and  he  died  on 
July  29,  1613.  His  body  was  carried  to  the  villa  eight  leagues  from  his  mis 
sion,  escorted  by  all  his  neophytes,  and  received  with  unusual  honors  by  the 
citizens  and  soldiers  under  Captain  Hurdaide.  Father  Luis  Bonifacio  gives  a 
sketch  of  Velasco's  life  and  a  eulogy  of  his  character  in  a  letter  to  the  provin 
cial.  Anna,  1613,  474-80. 

ZiAnua,  1613-J4,  MS.,  480-522.     Letters  of  Padre  Mendez  and  Capt.  Hur 
daide  about  the  Mayo  mission.     Nine  thousand  registered,  3,000  baptized, 


MISSION  PROGRESS.  223 

It  would  seem  to  have  been  in  1615  that  mission 
aries  first  visited  the  Nevomes  and  Nuris,  and  a  large 
party  of  the  former  came  down  from  their  northern 
home  to  join  their  countrymen  who  had  been  settled  at 
Bainoa  since  the  time  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca's  arrival.35 
In  the  same  year  also  the  pearl-seeking  craft  of  Iturbe 
or  Cardona  arrived  on  the  coast,  the  presence  of  their 
crews  having  a  salutary  effect  on  the  natives.36  The 
revolt  of  the  Tepehuanes  in  Durango  caused  much 
uneasiness  in  Sinaloa  from  1616  to  1618,  the  great 
fear  being  that  the  rebels  would  effect  an  alliance  with 
the  Yaquis ;  but  nothing  of  the  kind  occurred,  and  the 
only  open  disturbance  was  experienced  in  the  south  on 
the  Topia  frontier,  where  Padre  Calvo's  pueblos  of 
Chicorato,  Cahuimeto,  and  Yecorato  were  repeatedly 
threatened.  The  neophytes,  however,  resisted  temp 
tation  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  cut  off  the  heads  of 
certain  Tepehuane  emissaries.  The  unconverted  but 
friendly  Tubaris  also  refused  all  aid  to  the  apostates, 
and  soon  embraced  the  new  faith.37  According;  to  the 

o 

annual  record  of  1616  there  were  now  eleven  priests 
and  three  brothers  in  the  Sinaloa  field,  working  in 
nine  partidos.  The  fourteen  have  been  named  in  the 
text  and  notes,  besides  Father  Aguila,  a  doubtful 

seven  churches.  See  also  Ribas,  113,  200,  237-53;  Alegre,  ii.  55,  62-3,  69- 
72,  78-9.  In  the  Anua  of  1614,  481,  the  missionary  force  is  stated  to  be 
3  priests  and  4  brothers,  working  in  8  partidos;  but  this  is  unintelligible  as 
there  must  have  been  at  least  12  men  instead  of  7. 

83  Letter  of  Padre  Diego  de  Guzman  in  Anna.  1615,  MS.,  522-39.  One 
hundred  and  sixty-four  Nevomes  came  down  at  this  time.  Sec  also  Alegre,  ii. 
79;  Ribas,  119-21,  162,  241,  299,  369-70.  The  Nevomes  are  said  to  have 
been  of  Tepehuane  race.  Alegre,  ii.  72-3,  speaks  of  the  reduction  at  this 
time  of  the  Yamoriba  natives. 

36  See  p.  165  of  this  volume.    Cardona  says  he  touched  at  Rio  Mayo  where 
Mendez  was  serving,  and  where  his  companion  padre  had  been  lately  killed 
and  eaten  by  the  natives  (as  was  not  true);  but  others,  including  Ribas,  say 
that  Iturbe's  vessel  was  relieved  by  Ribas  at  Ahome. 

37  Anua,  1616,  MS.,  539-79.     It  is  said,  however,  that  Hurdaide  made  a 
tour  to  the  Cahuimeto  sierra,  recovering  1,500  fugitives.     P.  Diego  de  la  Cruz 
in  a  letter  describes  a  visit  to  the  Tepahues.     A  chapel  was  completed  this 
year  on  the  spot  where  Padre  Tapia  was  killed.     Baptisms  of  the  year  were 
1,800  children  and  2,332  adults.     Hernandez,  Comp.  Geog.  Son.,  14-15,  says 
the  Tepehuane  revolt  extended  to  Sinaloa,  but  that  after  two  years  some  com 
panies  of  marines  were  sent  there  and  restored  order.     See  also,  Ribax,  115/- 
18,  303;  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  539-43;  Alegre,  ii.  82-92. 


224  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

name.  Which  was  the  third  lay  brother  with  Castro 
and  Martin  Ugarte  is  not  apparent. 

Not  only  did  the  Yaquis  abstain  from  Tepehuane 
alliance,  but  in  1617  they  received  missionaries  in  their 
own  territory.  Ribas  had  gone  down  to  Mexico  on 
this  business  the  year  before,  and  now  he  came  back 
with  Padre  Tomas  Basilio.  In  May  he  started  with 
Father  Perez  from  the  Mayo  towns  escorted  by  four 
Suaquis  and  two  Yaqui  caciques.  Four  thousand 
children  and  five  hundred  adults  were  baptized  during 
this  first  tour,  very  slight  opposition  and  no  open 
hostility  being  encountered,  though  for  years  the 
padres  in  this  district  were  deemed  in  constant  danger, 
and  once  at  Torin  a  plot  to  kill  Ribas  was  frustrated 
by  a  faithful  Indian.  The  missionaries  remained 
among  the  upper  Yaquis,  who  were  more  docile  than 
those  nearer  the  coast.  Eight  large  towns  were 
founded,  and  a  very  large  part  of  the  nation  were 
converted  within  a  few  years  by  the  two  pioneers  and 
by  padres  Juan  de  Cardenas,  Angel  Balestra,  and 
others  who  were  sent  later  to  the  Yaqui  field.33  The 
Nevomes  who  lived  above  the  Yaquis,  chiefly  in  the 
towns  of  Comuripa,  Tecoripa,  Suaqui,  and  Aivino, 
part  of  which  tribe  had  previously  gone  south  to  live 
on  the  Rio  Sinaloa,  received  padres  in  1618-19.  Padre 
Diego  de  Guzman  first  made  a  successful  tour  of 
baptism,  and  was  followed  by  Diego  Vandersipe,  Mar 
tin  Burgesio,  Francisco  Olinano,  and  Bias  de  Parecles, 
the  latter  dying  six  days  after  taking  charge,  probably 
at  a  much  later  date.39 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  beginning  of  the 
century  Captain  Hurdaide  visited  the  Chinipa  region 
in  search  of  mines.  About  1620  the  Chinipas  came 
down  of  their  own  accord  with  a  store  of  maize  for 


z*  Anna,  1617,  MS.,  579-86.  Letter  of  P.  Andres  Perez  narrating  his 
tour  of  40  days  to  the  Yaquis.  Sec  also  Ribas,  301-40;  Alegrc,  ii.  92-4,  113- 
14.  Stone,  Notes,  Sonora,  15-16,  says  the  Yaquis  always  respected  the  padres 
but  disliked  other  white  men. 

™Anua,  1619,  MS.,  586-606.  Baptisms  of  the  year  in  all  Sinaloa  5,096 
.children,  1,506  adults.  Great  prosperity.  Ribus,  301-72;  Alegre,  ii.  117. 


CONVERSION  OF  CHINIPAS.  225 

the  starving  Sinaloas,  and  to  ask  in  return  for  padres. 
On  their  return  they  built  a  church  and  made  other 
preparations  for  the  expected  change  of  faith.  One 
chief,  as  a  proof  of  zeal,  having  shot  a  female  relation 
in  a  drunken  brawl,  bared  his  back  publicly  in  the 
church  and  received  two  azotes  from  each  prominent 
man  of  the  tribe  as  a  penance.  The  next  year  Padre 
Pedro  Juan  Castini  visited  this  field,  baptizing  four 
hundred  children,  and  taking  back  with  him  for  in 
struction  several  of'  the  tribe.  Other  visits  were 
exchanged,  and  the  Guazapares  and  Varohios  adjoin 
ing  the  Chinipas  on  the  south  and  north,  together 
with  the  Ternoris  and  Hios  of  the  same  region,  seemed 
to  join  in  the  enthusiasm  of  their  neighbors,  making 
peace  among  themselves  and  giving  their  children  for 
baptism.  Whether  or  not  Castini  ever  came  here  to 
live  is  not  clear,  but  six  or  seven  years  later  Padre% 
Julio  Pascual  came,  and  in  four  years  reduced  two 
thousand  families,  it  is  said,  of  Chinipas,  Guazapares, 
and  Varohios  to  three  towns  called  by  the  tribal 
names.  The  same  padre  worked  also  among  other 
tribes,  the  Hio  and  Temori  converts  being  included 
perhaps  in  the  towns  referred  to.  It  was  in  1620-1 
that  Padre  Miguel  Godinez  entered  among  the  Coni- 
caris,  reducing  also  the  bands  known  as  Basiroas, 
Tehatas,  Huvagueres,  and  Tehuicos;  and  Father  Men- 
dez  founded  a  mission  among  the  Sisibotaris,  or  Sa- 
huaripas,  who  had  been  visited  before  by  Guzman, 
including  also  in  his  conversion  the  Batucos  and  suc 
ceeded  finally  by  Bartolome  Castano.^ 


4  a 


Father  Bibas  retired  in  1620  after  sixteen  years  of 
service  in  Sinaloa,  to  accept  the  office  of  provincial  in 
Mexico,  being  succeeded  at  the  Yaqui  mission  of 
Torin  by  Father  Villalta.  Mendez  went  with  him, 
but  returned  the  next  year  to  resume  his  labors,  being 

*°Anua,  1620-2,  MS.,  606-95.     Baptisms  of  1620-21,  17,182.     Alf.  Lucas 
Valenzuela  is  named  as  a  resident  and  benefactor  of  San  Felipe.     Also  ltibast 
179,  216-17,  254-6,  384-92;  Alegre,  ii.  31,  121-4. 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    15 


226  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

received  with  great  festivities.  In  1G21  converts 
numbered  86,340  in  fifty-five  villages ;  seven  new  mis 
sionaries  had  come  in  1619;  and  it  was  deemed  best 
to  organize  the  northern  missions  into  a  new  district 
called  now  or  a  little  later  San  Ignacio,  under  Father 
Villalta  as  superior.  The  district  embraced  in  round 
numbers  21,000  Mayos,  30,000  Yaquis,  and  9,000 
Nevomes,  each  including  kindred  bands  under  other 
names,  and  was  put  in  charge  of  eleven  missionaries.41 
For  five  years  the  records  show  a  missionary  force  of 
twenty-seven  priests,  sixteen  of  them  in  the  south, 
and  four  lay  brothers.  Of  the  thirty- one  I  have 
named  twenty-nine,  but  have  no  clue  to  the  others. 
Baptisms  in  1621  were  over  nine  thousand. 

In  1622,  the  Aivinos  were  led  by  their  sorcerers  to 
apostatize,  and  in  the  trouble  Padre  Basilio  received 
,  an  arrow  wound.  Captain  Hurdaide  came  north  and 
found  the  rebels  fortified  in  an  adobe  house  furnished 
with  port-holes,  from  which  protection  they  sallied 
out  two  thousand  strong,  but  were  driven  back  after 
a  bloody  fight.  Many  were  suffocated  by  fire  thrown 
in  through  the  ports  at  Hurdaide's  command,  but  at 
last  the  famous  seals  were  thrown  in  as  a  token  of 
peace,  and  surrender  followed  as  did  conversion,  for 
Basilio  and  Olinano  within  a  few  days  baptized  four 
hundred  children  at  Matape  and  Teopari.42 

Villalta,  superior  in  the  north,  died  in  1623  while 
on  his  way  to  accept  the  rectorate  of  the  Guatemala 
college.43  Varela  seems  to  have  become  superior  in 
his  stead.  Pestilence  and  famine  were  prevalent  and 

41  The  distribution  seems  to  have  been:  Yaquis  and  Sisibotaris;  Villalta, 
Mendez,  Burgesio,  Basilio,  and  another.  Mayos  in  three  partidos;  1st,  or 
eastern,  including  Tepahues,  Miguel  Godinez;  2d,  or  central,  Diego  de  la 
Crux;  3d  on  coast,  Juan  Varela  (or  Barera)  and  Juan  Angel:  Nevomes, 
Olinano,  and  Vandersipe.  The  distribution  in  the  south  is  not  given;  but 
Padre  Oton  is  mentioned  in  the  Anna  of  1621  as  among  the  Tehuecos;  and 
also  the  name  of  Gasper  de  Varela  appears. 

**  Anita,  1622,  MS.,  671-95;  Ribas,  371-80;  Alegre,  ii.  139-40;  Mange, 
Hist.  Pirn.,  399. 

i3  It  is  because  of  his  death  not  having  occurred  in  Sinaloa  I  suppose  that 
there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  Anua.  His  successor  is  later  called  Julio 
(instead  of  Juan)  Varela.  There  may  have  been  such  a  padre. 


A  NEW  GOVERNOR.  227 

deadly;  yet  in  1624  the  number  of  Christian  natives 
is  estimated  at  over  100,000.44  In  1626  Martin  Perez 
died,  the  pioneer  Jesuit  of  Sinaloa,  having  come  with 
Tapia  in  1591.  For  ten  years  he  had  been  unable  to 
rise  from  his  chair  without  help,  ar\d  he  is  said  to  have 
left  a  manuscript  narrative  of  events  down  to  1620.45 
In  1626  Sinaloa  was  also  called  upon  to  part  with  the 
valiant,  pious,  and  popular  comandante  and  alcalde 
mayor  Captain  Hurdaide,48  who  was  succeeded  by 
Captain  Pedro  de  Perea,  said  to  have  been  a  relative 
of  the  viceroy. 

During  Perea's  rule  at  San  Felipe  and  -Fort  Mon- 
tesclaros  the  records  become  meagre  after  the  first  few 
years,  and  are  confined  for  the  most  part  to  the  north 
ern  district.  The  new  captain's  first  act  was  to  detain 
on  suspicion  certain  Nevome  chiefs,  who  had  come  to 
offer  allegiance  to  the  successor  of  Hurdaide.  This 
caused  a  revolt  among  the  Nevomes,  who  threatened 
Father  Olinano,  and  inflicted  upon  Vandersipe  a 
wound  with  a  poisoned  arrow,  that  afflicted  him  dur 
ing  the  rest  of  his  life.  It  was  also  in  1526-7  that 
the  Cliinipas  missions  were  founded  by  Father  Pas- 
cual  as  already  related.  In  1628  the  Huites  were 
converted  by  Padre  Castini;  a  new  pueblo  of  Hios 
was  added  to  the  Cliinipas  mission;  mines  began  to 
be  worked  in  the  same  region;  Captain  Perea  made  a 
tour  with  sixty  soldiers  and  two  thousand  allies  to 
restore  order  in  the  northern  district;  the  Ai vinos, 

44  Annas,  1623-4,  MS.,  G95-710.  Villafafie  was  now  rector.  Brother 
Martin  Ugarte  died  in  1624  after  20  years'  service  in  Sinaloa.  Hurdaide  also 
had  occasion  to  make  one  of  his  raids  this  year.  Also  Alcgre,  ii.  141,  143, 
153.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  297,  says  the  pestilence  was  in  1625  and  killed 
8,500. 

*5  Martin  Perez  was  born  February  2,  1560,  at  the  villa  of  San  Martin,  his 
father  being  a  rich  mine  owner,  and  was  educated  in  Mexico.  He  became  a 
Jesuit  in  1577,  and  had  a  varied  experience  as  teacher  and  pi'eacher  before  he 
came  to  the  north.  He  died  April  24,  1626,  at  San  Felipe.  A  detailed 
sketch  of  his  life  and  many  virtues  is  given  in  the  Anna,  1625,  MS.,  711-29. 
See  also  Ribas,  341;  Ato/rc,  ii.  169-70;  Ramirez,  Hint.  Duranqo,  70-1. 

*Anua,  1626,  MS.,  750.  According  to  Ribas,  362-3,  and  Mange,  Hist. 
Pirn,,  his  death  was  several  years  later.  See  Urrea,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol.y 
ii.  42-4. 


228  ANNALS  OF  SIKALOA  AND  SONORA. 

Toapas,  Matapes,  Batucos,  and  Sisibotaris  were  clam 
orous  for  padres;  and  finally  the  conversion  of  the 
latter  was  undertaken  by  the  veteran  Mendez.  The 
Anna  of  1629,  consisting  of  a  letter  from  Padre  Guz 
man  on  the  Nevomes  and  their  ninety  rancherias,  is 
the  last  of  the  original  records  in  rny  collection.47 

In  1630  fathers  Martin  Azpilcueta  and  Lorenzo 
Cardenas  went  to  live  among  the  Aivinos  and  Batu 
cos,  where  Basilio  and  Olinano  had  already  baptized 
children.  The  Christian  ardor  of  the  Aivinos  had 
'cooled  somewhat  through  the  influence  of  apostate 
Nevomes.  Cdrdenas  increased  the  spirit  of  hostility 
at  first  by  removing  a  vault  containing  the  body  of  a 
dead  chief,  and  frequented  by  the  people  as  a  shrine 
for  their  protection  against  lightning.  Almost  im 
mediately  a  woman  was  struck  by. the  dreaded  thun 
derbolt;  still,  as  a  baptized  child  in  her  arms  escaped 
injury,  and  as  another  woman  at  the  point  of  death 
recovered  on  the  reception  of  the  rite,  the  padre 
was  able  to  restore  quiet.  Azpilcueta  was  not  well 
received  either  at  Batuco;  but  by  patience  and  kind 
ness  as  usual  gained  the  good  will  of  the  people. 
Home  troubles  once  overcome,  a  new  danger  threat 
ened  from  abroad  in  the  form  of  a  hostile  band  from 
Sonora  Valley,  who  thought  to  frighten  all  padres 
from  their  country  by  killing  this  one.  Azpilcueta 
was,  however,  equal  to  the  emergency,  adopting  a 
policy  almost  unheard  of  in  Jesuit  annals.  He  sent 
a  message  to  the  foe,  asking" them  to  make  haste  as 
he  was  ready  and  would  soon  behead  them  all,  and 
then,  surrounded  by  a  murderous  array  of  machetes 
and  fire-arms,  coolly  awaited  their  approach.  This 
novel  attitude  on  the  part  of  a  missionary  surprised 
and  disconcerted  the  savages  to  such  an  extent  that 
when  the  padre  discharged  a  musket  and  brandished 
a  machete  they  turned  and  fled,  and  troubled  the 

*Anua,  1626-9;  MS.,  730-803;  Baptisms  in  1625-6,  8,530;  Kibas,  362-3; 
Alc.rjre,  ii.  172*-6;  Mange,  399. 


CHINIPA  REVOLT.  229 

mission  no  more;  on  the  contrary  they  soon  became 
the  best  of  converts.43 

The  revolt  of  1631-2  in  the  Chinipa  region  was  the 
most  notable  event  of  the  period.  Here,  where  we 
left  Father  Pascual  toiling  with  flattering  success  in 
his  three  towns,  the  Guazapare  chief  Camabeai  fell 
from  grace,  gained  a  following,  and  plotted  to  take 
the  missionary's  life.  The  faithful  Chinipas,  finding 
that  Pascual  would  take  no  precautions,  obtained 
from  the  fort  a  guard  which  for  a  time  impeded  the 
rebel  designs;  but  the  malcontents  were  so  fervent  in 
their  pretended  devotion  as  to  disarm  all  suspicion 
until  the  soldiers  were  sent  back,  when  they  resumed 
their  plottings  and  gained  adherents  from  the  Varo- 
hios. 

On  January  23,  1632,  Padre^  Manuel  Martinez 
arrived  as  a  co-laborer  with  Pascual;  on  the  31st  the 
two,  with  a  small  band  of  neophytes,  were  attacked 
at  Varohio;  arid  next  day,  after  their  house  and 
church  had  been  burned,  were  killed.  Brutal  indig 
nities  were  offered  to  their  bodies,  which  were  recov 
ered  and  buried  at  Conicari  by  P.  Marcos  Gomez  on 
the  14th  of  February.  Fifteen  Indians  perished  with 
their  martyred  masters.  Captain  Perea  made  a  raid 
into  the  mountains,  and  with  the  aid  of  native  allies 
is  said  to  have  killed  eight  hundred  of  the  rebels. 
New  padres  were  sent  here,  apparently  Juan  Varela 
and  Francisco  Torices,  and  the  Chinipas  were  victo 
rious  in  several  encounters  with  their  apostate  neigh 
bors;  but  it  was  soon  deemed  best  to  abandon  the 
mission,  and  the  Chinipas,  with  many  faithful  families 
of  Varohios  and  Guazapares,  came  to  live  in  the 
country  of  the  Sinaloas,  being  distributed  among  the 
different  towns.  The  surviving  rebels  fled  to  the 
mountains,  resumed  their  wild  life,  and  mingled  to  a 
considerable  extent  with  the  Tarahumares,  although 

48  Alcyre,  ii.  185-8.  Mange,  Hist.  Pimerta,  400,  speaks  of  an  apostate 
who  entered  a  church  with  two  knives  to  kill  P.  Mendez,  and  who,  after  being 
shot,  was  quartered  by  Capt.  Perea  for  his  sacrilege. 


230  AX1STALS  OF  S1NALOA  AXD  SONORA. 

many  years  later,  as  we  shall  see,  the  Spaniards  found 
them  back  in  their  old  homes.49 

During  this  period  also  the  conversion  was  extended 
over  into  Sonora  Valley,  the  region  of  the  modern 
Ures  and  of  the  ancient  and  ill-fated  San  Geronimo. 
Padre  Bartplome  Castano  first  came  here  to  live 
among  the  Opatas  in  1638,  though  Mendez  may  have 
visited  the  country  some  years  earlier,  and  Madre 
Maria  de  Jesus  Agreda  is  supposed  to  have  extended 
her  miraculous  tour  of  about  1630  up  through  this 
country  to  the  Rio  Colorado.50  Within  a  year  three 
or  four  thousand  of  the  natives  were  baptized  and 
settled  in  three  towns  with  fine  churches.  Early  in 
1639  Padre  Pedro  Pantoja  came  to  aid  Castano,  and 
new  towns  were  founded.51  The  Opatas  never  gave 
the  Spaniards  any^t  rouble  in  later  years.  In  1639 
a  new  mission  district  was  formed  in  the  north  by  the 
visitador  Leonardo  Jatino,  acting  in  the  name  of  Ribas 
the  provincial.  It  was  called  San  Francisco  Javier, 
and  embraced  the  missions,  or  partidos,  of  Comuripa, 
Aivino,  Batuco,  Ures,  and  Sonora.  This  left  to  the 
central  district  of  San  Ignacio  the  Yaquis,  Mayos, 
Tepahues,  Conicaris,  Onabas,  and  Mobas.52 

Brother  Francisco  Castro,  said  to  be  a  relation  of 
Viceroy  Villamanrique,  died  in  1527  after  thirty-four 
years  of  service  in  Sinaloa.53  Bishop  Hermosillo  of 
Durango  visited  the  province  in  1631,  going  as  far 
north  as  Nacori  among  the  Tehuecos.  He  confirmed 
some  twelve  thousand  persons  at  San  Felipe,  where 
he  said  the  first  pontifical  mass;  but  he  died  soon  after 
setting  out  on  his  return  and  his  body  was  carried 

^  Mange,  Hist.  Pimeria,  399-400;  Rdadon  de  la  Nueva  Entrada,  77'9-80; 
Alegre,  ii.  190-3;  Bibas,  256-68. 

50Stone,  Sonora,  9-10,  says  erroneously  that  P.  Mendez  established  a  mis 
sion  at  Ures  in  1635. 

31 S.  Pedro  Aconchi,  Concepcion  Babiacora,  Remedies  Banamichi,  S.  Ig 
nacio  Sinoquipe,  and  Rosario  Nacameri  are  named,  some  of  them  not  founded 
probably  before  1646,  or  even  later.  In  Sonora,  Estadistica,  627,  it  is  stated 
that  P.  Gastaiio  entered  in  1640  and  was  soon  joined  by  P.  Lorenzo  Flores. 

^Alcgre,  ii.  222-3;  iii.  Ill;  Ribas,  392-7;  Mange,  400;  Alccdo,  Dice.,  iv. 
574;  Hernandez,  Comp.  Geoff.  Son.,  15-16;  D'Avity,  Descrip.,  ii.  85^7. 

**  Alee/re,  ii.  173-4;  Hibas,  231-5. 


MISSIONARY  CHANGES.  231 

back  to  San  Felipe  for  burial.5*  About  1632  Father 
Pedro  Zambrano  is  named  as  one  of  the  missionary 
force,  and  in  1633  Padre  Juan  de  Albieuri  was  at  the 
mission  of  Bamupa,  where  he  completed  his  history 
of  Father  Tapia's  life  and  services.55  In  1634  Villa- 
fane  who  had  come  to  the  country  before  1595,  but 
had  been  absent  several  times  on  visits  to  Mexico  and 
Europe,  died  at  his  old  post.56  This  death  left  Father 
Pedro  Mendez  the  oldest  pioneer;  but  he  retired  in 
1635  weighed  down  with  age  and  infirmities,57  leaving 
Father  Vicente  de  Aguila  the  oldest  resident  mission 
ary.  In  1636  the  province  had  to  lose  by  death  four 
of  its  Jesuits,  Paredes,  Azpilcueta,  and  the  brothers 
Varela.58  Floods  in  1639  afflicted  the  country,  and  a 
pestilence  in  1641,  strengthening  according  to  the 
Jesuit  version  the  hold  of  the  padres  on  the  natives. 
In  1641  also  the  veteran  Father  Aguila  died  at  the 
age  of  seventy  years.59  All  the  deceased  of  the  period 
receive  from  the  chroniclers  eulogies  which  it  is  to  be 
hoped  were  entirely  deserved;  but  it  is  to  be  regretted 
that  Jesuit  eulogies  are  so  like  one  another  as  to  be 
of  comparatively  little  use  to  the  historian. 

Captain  Perea  seems  to  have  held  the  command 
from  1626  to  1640.  Captain  Francisco  Bustainante 
signed  himself  in  1636  lieutenant-governor  and  captain 
of  San  Felipe  presidio;60  but  this  is  all  we  know  of 


,  177-8;  Calk,  Mem.  Not.,  95,  98;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles., 
i.  248;  Alcgre,  ii.  176.  The  last  author  implies  that  the  visit  was  earlier,  but 
is  in  error. 

,  281  ;  Albieuri,  Hist.  Mis.,  MS.,  12-13. 

,  349-57;  Alegre,  ii.  201.  Villafaue  was  a  native  of  Leon,  Spain, 
and  the  son  of  noble  parents.  He  was  serving  in  Michoacan  when  the  news 
of  Tapia's  martyrdom  called  him  to  Sinaloa.  He  was  rector  at  San  Felipe  for 
years;  and  also  served  a  term  as  rector  in  Mexico,  subsequently  visiting 
Koine  as  procurador.  His  service  in  Sinaloa  amounted  to  thirty  years.  He 
wrote  an  arte  of  the  Guazave  language. 

^Alcgre,  ii.  209.  Mendez  had  come  before  1595  and  had  once  before  re 
tired  for  a  time  to  Mexico. 

58  Alcgre,  ii.  188,  203-4. 

™l!iba$,  397-402;  Alegre,  ii.  235.  Aguila  came  to  Sinaloa  about  1606, 
being  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  and  having  served  a  few  years  at  San  Luis  de  la 
Paz.  He  left  several  MS.  works.  Backer,  iv.  4. 

W0rteya,  Copia  de  la  Demarc.,  MS.  •  Another  captain,  Matias  Lobo  Pe- 


232  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

his  rule,  and  the  records  are  in  other  respects  some 
what  confused.  In  1640  or  1641  Luis  Cestin  de 
Canas  succeeded  Perea;61  whereupon  the  latter  ob 
tained  from  Viceroy  Escalona,  with  royal  approval,  a 
division  of  the  province  and  a  new  command  for  him 
self.  This  temporary  division  was  the  most  important 
event  of  the  decade,  but  little  is  known  about  it. 
Perea  obtained  half  of  the  presidial  force,  agreed  to 
pacify  and  convert  the  natives  *north  of  the  Yaqui, 
and  established  himself  in  the  Sonora  Valley,  styling 
his  new  province  Nueva  Andalucia  and  his  capital  San 
Juan  Bautista,62  It  is  possible  that  he  began  ^opera 
tions  here  several  years  earlier,  and  that  the  confusion 
already  noted  respecting  rulers  at  San  Felipe  pertains 
to  the  officers  left  in  temporary  command.63  Perea 
seems  also  to  have  visited  Mexico,  or  at  least  to  have 
reached  his  province  from  Parral  through  the  Tara- 
humara  country  in  the  autumn  of  1641,  taking  with 
him  at  first  Padre  Geronimo  Figueroa. 

Dissensions  ensued  between  the  two  comandantes, 
the  particulars  of  which  are  not  known,  but  during 
which  Perea  had  to  submit  to  a  reduction  of  his  force 
and  obtained  twelve  men  from  New  Mexico  to  fill  up 
the  number  to  twenty-five.  His  rule  was  also  marked 
by  a  quarrel  with  the  Jesuits  and  a  consequent  at 
tempt  to  put  the  spiritual  interests  of  Nueva  Anda 
lucia,  or  Sonora,  into  the  hands  of  another  order. 
Four  or  five  Franciscans  under  Padre  Juan  Suarez 
were  brought  in  for  'this  purpose.  According  to 
Mange's  statements  these  friars  were  stationed  among 

reira,  is  named  by  Niel,  Apnnt.,  67-8,  as  having  conquered  Sonora  in  1636. 
I  have  no  idea  what  this  can  mean. 

61  Alegre,  ii.  235-6,  implies  that  the  change  was  in  1641.  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mej. ,  v.  326,  calls  the  new  ruler  Luis  Cestinos.  Nothing  seems  to  be  known 
of  his  rule  except  his  trip  to  California  mentioned  elsewhere  in  this  volume. 
Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  481-2,  tells  us  that  Peralta  y  Mendoza  succeeded  Perea 
in  1640;  and  even  Alegre,  ii.  244,  speaks  of  Padre  Canal  about  1644  having  a 
commission  to  investigate  the  acts  of  the  '  defunct  governor  Peralta. ' 

Gz  According  to  Zapata,  Relation ,  363,  San  Juan  was  a  mining  town  seven 
leagues  from  Oposura  and  was  still  called  capital  in  1678. 

63  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  183,  says  Perea  made  a  contract  for  northern  re 
duction  with  Viceroy  Cadereita  in  1636.  He  was  to  obtain  from  the  governor 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  the  titles  of  justicia  mayor  and  capitan  u  guerra. 


PEREA'S  GOVERNMENT.  233 

different  tribes  and  raneherias,64  where  they  did  good 
service  as  missionaries  for  some  years;  but  this  au 
thor's  narrative  on  the  subject  ends  here  vaguely  and 
abruptly.  According  to  Alegre,  however,  the  only 
other  writer  who  speaks  of  the  matter  at  all,  when 
the  Franciscans  arrived  and  the  comandante  attempted 
to  station  them,  particularly  in  the  Cumupas  Valley, 
the  Jesuit  visitador  Pantoja  protested  and  sent  Padre 
Geronimo  Canal  to  Mexico  with  a  report  to  the  pro 
vincial  and  viceroy.  •  Pending  a  decision  Perea  en 
deavored  to  locate  his  friars  in  the  valleys  of  the  wild 
Imuris,  by  whose  warriors  he  was  forced  back.  His 
disappointment -laid  him  on  a  sick-bed.  Recovering 
somewhat  he  started  from  Banamichi  to  Toape,  but 
died  on  the  way,  October  4,  1644.  A  little  later 
Padre  Canal  returned  with  a  decision  favorable  to  the 
Jesuits.  He  brought  an  order  for  the  Franciscans, 
waiting  at  Babispe,  to  relinquish  all  claims  to  the 
mission  field,60  and  perhaps  for  Perea  to  quit  his  office 
and  his  province,  thus  putting  an  end  to  the  exist 
ence  of  Nueva  Andalucia  as  a  separate  province. 
Rivera  tells  us,  however,  that  after  Perea's  death 
Simon  Lasso  de  la  Vega  was  appointed  to  succeed 
him  as  alcalde  mayor  and  comandante  of  Sonora,  and 
becoming  involved  in  quarrels  with  the  comandante 
of  San  Felipe,  was  treacherously  killed  and  succeeded 
by  Juan  Fernandez  de  Morales.  This  officer's  au 
thority  was  also  disputed  by  Admiral  Casanate,  who 
had  succeeded  to  the  command  of  Sinaloa.63  This 

64Potlapigua,  Babispe,  Baseraca,  Guazava,  Optito,  Techico  de  Guachi, 
Batepito,  Teuricachi,  Cuquiarichi,  Arizpe,  Chinapa,  Bacuachi  (Bacatu  de 
Guachi),  Cucurpe,  and  Toape  are  named,  the  orthography  being  somewhat 
modified  by  me.  Mange,  JJist.  Pirn.,  401-2.  The  same  writer  gives  a  cer 
tificate  of  P.  Suarez  at  Chinapa,  without  date,  to  the  effect  that  Francisco 
Perez  Granillo,  teniente  de  justicia  mayor  y  capitan  d  guerra  de  esta  nuestrct 
conversion  y  de  otra*  de  la  Compailia  de  Jesus,  had  served  for  five  years,  and 
that  by  his  aid  the  Franciscans  had  baptized  over  7,000  souls,  running  great 
risks  in  the  Potlapigua  valleys,  at  Teuricachi,  and  at  'our  convent'  at 
Chinapa; 

63  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  242-4,  235-6.  Yet  the  some  author,  404,  speaks 
of  disturbances  among  the  Franciscans  of  Teuricachi  district  in  1049-50, 
caused  by  the  disgraceful  retreat  of  the  Sinaloa  comandante  who  marched 
against  the  Sumas  with  a  strong  force. 

•Jfoera,  Gobernantea  de  Mex.,  i.  183. 


234  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

must  have  been  as  late  as  1650;67  and  between  the 
terms  of  Canas  and  Casanate  at  a  date  not  exactly 
known  Juan  Peralta  y  Mendoza  seems  to  have  held 
the  position.  About  the  middle  of  the  century,  how 
ever,  it  is  certain  that  the  two  provinces  were  practi 
cally  reunited  under  the  authority  of  the  captain  at 
San  Felipe;  yet  the  "captain  of  Sonora"  was  still 
vaguely  mentioned,  a  garrison  being  generally  main 
tained  at  San  Juan  for  the  protection  of  the  Sonora 
Valley. 

' 

Father  Luis  Bonifacio  retired  in  1640  to  succeed 
Ribas  as  provincial  in  Mexico,  dying  in  Michoacan 
four  years  later.  Pedro  Caslini  retired  about  1644 
after  twenty-four  years  of  service,  and  Jose  Collantes 
after  twelve  years.  The  same  year  occurred  the 
death  of  Miguel  Godinez  and  of  Angel  Balestra. 
Bartolome  Castano,  the  pioneer  missionary  of  Sonora 
proper,  retired  about  1645  after  serving  twenty-five 
years.  Baltasar  Cervantes  was  another  of  the  Jesuit 
band,  about  whom  nothing  appears,  except  that  he 
died  at  Mexico  in  1649.  Pedro  Velasco,  who  held 
the  post  of  provincial  in  1646,  also  died  in  1649.  He 
had  probably  retired  long  before,  as  the  term  of  his 
service  is  given  as  fourteen  years.63  The  only  hostil- 

67  It  was  in  a  e<§dula  of  August  1650  that  the  king  recommended  the 
appointment  of  Casanate,  if  there  were  no  serious  objections.    Baja  CaL, 
Cetlulas,  MS.,  63-6.     Navarrete,  Introd.,  Ixxiv.,  also  implies  that  Casauate 
obtained  the  post,  though  it  would  seem  to  have  been  a  few  years  earlier. 

68  Bonifacio,  or  Bonifaz,  was  born  at  Jaen  in  1578;  became  a  Jesuit  in 
in  1598,  and  came  to  New  Spain  in  1602.     His  service  in  Sinaloa  was  20 
years;  but  was  interrupted  by  long  absences  as  master  of  services  at  Tepozo- 
tlan,  rector  at  Mexico,  and  provincial,  wThich  office  he  held  twice.     Castini 
was  born  in  1587  at  Plaisance;  came  to  Mexico  in  1602;  and  died  in  Mexico 
in  1663.     Godinez,  whose  original  family  name  was  Wading,  was  born  at 
Waterford  in  1591,  and  joined  the  society  in  1609.     After  leaving  Sinaloa,  or 
perhaps  before,  he  taught  philosophy  and  theology  in  Mexico  and  Guatemala. 
He  died  in  Mexico,  the  date  of  his  departure  from  the  missions  not  appearing. 
I  have  his  Prdctica  de  la  Teologia  Mystica,  Sevilla,  1682.     Castano  was  famous 
for  his  humility,  his  musical  talent,  his  dark  skin,  and  his  linguistic  skill. 
He  was  known  as  the  Indio  Sabio  of  Sonora.     He  was  a  Portuguese,  born  in 
1601,  and  died  in  Mexico  in  1672.     His  biography  by  P.  Tomas  Escalante 
was  published  in  editions  of  1679  and  1708.     Pedro  Velasco,  born  in  Mexico 
1581,  became  a  Jesuit  in  1596.     After  the  close  of  his  missionary  career,  he 
was  professor  of  theology  in  Mexico  and  procurador  in  Madrid  and  Rome, 


TRIUMPHS  OF  THE  FAITH,  235 

ity  on  the  part  of  the  natives  was  that  of  the  Guaza- 
vas,  whom  Perea  was  unable  to  subdue  after  a  bloody 
battle,  but  whom  he  finally  brought  to  terms  by 
threats  of  destroying  their  cornfields.  Once  con 
quered  they  became  faithful  allies. 

In  1646  the  northern  district  of  San  Francisco 
Javier  under  Father  Pantoja  as  superior  residing  at 
Babiacora,  consisted  of  seven  mission  partidos  with  as 
many  jpadres.69  Cristobal  Garcia  had  begun  the  con 
version  of  the  Guazavas  in  1645.  ^  Over  two  thousand 
persons  were  baptized  in  the  district  in  1646,  and  the 
total  number  down  to  1647  was  over  twenty  thou 
sand.  Also  in  1647  it  was  proposed  to  convert  the 
Imuris,  on  what  was  later  Rio  San  Ignacio,  and  two 
padres  were  about  to  start  with  good  prospects,  but 
the  comandante  deemed  it  unsafe,  and  ordered  a  sus 
pension  of  the  entrada.  This  conversion  was  reserved 
for  Kino  in  later  years.70 

In  1645  was  published  the  Triumphs  of  the  Faith 
of  Ribas,  the  standard  authority,  followed  necessarily 
by  all  later  writers,  on  Jesuit  annals  in  the  north 
west  down  to  about  that  date.71  At  this  time  there 

besides  being  provincial.  See  Backer,  Bib.,  ii.  245;  iv.  60,  106-7,  113,  721, 
with  mention  of  the  different  MS.  and  printed  works  written  by  the  padres 
named.  Collantes  died  in  Mexico  in  1003.  His  service  is  said  to  have  been 
among  the  Chinipas.  Aleyrc,  ii.  433;  Dice.  Univ.,vui.  611. 

CDThc  distribution  was  as  follows:  Ger6nimo  Canal,  Huepaca  with  Bana- 
michi,.  Sinoquipe,  Arizpe,  and  Teuricachi;  Francisco  Paris,  Ures  and  Naca- 
nieri;  JuanMendoza,  Batuco;  Egidio  Moiitepio,  Comuripa;  Miguel  (or  Marcos) 
del  Rio,  Guazava,  with  Oposura  and  Nacori;  and  Pedro  Bueno,  Matape. 

~'°Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  247,  237-8,  265-7,  359,  461-2. 

nllistoria  de  los  Trivmphos  de  Nvestra  Santa  Fee  entre  gentes  las  mas  bar- 
baras  y  fie.ras  del  nueuo  Orbe ;  cons?(jitidos  por  los  soldados  de  la  militia  de 
la  Comjiania  de  lesvs  en  las  missione.s  de  la  Prouincia  de  Nueua-Espana. 
Refierense  assimixmo  las  costvmbres,  ritos,  etc.  Escrita  por  el  Padre  Andres 
P<  rcz  de  Ribas,  Prouincial  la  Nueua-Espana,  natural  de  Cordoua.  Madrid, 
1645,  fol.,  16  1.,  756  pp.  The  author,  a  native  of  C6rdova,  came  to  the 
New  World  in  1602,  only  12  years  after  the  Jesuits  begun  their  labors  in  the 
north-west;  served,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  Sinaloa  missions,  much  of  the 
time  as  superior,  from  1604  to  1620;  and  then  became  provincial  of  his  order 
in  Mexico.  His  book  was  completed  in  1644.  It  is  a  complete  history  of 
Jesuit  work  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  practically  the  only  history  the  country  had 
from  1590  to  1644,  written  not  only  by  a  contemporary  author,  but  by  a 
prominent  actor  in  the  events  narrated,  who  had  access  to  all  the  voluminous 
correspondence  of  his  order,  comparatively  few  of  which  documents  have 
been  preserved.  In  short,  Eibas  wrote  under  the  most'  favorable  circum 
stances  and  made  good  use  of  his  opportunities.  His  style  is  diffuse,  his  plan 


236  ANNALS  OF  SINALOA  AND  SONORA. 

•were  thirty-five  missions  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  each 
including  from  one  to  four  towns,  and  each  under  the 
care  of  a  Jesuit.  The  missions  were  divided  into 
three  districts:  that  of  San  Felipe  in  the  south,  ex 
tending  practically  from  Mocorito  to  Alamos;  San 
Ignacio  on  the  rivers  Mayo  and  lower  Yaqui;  and 
San  Francisco  Javier  to  the  north.  Each  district 
was  under  a  superior,  who  at  San  Felipe  was  also  rec 
tor  of  the  college,  at  which  two  or  three  padres  were 
constantly  employed  in  giving  instruction.  The  cabe- 
cera  of  each  mission  and  many  of  the  visitas  had  fine 
churches  of  adobe  suitably  decorated  and  cared  for. 
The  mission  books  showed  a  total  of  over  300,000 
baptisms  down  to  date.  The  presidio  had  a  force  of 
only  forty-six  soldiers,  which  fact  of  itself  is  sufficient 
proof  how  completely  and  easily  the  natives  had  sur 
rendered  themselves  to  missionary  control.  Each 
padre  as  a  rule  lived  alone  in  his  mission,  protected 
by  a  military  escolta  only  when  threatened  by  some 
special  danger.  He  was  visited  at  long  intervals  by 
the  superior,  or  visitador,  and  usually  managed  once 
a  year  to  visit  his  nearest  neighbor  for  confession, 
social  intercourse,  and  to  avoid  forgetting  his  own 
language.72 

-  clumsy  according  to  modern  ideas,  and  he  is  at  times  not  sufficiently  exact  in 
the  matter  of  chronology;  but  many  of  his  errors  in  this  respect  have  either 
been  corrected  by  Alegre  or  may  be  corrected  from  original  documents  yet 
extant.  He  left  two  manuscript  volumes  on  the  foundation  of  Jesuit  colleges 
in  Mexico,  which  have  never  been  printed.  He  died  March  26,  1655,  at  the 
age  of  79  years.  Pinelo  and  Brunet  cite  a  letter  of  his  on  the  death  of  Padre 
Ledesma,  printed  in  Mexico  in  1C36.  See  also  Backer,  Bib.,  ii.  485. 
^llibas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  65-70,  125-9,  157-9,  196,  340,  358,  435-6. 


CHAPTER  X. 

AXXALS  OF  SONORA  AXD  SIXALOA. 

,1650-1700. 

/ 

RULERS  IN  SIXALOA — COAST  EVENTS — TAJO  MINE— SPANISH  SETTLEMENTS— 
MISSIONARY  ANNALS  IN  THE  SOUTH — MINOR  ITEMS,  STATISTICS,  AND 
NAMES  or  JESUITS — THE  OLD  SONORA  DISTRICTS — THE  NAMESONORA — • 
TABLES  OF  1658,  1678,  AND  1688— TROUBLES  WITH  THE  BISHOP— CHINI- 
PAS  DISTRICT — LABORS  OF  SALVATIERRA — REVOLTS  OF  1690  AND  1697— 
MAP — CONQUEST  OF  PIMERIA  ALTA — FATHER  KINO  AND  HIS  LABORS — 
AT  BAC  AND  CABORCA,  1692-3 — JIRONZA  LN  COMMAND— MANGE'S  DIARIES 
— KINO  ON  THE  GULF  COAST,  1694 — BOAT-BUILDING — TRIP  TO  THE  GILA, 
1694 — REVOLT,  MURDER  OF  FATHER  SAETA,  AND  MASSACRE  OF  PIMAS — • 
KINO  IN  MEXICO— SECOND,  THIRD,  FOURTH,  AND  FIFTH  ENTRADAS  TO 
THE  Rio  GILA,  1697-1700 — VAIN  EFFORTS  TO  OBTAIN  MISSIONARIES  FOR 
THE  FAR  NORTH— MISSIONS  OF  DOLORES,  SAN  IGNACIO,  CABORCA,  TUBCJ- 
TAMA,  AND  COCOSPERA — MILITARY  OPERATIONS  IN  APACHERIA — DON 
PABLO'S  REVOLT— PIMAS  DEFEAT  THE  APACHES— SERIS  AND  TEPOCAS. 

THE  territory  from  Chametla  to  San  Felipe,  corre 
sponding  to  the  modern  Sinaloa,  has  for  the  second  as 
for  the  first  "half  of  the  seventeenth  century  practi 
cally  no  recorded  annals.  I  cannot  give  even  a  com 
plete  list  of  the  commandants,  or  governors,  at  the 
presidio.  The  California  explorers  seem  to  have  been 
in  command  much  of  the  time.  Casanate  as  we  have 
seen  probably  held  the  post  in  1650.  Miguel  Cal- 
deron  is  named  as  the  alcalde  mayor  at  San  Felipe  in 
1671.  Rivera  tells  us  that  Bernardo  Bernal  Pina- 
dero  obtained  the  command  in  1674.  Pedro  Hurtado 
de  Castilla  was  captain  in  1680.  And  in  1684  Isidro 
Otondo  y  Antillon  is  said  to  have  been  in  charge  of 
the  government,  leaving  Juan  Antonio  Anguis  in 
command  during  his  absence.1  In  earlier  chapters  on 

1  Rivera,  Gobernantea  de  Mex.,  i.  242;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  456; 
iii.  25,  54.  (237) 


238  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

gulf  explorations  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice  the 
touching  of  different  craft  from  time  to  time  at  main 
land  anchorages,  the  records  of  these  voyages  afford 
ing  no  information  respecting  the  state  of  affairs  at 
the  settlements.2  In  a  later  chapter  on  the  Jesuit 
occupation  of  the  peninsula  in  the  last  years  of  the 
century  we  shall  notice  other  similar  arrivals  revealing 
nothing  of  mainland  annals  and  being  also  for  the 
most  part  north  of  the  Rio  del  Fuerte.3  The  only 
definite  record  of  mining  industry  is  the  statement 
that  the  famous  Tajo  mine  at  Rosario  was  accidentally 
discovered  by  a  peasant  named  Leon  Rojas  in  1655.4 
Doubtless  other  mines  were  worked  in  the  south,  and 
in  the  north  a  few  reales  de  minas  will  be  mentioned 
in  mission  statistics.  San  Sebastian,  Mazatlan,  and 
San  Miguel  maintained  their  municipal  existence  on 
a  small  scale;  and  in  1678  the  villa  of  San  Felipe  de 
Sinaloa  had  a  Spanish  and  mixed  population  of  about 
twelve  hundred,  with  a  garrison  of  forty  men. 

The  closing  of  Ribas'  record  with  the  year  1645  had 
an  effect  on  the  written  missionary  annals  of  the 
country  which  is  the  best  evidence  of  how  valuable 
that  record  was  and  how  closely  other  writers  have 
followed  and  must  follow  it.  With  the.  exception  of 
one  or  two  statistical  statements  of  mission  progress 
and  condition,  the  recorded  history  of  the  old  mission 
districts,  the  subject  of  the  preceding  chapter,  is  ex 
ceedingly  meagre,  in  fact  almost  a  blank  during  the 
last  half  of  the  century,  and  it  is  only  the  exploration 
and  conquest  of  new  lands  and  the  conversion  of  new 
tribes,  especially  in  the  far  north,  that  will  furnish 
material  for  a  continuous  narrative,  and  that  only  for 

2  See  chap,  vii.-viii.,  this  volume. 

3  See  chap.  xi. ,  this  volume. 

4  Dice.  Univ. ,  x.  452  et  seq.     See  also  mention  of  mines  of  Mazatlan  and 
Rosario  in  JDampier's   Voy.,  i.  265-9;  Budna,  Compen.,  39  et  seq.;  Ogilby's 
Amer.,  285-6.     When  Father  Salvatierra  from  California  was  visiting  the 
mining  camp  of  Los  Frailes  in  1700  the  miners  were  engaged  in  a  lawsuit  at 
Guadalajara  on  which  their  future  prospects  depended.     Salvatierra  sum 
moned  all  to  devotional  exercises  in  honor  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  and  as  they 
left  the  church  news  came  that  the  suit  was  won.  Salvatierra,  Cartas,  112. 

J  &-j  o  '}iwi\{  ~^yy^o  '^y&r  j^^^&td  *7tf/*7i tittsir^<)    'i 


ZAPATA'S  REPORT.  239 

the  last  years  of  the  period.  Yet  even  in  the  south 
we  may  almost  evolve  from  nothingness  and  bring 
before  thfe  eyes  of  the  mind  the  mission  annals  from 
year  to  year,  feeling  sure,  as  is  indicated  by  the 
scattered  documents  of  the  archives,  that  nothing 
happened  out  of  the  dull  routine,  and  that  we  have 
lost  little  more  than  names  of  padres,  statistics  of 
baptisms,  instances  of  miraculous  intervention,5  and 
puerile  anecdotes  of  neophytic  doings. 

The  Chicuris,  neighbors  of  the  Chicoratos,  were 
converted  in  1671,  at  which  time  Father  Gonzalo 
Navarro  was  rector,  Tomds  Hidalgo  was  at  work 
among  the  Ahomes,  and  Jacinto  Cortes  among  the 
Tehuecos.  Melchor  Paez,  said  to  have  been  for  twenty 
years  a  missionary  in  Sinaloa,  died  near  Mexico  in 
1G76;  and  the  next  year  Andres  Egidiano,  or  Engi- 
diano,  died,  after  long  service  at  Bacum.6  In  1677 
also  Matias  Goni  visited  the  Chicoratos,  but  did  not 
remain.7  In  1678  Father  Juan  Ortiz  Zapata  made  a 
general  inspection  of  all  the  Jesuit  establishments  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya;  and  by  his  report,  the  statistics  of 
which  for  Sinaloa  I  append,8  it  appears  that  the 

60f  such  interference  we  are  not  left  wholly  in  ignorance,  but  the  instances 
are  not  very  brilliant  or  extraordinary  ones.  At  S.  Pedro  Guazave  an  image 
of  the  virgin  wrought  many  miracles;  27  Indians  were  at  the  point  of  death 
in  a  time  of  pestilence,  and  the  image  was  implored  to  save  life;  16  recovered 
instantly,  10  within  two  hours,  and  one  next  morning  after  special  prayer. 
A  hurricane  destroyed  the  church,  but  the  image  in  its  niche  was  not  harmed. 
While  the  church  was  being  rebuilt  water  failed,  but  the  virgin  sent  a  shower 
to  fill  the  reservoir,  so  that  it  remained  full  till  the  ehurch  was  done.  An 
image  at  Mocorito  was  unwilling  to  be  moved;  the  man  who  tried  to  remove 
it  broke  his  saw;  another  who  carried  it  away  fell  dead;  and  the  padre  who 
gave  the  order  was  thrown  from  a  mule  and  died  within  a  year !  JV.  Vizcaya, 
Doc.,  403-4,  410;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  457-8. 

6  Life  and  eulogy  in  Dice.  Univ. ,  in.  229-30. 

7  Alegre,  iii.  14. 

8  Zapata,  Relation  de  las  Misiones  que  la  Compaiiia  de  Jesus  tiene  en  el  Re'mo 
y  Provincia  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  1678.     In  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iii.  301- 
419  (Sinaloa  matter,  p.  392-411);  also  MS.    I  shall  further  utilize  this  impor 
tant  report  in  this  and  other  chapters  on  the  missions  of  Sonora,  Durango, 
and  Chihuahua. 

Mission  of  San  Felipe  y  Santiago,  9  partidos,  population;  9,689. 

(1.)  Concepcion  de  Vaca,  25-30  leagues  Conicari,  30  1.  s.  w.  Temoris,  35  1. 
K.  S.  Felipe  (?),  on  Rio  Carapoa,  pop.  584.  Santiago  Guires,  5  1.  N.  E.  Vaca,  on 
same  river,  pop.  304;  Partido  under  Padre  Gonzalo  Navarro,  rector,  with 
888  persons. 

(2.)  San  Jose"  del  Toro,  4 1.  s.  w.  Vaca,  on  same  river,  pop.  360.    S.  Ignacio 


240  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

southern  mission  district,  or  modern  Sinaloa,  under 
the  old  name  of  San  Felipe  y  Santiago  consisted  of 
twenty-three  villages,  with  a  population  of  nearly  ten 
thousand,  divided  into  nine  partidos,  and  served  by 
the  same  number  of  Jesuits.  The  largest  military 
force  was  now  sixty  men  at  Montesclaros,  wrhile  San 
Felipe  presidio  had  only  forty.  The  Spanish  popula 
tion  according  to  some  rather  uncertain  indications 
may  have  been  five  hundred  exclusive  of  the  one 
hundred  soldiers. 

In  1681  an  effort  was  made  by  the  bishop,  in  con 
nection  with  the  preparations  for  Otondo's  expedition 
to  California,  not  only  to  send  a  clerigo  as  chaplain 
on  the  fleet,  but  to  station  a  provincial  vicar  at  San 
Felipe.  The  Jesuits,  however,  were  prompt  with 
their  protests  and  the  threatened  secularizing  inter 
ference  with  their  missions  was  stayed.9  Nothing 

Zoes,  6  1.  N.  E.  Toro,  on  arroyo  running  into  same  river  from  Tubares,  pop. 
,380;  Sta  Catalina  Baitrena,  6  1.  S.  E.,  pop.  1C5.  Partido  under  Josd  Tapia 
with  910  persons,  includes  estancia  S.  Pedro  belonging  to  college,  5 1.  s.  Toro. 

(3.)  Tehueco,  on  Rio  Carapoa,  pop.  782.  Villa  de  Carapoa,  or  Fuerte 
Montesclaros,  or  S.  Ignacio,  5  1.  N.  Tehueco,  pop.  304,  60  soldiers;  Asuncion 
Sivirijoa,  5  1.  S.  Tehueco,  pop.  624;  S.  Jose"  Charay,  10  1.  S.  w.  Tehueco,  pop. 
636.  Partido  under  Jos6  Jimenez,  to  be  succeeded  by  Francisco  Sepiilveda, 
with  2,456  persons. 

(4.)  San  Ger6nimo  Mochicagui  (Mochicavi),  4  1.  s.  w.  Charay,  on  Rio 
Carapoa,  pop.  559.  S.  Miguel  Suaqui,  4  1.  w.  Mochicavi  on  river,  pop.  674; 
Asuncion  Hoomi  (Ahome?)  8  1.  S.  W.,  pop.  626.  Partido  under  Josd  Jimenez 
with  1,855  persons. 

(5.)  Santiago  Ocoroni,  14  1.  Charay,  16.1.  s.  E.  Mochicavi,  61.  N.  w.  S. 
Felipe,  pop.  150.  Bauria  pueblo  destroyed,  under  Francisco  Renter. 

(6.)  San  Pedro  Guazave,  141.  s.  w.  Ocoroni,  pop.  531.  Reyes  de  Tama- 
zula,  3  1.  S.  Guazave  on  river,  5  1.  from  sea,  pop.  265;  S.  Ignacio  Nio,  1|  1. 
K.  E.  Guazave  on  river,  pop  308.  Partido  under  Juan  Bautista  Anzieta  with 
1,101  persons.  (See  in  Jesuitas,  Papeles,  no.  23,  an  autograph  letter  of  this 
padre  as  visitador  in  1681  to  Salvatierra.  Pecoro  was  then  rector.) 

(7.)  Conception  Bamoa,  5  1.  w.  S.  Felipe,  4  1.  Nio,  on  river,  pop.  240.  S. 
Felipe  Villa,  pop.  1,200  (partly  Spanish),  40  soldiers;  S.  Lorenzo  Oguera,  61. 
E.  S.  Felipe  on  river,  pop.  185.  Partido  under  Antonio  Urquisa  with  1,625 
persons. 

(8. )  Concepcion  Chicorato,  7  1.  E.  Oguera  on  river,  pop.  228.  S.  Ignacio 
Chicuris,  5  1.  N.  Chicorato,  pop.  99.  Partido  under  Ger6nimo  Pistoya  with 
327  persons. 

(9.)  Sari  Miguel  Mocorito,  121.  s.  E.  S.  Felipe,  121.  from  sea,  pop.  243. 
S.  Pedro  Bacoburito,  7  1.  s.  Chicorato,  10  1.  N.  Mocorito,  pop.  152.  Partido 
under  Pedro  Mesa,  with  712  persons.  Includes  43  ranches,  estancias,  etc., 
with  43  Spanish  families  or  21 4  persons. 

For  the  missions  of  Topia  lying  farther  south  and  east  see  chapter  xiii. 

9Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  27-8. 


THE  NAME  SONORA.  241 

more  is  known  of  Sinaloa  down  to  1700,  if  we  except 
the  miraculous  movements  of  a  cross  at  Rosario  in 
1683,  as  certified  by  twenty-three  witnesses  whose  tes 
timony  is  recorded  in  the  parish  records.' 


10 


The  origin  of  the  name  Sonora  is  a  curiously  com 
plicated  subject,  respecting  which  the  truth  cannot  be 
known.  The  two  derivations  suggested  with  some 
plausibility  are  the  Spanish  word  senora  and  the  na 
tive  word  sonot,  forming  in  its  pblique  cases  sonota; 
but  the  matter  is  further  confused  by  the  claim  that 
the  two  words  were  identical  in  meaning,  or  that  the 
latter  was  merely  an  attempt  of  the  <)patas  to  pro 
nounce  the  former.  I  append  a  note  which  brings  out 
the  various  aspects  of  the  problem,  and  shows  that 
while  a  connection  is  probable  between  Sonora  and 
Senora,  it  is  not  easy  to  decide  whether  the  present 
name  is  a  Spanish  corruption  of  a  native  word  or  the 
reverse.11 

10  Diccionario  Universal,  viii.  735. 

11  Coronado  in  1540  named  the  valley  of  Senora,  near  the  one  called  Cora- 
zones  by  Niza  a  few  years  earlier.  Here  was  founded,  or  hither  was  transferred, 
a  little  later  San  Geronimo.   Coronado,  Relation,  147-9;  Jaramillo,  Relation, 
156;  Castaneda,  Relation,  44;  Herrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  ix.  cap.  xi.     It  seems 
that  the  name  was  Senora  and  not  Nuestra  Senora.     Arricivita,  Crdn.  Seraf. , 
prologo,  4,  says  the  valley  was  named  for  a  rich  native  widow  who  entertained 
the  army,  adding  that  it  was  perhaps  in  order  to  forget  her  kindness  that 
the  name  was  changed  to  Sonora!    Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  392,  tells  us  that  the 
word  senora  heard  by  the  Spaniards  (in  17th  century)  was  an  attempt  to  say 
sefiora  and  thus  to  show  that  they  had  not  forgotten  the  teachings  of  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  about  the  virgin.     They  could  not  pronounce  the  'n,'  and  the  Spaniards 
changed  Sefiora  to  Sonora  in  order  to  be  able  to  derive  it  from  sonota,  a 
'maize-leaf.'     Ribas,  Hist.    Triumphos,  392,  on  the  contrary  seems  to  imply 
that  the  original  native  word  was  Sonora,  and  that  the  Spaniards  corrupted 
it  into  Senora.     'El  valle  de  Sonora,  de  que  tuuieron  noticias  los  primeros 
descubridorcs  de  la  Prouincia  dc  Cinaloa,  y  corrompiendo  el  vocablo,  llamauau 
valle  de  Seiiora.'    Alcedo,  Dice.  Geofj.,  iv.  574,  regards  Sonora  as  a  corrup 
tion  of  Sefiora.    According  to  the  author  of  Sonora,  Estad. ,  in  Sonora,  Materi 
als,  625,  writing  in  1730,  the  oldest  Indians  said  that  a  rancheria  of  natives 
living  about  a  muddy  spring  near  Huepaca  built  their  huts  of   reeds  and 
maize-leaves,  and  called  them  sonota,  which  the  Spaniards  changed  to  Sonora. 
Hernandez,  Gcog.  Son.,  5-6,  favors  the  last  derivation,  but  notes  an  opinion 
of  some  that  the  settlers  called  the  country  son-ora,  wishing  to  express  in 
one  word  the  richness  of  soil  and  the  sonorous  quality  of  gold!     The  author 
of  Sonora,  Descrip.   Geog.,  493-4,  in   1764,  also   writes:    'Oeo  que  no  mo 
engaiiare"  si  me  inclino  a  pensar  que  por  lo  mucho  que  ha  sonado  en  Mexico  y 
ami  en  Europa  su  prodigiosa  riqueza  se  haya  merecido  el  iiombre  de  Sonora. ' 
'Sunora,  as  the  Indians  say,  or  Sonora  as  the  Spaniards  call  it.'  Nkl,  Apunt., 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    16 


242  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

In  the  north,  the  territory  of  the  modern  Sonora, 
we  find  that  in  1653  the  district  of  San  Francisco 
Javier  included  twenty-three  towns  with  over  twenty- 
five  thousand  neophytes,  of  whom  eight  thousand  had 
been  baptized  within  the  last  few  years.  Since  1650 
the  final  conversion  of  the  natives  of  Arizpe  and  Sino- 
quipe  had  been  accomplished  by  fathers  Canal,  Ignacio 
Molarja,  and  Felipe  Esgrecho,  the  latter  remaining 
in  charge.  This  conversion  involved  several  failures 
and  serious  obstacles,  even  threats  of  personal  violence. 
One  native  argued  so  eloquently  and  skilfully  against 
Christianity  as  to  show  clearly  that  he  was  inspired 
by  Satan.  During  this  period  also  a  band  of  one 
hundred  and  sixty  Imuris  from  Pimeria  Alta  had 
been  added  to  the  Nacameri  mission  under  Padre 
Francisco  Paris;  while  others  of  the  same  tribe  had 
settled  at  Bacobichi.  Moreover  Padre  Marcos  del 
Rio  of  the  Guazava  mission  accomplished  by  gentle 
ness  and  zeal  what  military  force  had  utterly  failed  to 
do,  bringing  some  of  the  wild  Sumas  to  Oputo  to 
make  peace  and  prepare  the  way  to  conversion.  Yet 
1651  was  a  year  of  famine  and  much  suffering,  and 
the  Jesuits  lost  also  one  of  their  veterans,  Padre 
Vandersipe,  who  had  toiled  nearly  thirty  years  among 
the  Nevomes.12 

For  1658  we  have  the  puntos  de  anua  of  the 
Nevome  mission  of  San  Francisco  Borja,  a  doc 
ument  that  the  Jesuit  historian  Alegre  seems  not 
to  have  consulted.13  The  mission,  or  district,  had 
sixteen  pueblos,  in  seven  partidos  each  with  its 

79.  Mowry,  Arizona,  41-2,  supposes  ih&tSonot  or  Scnot  was  the  native  name 
for  seiiora,  or  madam.  Velasco,  Sonora,  17,  and  Id.,  in  Soc.  Max.  Geoy., 
viii.  216,  admits  the  derivation  from  sonot,  but  thinks  the  \vord  was  merely 
a  native  attempt  to  say  sefiora.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geog.,  337,  expresses  no 
opinion.  In  Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  v.  506,  it  is  printed  'Tzonora,'  but  not 
so  in  the  MS.  p.  1104. 

12  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  383-4,  402-5,  with  a  letter  from  Padre 
Canal. 

13  Puntos  de  Anna,  1G58,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  767-72.     It  is  not  im 
possible  that  there  is  an  error  in  the  date  of  this  document,  as  in  the  case 
of  another  important  one  to  be  noticed  a  little  later,  or  that  Alegre  has  dis 
regarded  both  papers,  as  I  have  been  tempted  to  do,  because  he  could  not 
reconcile  them. 


PESTILENCE  AND  MIRACLES.  243 

padre.  Three,  Sahuaripa,  Onabas,  and  Mobas,  with 
seven  towns,  were  in  the  mountains  and  known 
as  Nevomes  Altos;  while  four,  Tecoripa,  Comuripa, 
Mutape,  and  Batuco,  were  in  the  plain.  Four  differ 
ent  languages,  Cahita,  Eudeve,  Pima,  and  Ure,  were 
spoken.  No  names  of  padres  are  given;  but  the 
baptisms  for  the  year  were  seven  hundred  and  sev 
enty-two,  and  the  marriages  two  hundred  and  two. 
Spiritual  condition  and  prospects  were  all  that  could 
be  desired,  and  miracles  were  not  wanting.  A  terri 
ble  pestilence  enabled  many  to  show  their  predestina 
tion  to  salvation  by  being  more  anxious  about  their 
souls  than  their  bodies.  Despite  the  devil's  efforts 
through  two  old  women  to  persuade  the  people  that 
the  pest  was  his  own  work,  they  chose  to  believe  that 
it  came  from  God  as  a  punishment,  and  believing  muy 
de  veras  that  the  author  could  give  relief,  resolved  on 
a  grand  rogativa  and  procession,  which  took  place  in  a 
pouring  rain  and  all  were  healed.  This  was  at  Nuri ; 
the  same  expedient  was  tried  elsewhere,  but  as  faith 
was  weaker  and  superstition  stronger,  the  result  was 
less  satisfactory.  At  Comuripa  where  the  long-con 
tinued  embustes  of  native  sorcerers  were  powerless  to 
produce  rain,  the  prayers  of  innocent  children  gath 
ered  for  doctrina  brought  down  a  copious  shower  as 
they  left  the  church.  At  Onabas  a  relic  of  the  dead 
Padre  Bernardino  Realino  cured  a  dying  paralytic  in 
a  night.  The  spirit  often  moved  gentiles  to  come  in 
from  distant  regions  for  baptism,  and  the  slightest  ill 
ness  caused  the  padre  to  be  summoned,  no  matter  how 
far  away  he  might  be. 

In  1673  a  new  difficulty  arose  between  the  Jesuits 
and  ecclesiastical  authorities.  The  bishop  having 
died,  Brother  Tomas  de  Aguirre  was  sent  in  his  place 
to  '  visit '  the  establishments  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora. 
He  was  kindly  received  at  Matape  college  by  the  rec 
tor  Daniel  Angelo  Marras,  by  the  Jesuit  visitador 
Alvaro  Flores  de  Sierra,  and  by  other  padres;  but  he 
was  refused  access  to  the  mission  books,  and  was  shown 


244  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

royal  orders  in  justification  of  the  refusal.  On  Feb 
ruary  5th  Aguirre  in  writing  refused  obedience  to  the 
cedulas  on  the  grounds  that  they  were  in  conflict  with 
ecclesiastical  authority,  had  never  been  confirmed  by 
later  kings,  and  had  never  been  enforced.  The  same 
day  Father  Marras  replied,  also  in  writing,  claiming 
that  the  orders  exempting  Jesuit  missions  from  the 
bishop's  visitas  did  not  conflict  with  episcopal  author 
ity,  having  been  issued  with  the  sole  view  of  promot 
ing  conversion  and  Christianity;  that  they  were  not 
invalid  per  non  usum  since  in  sixty  years  the  missions 
of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  had  been  inspected  only  once, 
the  Jesuits  having  submitted  under  protest  in  1G68  to 
save  quarrels;  and  that  they  required  no  confirmation. 
He  calls  upon  Aguirre  to  refract  his  auto.  •  Next  day 
the  wTould-be  visitador  in  his  turn  replied  that  while 
lie  could  not  grant  the  correctness  of  the  rector's 
arguments,  yet  to  prevent  hard  feelings  and  dissension 
he  would  suspend  his  inspection  and  leave  the  question 
to  be  settled  by  superior  authorities.14 

In  1677,  as  Alegre  tells  us,  a  small  beginning  was 
made  in  the  conversion  of  the  Seris,  so  troublesome 
in  later  years.  The  first,  and  perhaps  the  only  con 
vert,  was  an  old  man  of  one  hundred  years,  who  came 
to  Banamichi  to  be  baptized  by  Padre  Burgos.  Then 
we  have  for  1678  Padre  Ortiz  Zapata's  valuable  re 
port,  according  to  which  the  northern  mission  districts 
were  three  in  number:  San  Francisco  Borja  with  ten 
partidos  and  twenty-seven  pueblos;  San  Francisco 
Javier  de  Sonora  with  eight  partidos  and  twenty-two 
pueblos ;  and  San  Ignacio  de  Yaqui  with  ten  partidos 
and  twenty-three  pueblos.  Thirty  padres  were  serv 
ing  about  forty  thousand  persons,  of  whom  perhaps 

u  Testimonio  autentico  de  lo  sucedido  en  la  Visita,  etc.,  in  torn.  xvi.  of 
Archlvo  General,  printed  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  773-8;  Alegre,  ii.  466-7. 
The  latter  implies  that  the  Jesuits  objected  only  to  a  visitafrom  an  official  of 
lower  rank  than  the  bishop;  but  the  original  documents  show  that  they  dis 
puted  the  right  of  the  bishop  himself  to  inspect  the  books,  asserting  that  on 
past  visits  he  had  never  insisted  on  such  an  inspection,  but  had  taken  it  for 
granted  that  all  was  correct. 


CATALOGUE  OF  MISSIONS.  245 

five  hundred  were  Spanish  or  of  mixed  race.15  There 
is  another  similar  document  extant,  which  both  in  my 
manuscript  and  printed  copies  bears  the  date  of  1658, 
which  must  be  an  error,  since  some  towns  are  cor 
rectly  stated  in  the  document16  to  have  been  founded 
as  late  as  1679.  From  several  circumstances  which 
it  is  not  necessary  to  name  I  suppose  the  date  to  have 
been  1688.  This  catalogue  omits  the  Yaqui  district 
in  the  south,  but  out  of  the  other  two  forms  three 
districts,  or  rectorados,  '  as  follows :  San  Francisco 
Borja,  with  nineteen  pueblos  in  'seven  partidos;  San 
Francisco  Javier  with  fourteen  pueblos  in  six  par 
tidos;  and  Santos  Martires  de  Japon,  with  eighteen 
pueblos  in  six  partidos — an  increase  of  one  padre,  one 
partido,  and  three  pueblos  in  ten  years.  The  new 
district,  formed  chiefly  from  the  old  San  Francisco 
Javier,  included  the  towns  from  Batuco  and  Nacori 
northward.  In  a  note  I  give  the  statistical  substance 
of  Zapata's  Relacion,  and  add  such  variations,  except 
ing  minor  ones  of  orthography,  as  are  found  in  the 
Catdlogo.  I  omit,  however,  in  most  cases  distances, 
because  the  Sonora  towns  with  few  exceptions  can  be 
definitely  located  on  the  map.17 

15  Zapata,  Relation,  344-92. 

16,S'o»or«,  Catdlogo  de  los  Partidos  contenidos  en  los  rectorados  de  las 
JMisionex  de  Sonora  por  el  ailo  de  1658,  in  torn.  xvi.  of  Archivo  General,  and 
printed  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  790-4. 

17  Mission  of  San  Francisco  Borja  de  Sonora,  10  partidos  (rectorado  with  7 
partidos  in  1G88.  Cdtalofjo): 

(1.)  San  Ildefonso  Yecora,  population  356,  founded  1673;  S.  Francisco 
Borja  Maicoba,  pop.  153,  founded  1676.  Padre  Pedro  Matias  Gori  (Gofii?) 
with  509  persons.  Manuel  Sanchez  in  1688. 

(2.)  San  Francisco  Javier  Arivechi,  pop.  466,  founded  1627;  S.  Ignacio  Baca- 
nora,  pop.  253,  founded  1627;  Sta  Rosalia  Onapa,  pop.  171,  founded  1677; 
Padre  Natal  Lombardo  (or  Sambrano)  with  890  persons.  (I  have  in  Jesuitas, 
Papeles,  an  autograph  letter  of  Lombardo  to  Salvatierra  of  1677.)  A  few 
small  mining  camps,  the  Spaniards  going  to  Sahuaripa  for  religion. 

(3.)  Sta  Maria  Sahuaripa,  pop.  682,  founded  1627;  Teopari  (S.  Jose),  pop. 
369,  founded  1676;  San  Mateo  (Malzura),  pop.  596,  founded  1677;  P.  Domingo 
Miguel  (rector  in  1688),  with  1,749  persons. 

(4.)  Santos  Reyes  Cucurpe,  pop.  329,  founded  1647  (belonged  before  and 
after  to  S.  Fran.  Javier  mission);  S.  Miguel  Toape,  pop.  240;  Asuncion  Opo- 
clepe,  pop.  320.  P.  Gaspar  Tomas  with  989  persons.  P.  Pedro  Castellanos  in 
1688. 

(5.)  San  Miguel  Ures  (in  S.  Fran.  Javier  rectorado  in  1688),  pop.  904, 
founded  1636;  Santa  Maria  Nacameri,  pop.  362,  founded  1638;  Xra,  Sra  del 
Populo  Valley,  no  mission  in  1678,  but  P.  Fernandez  ready  to  found  one; 


246  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

In  the  mountain  district  stretching  north  and  south 
from  Chinipa,  a  part  of  modern  Chihuahua,  any  at 
tempt  with  the  data  extant  to  clear  up  the  confusion 
in  pueblo  geography  would  be  utterly  vain.  Few  of 
the  towns  can  be  even  approximately  located,  and  we 
must  be  content  to  know  that  they  were  in  the  sierra 
about  the  head- waters  of  the  rivers  Mayo  and  Fuerte. 

founded  1679,  P.  Francisco  Javier  Soto  with  1,266  persons.  P.  Juan  Fernan 
dez  in  1688. 

(6. )  S.  Jose"  Matape,  college  town,  pop.  482,  founded  1629;  Sta  Cruz  (Nacori), 
pop.  394;  Asuncion  Alamos,  pop.  165;  S.  Fran.  Javier  Reboico,  pop.  330, 
founded  16,73.  P.  Jose  Osorio  (also  in  1690),  with  1,431  persons;  P.  Daniel 
Angel  Marras,  rector  of  college.  P.  Marras  not  named  in  1688.  (He  died 
in  1689  in  Mexico,  Alegre,  in.  66,  and  was  succeeded  by  Cavero.  Sonora, 
Mat.,  795.) 

(7.)  Sta  Maria  Batuco  (partldo  in  new  rectorado  in  1688,  pueblo  Asuncion 
Batuco),  pop.  428,  founded  1629;  S.  Francisco  Javier  Batuco,  pop.  480;  S.  Joa- 
quin  y  Sta  Ana  Tepachi,  pop.  388,  founded  1678.  P.  Juan  Fernandez  Cavero, 
rector,  with  1,296  persons.  Some  mining  camps.  P.  Fernando  Pecoro. 

(8.)  San  Francisco  Borja  Tecoripa,  pop.  269.  founded  1619;  S.  Ignacio 
Subaque,  pop.  415;  S.  Pablo  Comuripa,  pop.  450  (called  S.  Pedro  in  Catdloyo). 
P.  Nicolas  Villafane,  with  1,141  persons. 

(9.)  San  Ignacio  Onabas,  pop.  875,  founded  1622;  Sta  Maria  del  Populo 
Tonichi,  pop.  510,  founded  1628;  P.  Juan  Almoniza,  or  Almonacir,  with  1,365 
persons,  visitador  in  1688. 

(10.)  Santa  Maria  Mobas,  pop.  308,  founded  1622;  S.  Joaquin  y  Sta  Ana 
(Nuri),  pop.  180.  P.  Alouso  Victoria  with  488  persons.  (P.  Juan  Meneses  in 
1690.) 

Mission  of  San  Francisco  Javier  de  Sonora,  8  partidos  (rectorado  with  6 
partidos  in  1688.  Catdloyo): 

(1.)  San  Miguel  Oposura,  pop.  334,  founded  1644  (in  new  rectorado  1688); 
Asuncion  Amipas  (or  Comupas),  pop.  887;  P.  Juan  Martinez,  rector,  with 
1,621  persons.  P.  Manuel  Gonzalez  in  1688. 

(2.)  San  Francisco  Javier  Guazava  (in  new  rectorado  1688),  pop.  632, 
founded  1645;  S.  Ignacio  Opotu,  pop.  424  (also  Sta  Gertrudis  Techicode- 
guachi,  in  1688).  P.  Jos<§  Covarrubias,  with  1,146  persons.  P.  Antonio  Leal, 
rector,  in  1688. 

(3.)  Sta  Maria  Nacori  (in  new  rectorado  1688),  pop.  450,  founded  1645; 
S.  Luis  Gonzaga  Bacadeguachi  (written  many  ways),  pop.  370;  Sto  Tomaa 
Sereba  (Setusura),  pop.  262.  P.  Luis  Davila. 

(4.)  Sta  Maria  Baseraca  (in  new  rectorado  in  1688),  pop.  399,  founded 
1645;  S.  Juan  Guachinera,  pop.  538;  S.  Miguel  Babispe,  pop.  402.  P.  Pedro 
Silva,  with  1439  persons.  P.  Juan  Antonio  Estrella  in  1688. 

(5.)  San  Ignacio  Cuquiarachi  (in  new  rectorado  in  1688),  pop.  380,  founded 


1653;  Guadalupe  Teuricachi,  pop.  224;  Sta  Rosa  Tibideguachi,  pop.  214;  S 

,  pop.  227. 
sons.     On  frontier.     P.  Marcos  Loyola  in  1688. 


Fran.  Javier  Cuchuta,  pop.  227.     P.  Juan  Antonio  Estrella,  with  1,050  per- 

s.     On  frontier.     P.  Marcos  Loyola  in  1688. 

(6.)  Asuncion  Arizpe,  pop.  416,  founded  1648  (no  pueblos  in  1688);  S. 
Jose  Chinapa,  pop.  393  (separate  partidowith  a  pueblo  of  Vescuachi  in  1688); 
S.  Miguel  Bacuachi,  pop.  195.  P.  Felipe  Esgrecho,  with  1,004  persons.  Chi 
napa  under  P.  Carlos  Celestri  in  1688. 

(7.)  San  Lorenzo  Huepaca,  pop.  268,  founded  1639;  S.  Ignacio  Sinoquipe, 
pop.  367,  founded  1646;  Remedies  Banamichi,  pop.  338,  founded  1639;  P. 
Juan  Muiioz  de  Burgos,  with  1,043  persons. 

(8.)  San  Pedro  Aconchi,  pop.  580,  founded  1639;  Concepcion  Babiacora, 


MOUNTAINEER  CONVERTS.  247 

The  conversion  and  revolt  of  these  mountaineers  in 
1620-32  have  been  already  narrated.  In  1670  Padre 
Alvaro  Flores  de  la  Sierra  of  Toro  mission  converted 
a  few  Varohios  of  Yecarome,  and  with  them  founded 
a  pueblo  of  Babuyagui  half  way  between  the  mission 
and  their  home,  sending  for  padres  to  continue  their 
work.  Alcalde  Miguel  Calderon  also  asked  for  padres 
for  the  Tubares  whom  he  found  well  disposed  during 
his  mining  explorations.  In  1673  five  new  padres 
came,  and  one  was  stationed  at  Babuyagui  by  Sierra, 
who  was  now  visitador.  But  Sierra  died  in  1673 ;  the 
pueblo  became  a  mere  visita;  the  Maguiaguis  were 
troublesome;  the  devil  placed  a  tree  across  the  trail, 
thus  causing  the  padre's  mule  to  jump  with  its  vener 
able  rider  into  a  deep  barranca;  and  the  new  conver 
sion  had  to  be  temporarily  abandoned.18 

Many  Babuyagui  converts,  however,  came  to  Toro, 
and  were  instructed  by  Padre  Jose  Tapia.  In  April 
1676  Nicolas  Prado  arrived  and  was  followed  a  few 

pop.  445.  P.  Juan  Fernandez,  with  1,025  persons.  P.  Fran.  Javier  Soto  in 
1688. 

Mission  of  San  Ignacio  de  Yaqui,  10  partidos  (not  in  Catdlogo}: 

(1.)  Sta  Rosa  Bahium  (Bacum),  pop.  337;  Espiritu  Santo  Cocorin,  pop. 
510;  P.  Antonio  Orena,  with  847  persons. 

(2.)  San  Ignacio  Torin,  pop.  1,070;  Trinidad  Bicam,  pop.  1,271.  P. 
Andres  Cervantes,  with  2,349  persons. 

(3.)  Asuncion  Rahum,  pop.  3,231;  Trinidad  Potan,  pop.  1,133;  Nra  Sra 
Belen,  newly  founded  among  Guaymas,  pop.  564.  P.  Diego  Neazquina,  with 
4,958  persons. 

(4.)  Sta  Cruz  de  Mayo,  pop.  2,803;  Espiritu  Santo  Echonoba  (Ehojoa?), 
pop.  2, 164.  P.  Antonio  Diego  Sabanzo  with  4,967  persons. 

(5.)  Natividad  Nabohona,  pop.  172;  Concepcion  Covirirapo,  pop.  1,141. 
P.  Luis  Sand  oval,  with  1,313  persons. 

(6.)  San  Ignacio  Tesia,  pop.  497;  Sta  Catalina  Cayamoa,  pop.  420.  P. 
Antonio  Leal,  with  917  persons. 

(7.)  San  Andrei  Conicari,  pop.  413;  Asuncion  Tepahue,  pop.  368,  with 
ranehcrias  Batacosa  and  Macoyahui.  P.  Antonio  Mendez  with  1,335  per 
sons.  Mining  camp  of  Piedras  Verdes  with  30  Spaniards. 

(8. )  Sta  Ines  Chinipa,  pop.  580;  Guadalupe  Boragios  (Tayrachi),  pop.  290. 
P.  Nicolas  del  Prado. 

(9.)  Nra  Sra  Loreto  Varohios,  pop.  269;  Sta  Ana,  pop.  300;  P.  Fernando 
Pecoro,  with  569  persons. 

(10.)  Sta  Teresa  Guazapares,  pop.  814;  Magdalena  Temoris,  pop.  585;  Nra 
Sra  del  Valle  Umbroso,pop.  235.  P.  Bautista  Copart  with  1 ,634  persons.  Many 
other  places  where  missions  are  proposed  are  vaguely  located  in  the  sierra. 

18  lidaclon  de  la  Nucva  Entruda  de  los  padres  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus  alas 
Nacioncs  de  Chinipa,  etc.,  in  Sonora,  Hateriales,  779-83;  also  MS.;  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  455-7,  465-6. 


248  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

months  later  by  Fernando  Pecoro.  In  June  both 
padres,  with  a  party  of  the  Varohio  converts,  started 
for  the  land  of  the  gentiles  and  arrived  in  six  days  at 
Chinipa,  where  the  ruins  of  the  old  church  were  still 
to  be  seen.  Prado  remained  here  and  founded  Santa 
Ines  Chinipa  among  the  Guailopos;  while  his  compan 
ion  went  on  in  July  to  visit  the  Varohios,  who  had 
killed  Pascual  and  Martinez,  and  who  seemed  at  first 
likely  to  do  as  much  for  Pecoro,  but  soon  became 
friendly,  and  were  gathered  in  the  towns  of  Guada- 
lupe,  Valle  Umbroso,  and  Santa  Ana.  The  Guazd- 
pares  next  submitted,  their  pueblo  being  Santa  Teresa; 
and  then  the  Temoris  at  Santa  Maria  Magdalena. 
The  bands  known  as  Husarones,  Cutecos,  and  Teca- 
voguis  were  also  influenced  more  or  less  to  give  up 
their  hostilities  and  immoralities.  The  two  pioneer 
missionaries  attended  for  four  years  to  the  whole  field, 
baptizing  more  than  four  thousand  persons,  until  June 
1680,  when  Juan  Maria  Salvatierra,  afterward  famous 
as  the  apostle  of  California  Baja,  but  now  fresh  from 
his  studies  in  Mexico,  came  and  took  charge  of  Santa 
Teresa  and  Magdalena.  Eager  to  convert  gentiles  he 
started  at  once  on  a  visit  to  the  frontier  Jerocavis 
and  Husarones,  baptizing  many  of  the  former  and  only 
prevented  from  baptizing  all  the  latter  by  an  order 
from  his  rector  to  proceed  slowly  as  that  people  were 
notoriously  of  bad  faith.19 

In  1681  or  a  little  later  the  conversion  of  the  Tu- 
bares,  hitherto  well  disposed,  was  undertaken  on  a 
very  novel  plan.  One  of  the  secular  clergy,  whom 
the  bishop  had  not  succeeded  in  settling  as  curate  at 
Sinaloa,  resolved  to  become  the  Tubare  apostle,  and 
tried  it  with  a  guard  of  five  or  six  soldiers.  His  suc 
cess  for  the  first  few  days  not  coming  up  to  his  expec 
tations  he  adopted  the  ingenious  expedient  of  shackling 
the  pagans  and  releasing  them  only  when  they  begged 
for  baptism.  This  naturally  irritated  the  natives,  who 
revolted,  drove  out  the  clerigo,  and  retained  for  years 

19 Relation  de  la  Nueva  Entrada,  84-9;  Alegre,  iii.  12-15,  25-7. 


REVOLT  OF  1G90.  249 

a  prejudice  against  the  true  faith.  It  is  well,  how 
ever,  to  bear  in  mind  that  this  story  is  told  by  the 
Jesuits.  In  1684,  when  Salvatierra  had  added  to  his 
Guazapare  mission  the  pueblo  of  San  Francisco  Javier 
de  Jerocavi,  he  was  called  to  Mexico;  but  so  incon 
solable  were  his  neophytes  and  so  eager  the  padre  for 
missionary  work  that  he  was  soon  permitted  to  re 
turn.  Back  again  his  first  work  was  to  visit  the 
rancheria  of  Cuteco  and  the  barranca  of  Hurichi,  where 
he  made  a  good  impression,  though  the  Tubares 
worked  against  him.  Then  he  went  after  the  Tubares 
themselves,  removing  largely  their  prejudices  and 
obtaining  their  aid  to  build  roads  from  Yaca  to  Jero 
cavi. 

The  disaffection  of  the  Tubares  is  claimed  by  the 
Jesuits  to  have  caused  indirectly  the  revolt  of  1690, 
which,  chiefly  affecting  Chihuahua,  is  to  be  recorded 
in  another  chapter;  yet  through  Sal vatierra's  influence 
the  Tubares  themselves  did  not  engage  in  the  rebel 
lion,  neither  did  the  other  bands  under  his  personal 
care.  Vague  as  are  the  records  of  this  revolt  east  of 
the  mountains  they  are  still  more  so  on  the  west. 
Alegre  states  that  the  Chinipas,  or  part  of  them, 
were  near  causing  the  death  of  Salvatierra,  who  was 
protected  by  the  majority;  also  that  on  April  2d  the 
savages  fell  upon  the  missions,  mines,  and  haciendas, 
ravaging  and  burning  everything  as  far  as  Ostimuri. 
There  was  much  alarm  also  in  the  north  about  Base- 
raca  and  Babispe;  but  I  find  no  clear  indication  that 
any  lives  were  lost,  churches  burned,  or  towns  aban 
doned  west  of  the  sierra.  Salvatierra  had  just  been 
appointed  visitador,20  and  not  only  did  he  keep  his 
own  former  subjects  quiet,  but  he  crossed  the  sierra 
to  the  Tarahumara  missions  in  the  Yepomera  region, 
where  the  padres  had  been  killed  and  the  converts 
for  the  most  part  had  run  away,  doing  more,  it  is  said, 
to  restore  peace  than  could  be  effected  by  the  military 

20  We  have  seen  that,  according  to  the  Catdlogo,  Padre  Copart  was  in 
charge  of  the  Guazapare  mission. 


250  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

force.  Again  in  1696-7  there  was  trouble  in  the 
northern  regions  of  the  sierra,  and  the  Guazdpares 
and  Cutecos  not  only  did  not  join  the  rebels,  but 
marched  bravely  against  them  and  contributed  largely 
to  their  defeat,  greatly  to  the  delight  of  Salvatierra, 
who  was  at  the  time  visiting  his  old  flock  while  wait 
ing  for  a  vessel  to  take  him  to  California.  He  relates 
that  each  Christian  warrior  wore  a  rosary  hung  to 
his  neck,  and  that  not  one  thus  protected  was  wounded 
above  the  waist.21  In  1697  it  seems  that  Prado  was 
still  in  this  field;  Manuel  Ordaz  was  in  charge  of 
Jerocavi  and  Cuteco;  and  two  others  were  Martin 
Benavides  and  Antonio  Gomar.  Again  in  1700  Sal 
vatierra  had  the  pleasure  of  revisiting  for  a  day  or 
two  his  old  mission  with  a  party  of  California  Indians 
whom  he  had  brought  across  to  study  the  advan 
tages  of  pueblo  life.  He  was  received  with  triumphal 
arches,  and  every  demonstration  of  joyful  welcome. 
Benavides  and  Gomar  were  yet  here,  but  Prado  and 
Ordaz  had  been  replaced  by  Guillermo  Ming  and 
Francisco  Javier  Montoya.22 

With  the  exception  of  the  statistics  already  placed 
before  the  reader,  the  history  of  the  old  Sonora  mis 
sion  districts,  as  already  stated,  is  a  blank  during  the 
last  quarter  of  the  century.  It  is  only  in  the  north 
west,  in  Pimeria  Alta,  from  the  San  Ignacio  to  the 
Gila,  that  the  course  of  events  has  left  any  definite 
trace.  Here  Father  Eusebio  Francisco  Kino  was 
the  central  figure  and  moving  spirit  in  all  that  was 
done.23  We  have  seen  him  as  priest  and  cosmogra- 

21  Salvatierra,  Cartas,  109-12;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  50-4,  70-3; 
Cavo,  Tres  Siylos,  ii.  91. 

22  Salvatierra,  Relaciones,  113. 

*3  Eusebius  Kiihn,  as  his  name  was  doubtless  written  in  his  early  years — 
Kino  being  a  Spanish  compromise  between  the  original  and  Quino — was  born 
at  Trent  in  the  Austrian  province  of  Tyrol  about  1C40,  and  was  educated  in 
the  same  country  at  Ala  college,  and  subsequently  in  Bavaria,  where  he  was 
connected  with  the  university  at  Ingoldstadt.  Attributing  his  recovery  from 
serious  illness  to  the  intercession  of  San  Francisco  Javier,  patron  of  the 
Indies,  he  adopted  the  name  Francisco  and  vowed  to  devote  his  life  to  the 
conversion  of  American  gentiles.  With  this  view — whether  he  was  already 


FATHER  KINO. 


251 


pher  under  Otondo  in  California,  and  learned  that 
he  left  the  colony  at  San  Bruno  in  the  autumn  of 
1684,  crossing  over  to  the  Yaqui.  He  probably  re 
mained  in  Sonora  a  year,  attending  to  supplies  for 
the  colony,  making  the  acquaintance  of  missiona 
ries,  studying  the  country  and  the  people,  and  espe 
cially  seeking  information  about  the  gentile  Pimas  in 


PlMERIA   IN   THE   SEVENTEENTH   CENTURY. 

a  Jesuit  or  now  became  one  does  not  clearly  appear — he  resigned  a  professor 
ship  of  mathematics  at  Ingoldstadt,  or  perhaps  simply  declined  that  position 
tendered  him  by  the  Duke  of  Bavaria,  and  came  to  Mexico  in  1080  or  1681. 
He  first  attracted  attention  in  scientific  circles  by  engaging  in  an  astronomical 
discussion  with  the  famous  Siglienza  y  Gongora,  and  was  soon  after  attached 
to  the  expedition  of  Admiral  Otondo  as  cosmografo,  as  well  as  priest  for  Cali 
fornia,  where  his  services  have  already  been  narrated.  See  p.  187  etc.  of 
this  volume.  It  was  perhaps  in  California  that  he  made  his  final  profession  as 
a  Jesuit  on  Aug.  15,  1G84.  See  Apostdlicos  Afanes,  230,  328-30;  Aleyre,  IJi*t. 
Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  155-6;  Vencyus,  Not.  Cat.,  ii.  3-4;  Clavicjc.ro,  Storia  Cal.,  i. 
263^4;  Dice.  Unit'.,  iv.  547.  His  Explication  del  Comcta  was  printed  in 
Mexico,  1681.  For  a  list  of  his  MS.  writings  see  Backer,  Bib.,  v.  367-8. 


252  ANNALS  OF  SOXORA  AND  SINALOA. 

the  northern  region;  for  it  was  by  that  way  that  he 
hoped  yet  to  reach  the  wonderful  California^  lands 
in  whose  existence  he  believed,  like  others  of  his  time, 
and  which  it  seemed  impossible  to  reach  by  any  other 
way.  He  doubtless  knew  all  that  was  to  be  known 
about  Sonora,  when,  at  the  end  of  1685,  Otondo  came 
over  and  took  the  cosmogrqfo  on  a  voyage  to  warn 
the  Manila  galleon. 

Most  of  1686  was  spent  in  Mexico  in  perfecting 
plans  for  the  spiritual  conquest  of  Pimeria.  No  one 
had  any  objections  to  his  converting  gentiles  as  far 
north  as  he  pleased;  the  only  difficulty  was  to  get 
money  from  the  royal  coffers.  Yet  as  the  sum  re 
quired  was  small,  and  the  absence  of  so  persistent  and 
logical  a  beggar  was  very  desirable,  the  viceroy  gave 
him  at  last  an  allowance  for  two  new  missions,  one 
to  be  founded  among  the  Seris  of  the  gulf  coast,  and 
he  started  northward  the  20th  of  November.  During 
his  stay  in  Sonora  he  had  noted  a  prevalent  disregard 
of  royal  orders  bearing  on  repartimientos  and  native 
laborers,  which  was  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles  en 
countered  by  the  padres.  He  therefore  stopped  at 
Guadalajara  on  his  way,  where  he  demanded  and 
obtained  from  the  aucliencia  an  order  exempting  new 
converts  for  five  years  from  all  work  in  mines  and 
haciendas.  About  the  same  time  arrived  the  royal 
cedula  of  May  14th,  of  like  tenor,  but  extending  the 
exemption  to  twenty  years,2*  a  cedula  strictly  obeyed 
perhaps — in  districts  where  there  were  neither  mines 
nor  haciendas. 

Armed  with  these  documents  and  clothed  in  Jesuit 
zeal,  Kino  reached  Ures  early  in  1687,  obtained  in 
terpreters,  and  on  March  13th  as  a  beginning  of  his 
apostolic  career  founded  the  mission  of  Nuestra  Senora 
de  los  Dolores  just  above  Cucurpe,  at  the  source  of 
the  river  since  called  San  Miguel,  or  Horcasitas.  His 
subsequent  movements  for  several  years  are  not  re- 

24  previous  ce"dulas  of  1607  and  1618  had  prohibited  such  labor  for  ten  years 
after  baptism.  Recop.  de  las  IiuL,  tit.  i.  20,  v.  3. 


PIMERf  A  ALTA.  253 

corded  in  detail;  but  he  founded  the  towns  of  San 
Ignacio25  and  San  Jose  Imuris  on  the  Rio  San  Ignacio 
some  twenty -five  or  thirty  miles  across  the  mountains 
from  Dolores,  and  also  Remedios  between  Dolores 
and  Imuris.  Imuris  would  seem  to  have  been  aban 
doned  some  years  later.  The  natives  were  the  most 
intelligent  and  docile  yet  found  in  Sonora;  but  from 
the  very  first  years  exaggerated  and  absurd  rumors 
of  their  ferocity  are  vaguely  alluded  to  as  having  kept 
away  other  padres  and  greatly  troubled  the  pioneer, 
who  nevertheless  kept  on  alone  and  before  1690  had 
fine  churches  in  each  of  his  villages.26 

The  Apaches,  Jocomes,  Sumas,  Janos,  and  other 
savages  in  the  north-east  were  constantly  on  the  war 
path,27  and  by  the  authorities  in  Sinaloa  and  Mexico, 
in  fact  by  everybody  but  Father  Kino,  the  Pimas 

25  It  seems  to  have  been  called  S.  Ignacio  Caborca  at  first,  but  as  the  native 
name  was  rarely  applied  later,  and  then  with  a  great  variety  of  spellings,  and 
as  there  was  another  pueblo  known  as  Caborca,  I  have  contrary  to  my  usual 
custom  used  the  Spanish  name  exclusively.  The  pueblo  of  Imuris  was  oftener 
written  Hymeris  or  Himeris. 

25  Apostolicos  Afanes  de  la  Compama  de  Jesus  escritos  por  un  padre  de  la 
misma  sayrada  religion  de  su  Provindade  Mexico,  Barcelona,  1754.  This  im 
portant  and  rare  work  was  completed  in  Mexico  in  1752  and  published  by  P. 
Francisco  Javier  Fluvia  as  above.  The  writer  modestly  claims  that  his  book 
is  only  a  collection  of  original  memorias  from  the  pens  of  different  Jesuit  mis 
sionaries,  arranged  in  chronological  order  with  here  and  there  slight  modifica 
tions  to  insure  a  certain  uniformity  of  style.  No  special  lack  of  uniformity 
is,  however,  noticeable,  and  the  style  is  perhaps  equal  to  that  of  other  similar 
chronicles  of  the  time.  Certain  passages  in  the  work  show  that  the  editor 
was  probably  Padre  Joseph  Ortega  of  the  Nayarit  missions.  See  also  Backer, 
Bib.,  iv.  497-8,  from  Beristain;  and  Id.,  v.  354.  The  work  is  full  of  miraculous 
happenings,  but  the  author  protests  that  in  recording  divine  intervention  in 
behalf  of  persons  not  canonized  by  the  church,  he  claims  no  other  credit  than 
such  as  is  awarded  to  a  'purely  human' and  diligent  historian.  The  copy 
consulted  by  me  is  in  the  library  of  the  Jesuit  college  of  Santa  Clara.  Libros 
ii.  and  iii.  relate  to  the  Jesuit  work  in  Pimeria,  and  the  former  almost  exclu 
sively  to  Kino's  achievements  down  to  1710,  being  in  substance  as  is  believed 
Kino's  own  letters  on  the  subject.  It  may  be  regarded  probably  as  the  Ilis- 
toria  de  Sonora  vaguely  alluded  to  by  several  writers  as  having  been  left  in 
MS.  by  Kino.  It  is  of  course  an  authority  of  the  very  highest  class,  having 
iii  fact  only  one  rival  to  be  mentioned  later.  See  also  on  the  beginnings  of  this 
conversion  Aler/re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jcsut,  iii.  60-2;  Kedelmair,  Relation,  843-5; 
Vcneyas,  Not.  Cal.,  ii.  87-90;  Clavirjero,  Stor.  Cal,  i.  176-7;  Velasco,  Sonora, 
139;  Id.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geocj.,  viii.  658. 

Padre  Osorio,  writing  Feb.  24,  1690  from  Ma  tape,  where  Juan  Fernandez 
Cavero  was  now  rector  since  the  death  of  Marras,  states  that  the  Pimas  are 
anxious  for  conversion  and  desire  that  Padre  Juan  Meneses  at  Mobas  be  sent 
to  them.  Sonora,  Materiales,  795-6. 

27  According  to  Sonora,  Descrip.,  605-6,  the  savages  attacked  Sta  Rosa  and 
Cuquiarachi  in  May  and  June  1688,  driving  out  the  Opatas.  Fifteen  soldiers 


254  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

were  supposed  to  be  implicated  in  their  outrages.  This 
caused  great  annoyance  all  through  his  career  to  Kino, 
who  insisted  that  the  Pimas  were  innocent,  as  they 
doubtless  were  now  and  for  some  years.  Salvatierra 
in  his  tour  as  visitador  met  Kino  at  Dolores  in  the 
spring  of  1691,  and  these  two  kindred  spirits  fairly 
revelled  in  their  apostolic  castle-building  and  plans  for 
spiritual  conquest  on  both  sides  of  the  gulf  up  to  the 
latitude  of  Monterey,  if  not  to  the  strait  of  Anian 
or  the  North  Pole.  Kino  took  the  visitador  on  a 
tour  not  only  to  his  villages  of  converts,  but  far  be 
yond  among  the  gentiles,  intent  on  showing  how  well 
disposed  they  were  for  Christianity.  They  went  to 
Tubutama  and  Saric,  possibly  crossed  the  modern 
Arizona  line  to  Tumacacori,28  and  returned  to  Cocos- 
pera  after  having  met  a  large  delegation  of  Sobaipuris 
who  begged  for  padres.  At  Cocospera  they  parted, 
Kino  remaining  awhile  in  this  vicinity,  and  Salva 
tierra  continuing  his  visita  southward  after  exacting 
a  promise  from  his  companion  to  build  a  vessel  on  the 
coast  with  a  view  to  further  exploration. 

Again  in  1692  Kino  returned  to  Suamca,  and  is 
said  to  have  gone  as  far  north  as  Bac,  near  the  mod 
ern  Tucson;29  and  at  the  end  of  the  same  year,  or  more 
likely  early  in  1693,  he  explored  for  the  first  time  the 
country  from  Tubutama  westward  down  the  river  to 
a  point  within  sight  of  the  gulf.  Four  thousand  peo 
ple,  called  Sobas,  from  the  name  of  their  cacique,  were 
found  round  about  Caborca,  willing  to  be  converted 
and  to  make  peace  with  their  eastern  neighbors,  for- 

were  sent  up  from  Sinaloa  and  founded  in  1690-1  the  presidio  of  Fronteras, 
or  Corodeguachi,  though  the  site  was  afterward  changed. 

28  The  route  according  to  Apost.  Afanes,  248-52,  was  Dolores,  Magdalena, 
Tupo,  Tubutama,  Saric,  Tucvbavia,  S.  Cayetano  Tumacacori  ((see  note  35), 
Sta  Maria  Suamca,  Cocuspera.     Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  73-4,  names 
Guevavi  as  the  place  where  the  Sobaipuris  were  met;  and  he  strangely  speaks 
of   Tubutama,    Saric,    and   other  rancherias  as   missions   already  founded, 
although  at  most  they  could  only  have  been  visited  by  Kino  and  a  few  chil 
dren  baptized.    Still  more  strangely  he  speaks  of  the  padres  being  ordered  to 
retire  from  Remedies  and  Imuris,  although  there  had  been  no  padres  there  at 
all.    Velasco,  Sonora,  139,  speaks  of  Tubutama  as  re-established  and  Guevavi 
as  founded  during  this  trip. 

29  Apost.  Afams,  251  j  Alec/re,  iii.  82. 


JIRONZA  IN  COMMAND.  255 

merly  their  foes.  Padre  Agustin  Campos  had  now 
come  up  to  take  charge  of  San  Ignacio,  and  he  was 
one  of  this  party.30 

In  1693  Sonora  was  again  separated,  practically  and 
perhaps  formally,  from  Sinaloa,  or  from  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  comandante  at  San  Felipe.  At  the  petition 
of  the  inhabitants,  a  new  "  flying  company"  of  fifty  men 
was  organized  for  the  defence  of  Sonora,  and  Domingo 
Jironza  Petriz  de  Crusate,  ex-governor  of  New  Mex 
ico,  was  in  February  put  in  command  with  the  title  of 
capitan-gobernador.  He  is  called  in  documents  of  the 
time,  governor,  general,  or  captain,  and  his  authority 
in  Sonora  was  apparently  the  same  as  that  of  the 
comandante  of  Sinaloa,  there  being  nothing  to  indi 
cate  that  he  was  in  any  way  subordinate  to  that  official. 
He  also  held  after  March  the  office  of  alcalde  mayor 
in  place  of  Melchor  Ruiz.  His  capital  and  ordinary 
place. of  residence  was  at  San  Juan  Bautista.  He 
came  up  to  Sonora  probably  in  1693,  obtaining  recruits 
for  his  company  on  the  way,  including  six  at  Sinaloa 
presidio;  and  at  once  proceeded  to  initiate  his  men 
into  active  service  by  two  successful  campaigns  against 
the  savages  who  had  recently  attacked  Nacori  and 
Bacadeguachi.  In  1694  the  work  was  zealously  prose 
cuted  in  at  least  four  campaigns  on  the  north-eastern 
frontier  against  the  Apaches,  Jocomes,  Janos,  and 
allied  bands.  In  the  first  Jironza  killed  thirteen  and 
captured  seven  of  the  band  that  had  stolen  100,000 
head  of  horses  in  the  vicinity  of  Terrenato  and  Bate- 
pito.  This  was  in  the  spring.  Again  in*  September 
he  repulsed  with  great  slaughter  six  hundred  savages 
at  Chuchuta,  being  aided  by  three  hundred  Pinias 
with  poisoned  arrows.  In  November  also  the  Pimas 
aided  in  an  entrada  made  by  the  combined  forces  of 

™Sedclmalr,  Relation,  844;  Manrje,  Hist.  Pirn.,  226-31;  Velarde,  Descr'tp. 
Hist.,  375.  The  author  of  the  Apoat.  Afanes,  followed  by  Alcgre,  says  that 
Kino  and  Campos  ou  this  occasion  ascended  the  Nazareno  Li  J,  and  this  may 
be  so;  but  probably  not,  for  Mange  implies  that  it  was  at  least  named  on  a 
later  trip  when  he  was  present.  According  to  the  Apost.  A  fane  a,  Kino  made 
a  second  visit  to  the  coast  in  July  1693.  In  Magdatena,  Llbro  t.'e  Bautismoa, 
MS.,  Padre  Campos  writes:  '  Entr6  en  esta  mision  el  aiio  de  1G93.' 


256  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

Jirpnza  and  Captain  Juan  Fernandez  de  la  Fuente  of 
the  Janos  presidio;  but  little  or  nothing  was  accom 
plished  after  much  hard  marching  and  not  a  little 
fighting.  Subsequent  raids  were  of  frequent  occur 
rence,  but  are  for  the  most  part  very  imperfectly  re 
corded.31 

Juan  Mateo  Mange  was  a  nephew  of  Governor 
Jironza,  who  had  left  Spain  in  1692  to  join  his  uncle, 
and  had  been  appointed  by  the  latter  ensign  in  the 
compania  volante.  At  the  beginning  of  1694,  being 
made  lieutenant,  alcalde  mayor,  and  capitan  d  guerra, 
he  was  detailed  to  accompany  the  padres  on  their 
expeditions,  with  orders  to  write  official  reports  of  all 
discoveries.  His  reports  have  fortunately  been  pre 
served,  and  are  the  best  original  authority  on  the 
exploration  of  northern  Sonora,  being  often  more  sat 
isfactory  than  even  Kino's  letters  as  embodied  in  the 
Apostolicos  Afanes.32  On  the  1st  of  February  Mange 
left  San  Juan,  the  capital,  arriving  the  3d  at  Dolores 

81  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  227-59;  Alegre,  iii.  84. 

32 Mange  (Historia  de  la  Pimeria  Alia.  Diarios  originales  y  qficialcs 
por  D.  Juan  Mateo  Mange,  capitan  d  guerra  y  teniente  de  alcalde  mayor). 
Thus  shall  I  refer  to  a  work  without  title  preserved  in  MS.  in  torn.  xvii.  of 
the  Archive  General  in  Mexico,  of  which  I  have  a  MS.  copy.  It  was  also 
printed  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iv.  torn.  i.  226-402,  to  which  of  course  my 
notes  refer.  The  work  is  composed  of  Mange's  diaries  given  literally,  but 
connected  apparently  with  remarks  by  some  editor  whose  name  is  not  known. 
It  is  divided  into  12  chapters,  giving  a  very  complete  history  of  northern 
Sonora  and  southern  Arizona  from  1692  to  1721.  Chapters  ix.-xii.  pp.  344- 
90  were  written  by  P.  Luis  Velarde,  the  successor  of  Kino  at  Dolores  in 
1716.  These  chapters  contain  an  account  of  the  people  and  the  country  with 
some  historical  information.  Chapter  xii.,  written  either  by  Mange,  or  more 
likely  by  the  unknown  editor,  is  chiefly  descriptive,  but  also  contains  a 
resume  of  history  before  1692.  I  shall  cite  Velarde's  part  of  the  work  as 
Description  Histtirica  de  la  Pimeria,  with  the  page  of  the  printed  edition. 

Under  the  title  Sonora,  Materiales  para  la  Historia  de  la  Provincia,  may 
be  noted  the  contents  of  torn,  xvi.-xvii.  of  the  MSS.  of  ihe^Archivo  General, 
copies  in  my  Library  from  the  collection  of  the  late  E.  G.  Squier,  printed  in 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii.  torn.  iv.  489-932;  s^rie  iv.  torn.  i.  1-468.  This  is 
an  invaluable  collection,  the  very  foundation  of  Sonora  annals;  but  I  have  not 
very  frequent  occasion  to  refer  to  its  general  title,  because  many  of  its  docu 
ments  are  worthy  of  being  cited  as  separate  works  under  their  own  titles. 
See  in  list  of  authorities  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geog. ;  Id. ,  Descrip.  Suscinta;  Id. , 
Catdlogo;  Id.,  Resumen;  Salvador,  Consulta;  Noticias  de  lisped.;  Lizasoin; 
Infcrme;  Sedelmair,  Relation;  Id.,  Entrada;  Gallardo,  Instrucciones ;  Vildo- 
sola,  Cartas;  Keller,  Consulta;  Quijano,  Informe;  Gancio,  Noticias;  Croix,  In 
strucciones;  Reyes,  Notitia;  Testimonio  Autentico;  Relation  de  la  Entrada; 
Bernal,  Relation;  and  Kino,  Tercera  Entrada. 


A  TRIP  TO  THE  COAST.  257 

ready  for  the  duties  of  his  new  position.  On  the  7th 
Kino  and  Mange,  armed  with  faith  and  with  a  picture 
of  the  celestial  apostle  San  Francisco  Javier,  crossed 
over  the  Sierra  del  Comedio  to  Santa  Maria  Magda- 
lena,  where  after  a  day  of  preaching  and  baptizing 
they  were  joined  by  Padre  Antonio  Kappus  from 
Opodepe,  and  two  Spaniards.  Starting  on  the  9th 
they  took  a  turn  north-westward  through  the  moun 
tains,  returning  to  the  river  near  the  junction  of  the 
two  branches,  and  reaching  Caborca  in  two  days.33 
They  followed  the  river  down  to  its  sink,  and  the 
general  course  of  its  dry  bed  westward,  turning 
aside  on  the  14th  to  cross  a  range  of  hills,  from  the 
highest  peak  of  which,  named  Cerro  Nazareno,  they 
looked  out  upon  the  waters  of  the  gulf,  its  isles,  and 
the  contra  costa.84  Next  day  Kino  and  Mange  went 
on  in  advance  of  the  rest,  and  were  the  first  to  reach 
the  coast  from  the  interior  of  Pimeria  Alta.  The 
return  to  Dolores,  where  they  arrived  on  the  23d, 
was  by  the  same  route,  save  that  they  kept  nearer 
the  river  between  the  junction  and  Magdalena.  It 
does  not  seem  desirable  in  this  or  other  similar  entra- 
das  to  describe  the  petty  incidents  of  the  march  or 
of  intercourse  with  the  natives,  whom  they  found 
always  friendly  and  willing  to  hear  their  preaching. 
Caborca,  in  a  fertile  region  artificially  irrigated  by 
the  Soba  inhabitants,  seemed  to  all  the  best  spot  for 
a  mission. 

With  a  view  to  visit  other  Soba  rancherias,  with 
certain  reported  salinas,  or  salt-beds,  and  especially 
to  build  a  boat  for  exploration  as  had  been  agreed 
with  Salvatierra,  another  trip  was  made  almost  imme- 

u  Magdalen*  was  called  by  the  natives  Buquibava.  The  route  \vas:  Tu- 
pocuyos,  8.  Miguel  Bosua,  Laguna  S.  Bartolome  Oacue  (to  which  point  Capt. 
Fuente  and  Alcalde  Castillo  had  penetrated  three  years  before  in  pursuit  of 
runaways  from  Opodepe.  On  the  return  march  Toape  and  Mastuerzos  were 
named  in  this  region  nearer  the  river),  Pitiqui,  on  river;  Caborca,  sink  of 
river,  3  leagues;  S.  Valentin,  9  1.;  Cerro  Nazareno,  6  1.;  Ollas,  3  1. ;  coast,  9  1. 

31  Four  hills  on  the  California  coast  were  named  the  Santos  Evangelistas; 
an  island  in  the  N.  w.  with  three  hills,  Tres  Marias;  and  the  island  of  the 
Seris,  or  Tiburon,  in  the  s.  w.,  San  Agustin. 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    17 


258  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

diately.  Kino  and  Mange  left  Dolores  the  16th  of 
March  with  twenty  native  servants  and  carpenters 
bearing  tools  and  even  some  of  the  more  complicated 
parts  of  the  proposed  craft.  This  time  they  crossed 
over  by  Magdalena  to  San  Pedro  Tubutama,  which 
was  now  a  regular  mission  pueblo,  with  four  hundred 
inhabitants,  under  Daniel  Januske,  who  had  taken 
charge  in  1693.  Thence  they  went  down  the  river, 
passing  Santa  Teresa,  San  Antonio  Oquitoa,  and  a 
place  they  named  El  Altar,  which  name  has  since 
clung  to  locality  and  river.  The  boat,  thirty  feet 
long,  was  to  be  built  at  Caborca  and  dragged  to  the 
sea.  A  large  poplar  was  selected  for  the  purpose,  and 
after  a  certain  amount  of  machete  work  at  the  base, 
Captain  Mange  climbed  the  tree  to  attach  a  rope  by 
which  it  was  to  be  pulled  down.  The  tree  fell  some 
what  prematurely,  bringing  down  with  it  the  valiant 
captain,  who  was  saved  from  serious  injury  only  by 
the  prayers  of  the  pious  Kino  kneeling  on  the  ground 
below.  Mange  went  to  the  coast  again  by  the  same 
route  as  before,  finding  some  fine  salinas  and  a  little 
port  which  he  named  Santa  Sabina.  The  natives 
were  tractable  as  before,  and  each  chief  received  a 
badge  of  office  from  the  representative  of  the  Spanish 
crown.  Eighty  children  and  sick  persons  were  bap 
tized,  and  the  list  of  registered  candidates  for  salva 
tion  was  increased  to  1,930.  The  timber  must  be 
seasoned  before  the  boat  could  be  built,  and  the  party 
returned  to  Dolores  on  the  4th  of  April,  to  return 
again  in  June.  This  time  Mange  left  Kino  at  Tubu 
tama,  and  went  up  the  river  to  a  rancheria  named 
Cups  some  twenty-three  leagues  beyond  Tacubavia,36 
where  he  heard  of  large  tribes,  and  particularly  of 
casas  grandes,  five  days'  journey  north-eastward  on  a 
great  river  flowing  from  east  to  west.  Rejoining 
Kino  at  Caborca  he  found  that  the  padre  had  received 

35  Mange  says  that  Tacubavia  was  the  limit  of  Salvatierra's  visifa.  so  that 
if  he  went  on  to  Tumacacori,  as  reported,  he  must  have  turned  back  and 
taken  a  more  eastern  route.  The  route  at  this  time  was:  Tubutama,  Entubur, 
2  leagues;  Saric,  5 1. ;  Busanic,  Tacubavia,  3  1. ;  Gubo,  9  1. ;  Cups,  14  1. 


KINO  REACHES  THE  GILA.  259 

from  the  visitador  Juan  Munoz  de  Burgos  an  order  to 
suspend  his  boat-building,  an  order  which  he  obeyed 
although  acting  under  the  orders  of  his  provincial. 
Mange  was  left  sick  at  San  Ignacio  under  the  care 
of  Father  Campos.  The  patient  craved  cold  water, 
which  the  padre  medico  denied  him ;  but  one  night  in 
his  thirsty  delirium  he  reached  the  shelf  on  which 
the  water  was  kept,  and  by  tipping  over  the  tinaja 
drenched  himself  from  head  to  foot.  The  padre  rushed 
in  at  the  noise,  but  too  late;  the  sick  man  was  cured 
and  was  soon  able  to  go  to  the  capital.36 

Kino  was  not  at  first  disposed  to  credit  the  report 
of  casas  grandes  and  a  great  northern  river;  for  there 
is  nothing  to  show  that  he  had  any  definite  knowledge 
of  Coronado's  explorations  in  the  past  century;  but 
some  natives  from  Bac  visited  Dolores  and  confirmed 
the  report.  Consequently  in  the  autumn  of  1 604,  while 
Mange  was  with  General  Jironza  on  an  Apache  cam 
paign,  he  started  on  alone  to  ascertain  the  truth,  reach 
ing  and  saying  mass  in  the  now  famous  Casa  Grande 
of  the  Gila.  No  diary  wras  kept,  and  our  knowledge 
is  limited  to  the  bare  fact  that  such  an  entrada  was 
made.37  Reports  to  the  provincial  and  viceroy  on  the 
disposition  of  the  Sobas  brought  Padre  Francisco 
Javier  Saeta  from  Mexico,  and  he  went  in  January 
1695  to  his  mission  of  Concepcion  Caborca.  Planting 
a  cornfield,  and  repairing  the  house  already  built,  he 
began  his  work  with  the  most  flattering  prospects.33 
Trouble  was,  however,  brewing  in  Pimeria,  largely  it 
is  believed  by  the  fault  of  the  Spaniards.  I  have  al 
luded  to  the  prevalent  suspicions  of  Pirna  complicity 

36  Manrje,  Hist.  Pirn.,  230-55;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  82-3;  Apos- 
ttiliros  A  fanes,  252;  Venegas,  Not.  Cat.,  ii.  91,  erroneously  states  that  Kino 
completed  the  boat,  and  in  it  discovered  the  port  of  Santa  Sabina,  a  state 
ment  repeated  in  Calif ornie,  Hist.  Chret.,  97. 

37  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  259;  Scdelmair,  Relation,  845-6;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  iii.  83-4.     In  Apost.  Afanes,  253,  it  is  implied  that  Kino  on  this  trip 
named  two  Pima  rancherias  on  the  Gila  Encarnacion  and  S.  Andre's.    See  also 
Vdasco,  Sonora,  140. 

38  According  to  Apost.  Afanes,  254,  Kino  accompanied  Saeta  to  Caborca  in 
Oct.   1694,  before  he  went  on  his  northern  trip,  and  Saeta's  arrival  in  Jan. 
was  on  his  return  from  a  tour  of  begging  for  supplies. 


200  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

in  the  raids  of  savages,  suspicions  which  neither  Kino's 
assurances  nor  the  conduct  of  the  Pimas  had  removed ; 
at  least  the  Spanish  officers  and  soldiers  were  careless 
and  committed  many  hostile  acts  on  unoffending 
natives.  For  instance  Lieutenant  Solis,  finding  some 
meat  in  a  ranch eria,  killed  three  Indians  and  flogged 
all  he  could  catch  on  a  charge  of  cattle-stealing.  The 
meat  proved  to  be  venison!  Again  a  Spanish  major- 
domo,33  with  Opata  assistants  introduced  at  Tubutama 
to  instruct  the  neophytes,  became  overbearing  and 
cruel,  resorting  to  the  lash  for  every  trifling  offence, 
and  thereby  incurring  the  hatred  of  natives  whom  the 
padres  had  always  found  tractable  under  kind  treat 
ment.  The  result  was  a  revolt.  On  March  29th,  in 
the  absence  of  Father  Januske,  the  Pimas  not  only 
rescued  one  of  their  number  about  to  be  flogged,  but 
killed  one  or  more  of  the  Opatas,  burned  the  padre's 
house  and  the  church,  and  profaned  the  sacred  images 
and  vessels,  the  very  depth  of  iniquity  in  the  eyes  of 
the  chroniclers.  Then  the  malecon  tents  started  down 
the  river,  obtained  some  recruits  at  Oquitoa,  failed  to 
do  so  at  San  Diego  Pitiqui,  and  on  April  2d,  holy 
Saturday,  arrived  at  Caborca.  Here  they  attacked 
the  native  servants,  and  when  Saeta  came  out  to 
restrain  them  with  gentle  words  two  arrows  pierced 
his  side.  Falling  on  his  knees  he  crawled  to  his 
room  and  bed,  where,  after  suffering  a  thousand 
indignities  and  torments,  he  was  despatched  with 
twenty-two  arrows  and  blows  of  clubs,  the  assassins 
then  proceeding  to  the  same  excesses  and  destruc 
tion  as  at  Tubutama.40  Four  servants  were  killed, 
and  the  rest  of  the  people  fled,  apparently  with- 

39  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  84-8,  is,  however,  the  only  authority  who 
mentions  a  Spaniard  as  one  of  the  offenders  at  Tubutama. 

40  According  to  Velarde,  Hist.  Descrip. ,  375-82,  Saeta  had  heard  of  danger 
but  preferred  martyrdom  to  flight.     It  had  been  his  intention  to  go  to  Cali 
fornia  and  found  there  a  mission  of  Sta  Rosalia  de  Palermo.     An  Indian  burned 
the  body,  swollen  from  the  effects  of  poisoned  arrows;  bub  the  ashes  were 
saved  and  deposited  at  Toape  or  Cucurper  whence  in  1714  they  were  removed 
to  Sicily.     A  very  rare  flexible  crucifix  embraced  by  the  dying  martyr  was 
kept  at  Arizpe  as  a  most  precious  and  sacred  relic.    See  sketch  of  Saeta's  life, 
in  Dice.  Univ.,  vi.  732-3. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  PIMAS.  261 

out  having  taken  any  active  part  in  the  outbreak. 
Jironza  and  Mange,  with  padres  Campos  and  Beyerca, 
and  an  armed  force,  hastened  to  the  spot,  but  found 
all  the  villages  abandoned.  The  country  was  scoured 
and  a  few  fugitives  were  killed  or  captured.  Taking 
with  him  the  ashes  of  the  martyr,  with  the  arrows 
that  killed  him,  Jironza  returned  to  Dolores;  while 
Solis  with  the  main  force  was  sent  to  Tubutama. 
Here  a  few  natives  were  killed,  and  the  rest  begged 
for  peace,  which  was  promised  on  condition  that  they 
were  to  give  up  the  guilty  and  come  unarmed  to  the 
Spanish  camp.  Fifty  of  them  did  so  come  and  were 
treacherously  massacred.41 

On  the  supposition  that  the  natives  would  be  in 
timidated  by  this  wholesale  murder,  called  by  the 
despicable  Solis  a  victory  and  not  very  much  disap 
proved  it  would  seem  by  the  governor,  the  army  was 
now  sent  to  Cocospera  en  route  for  Apachena,  except 
a  guard  of  three  men  at  San  Ignacio  under  Corporal 
Escalante,  and  also  three  men  under  Mange  at  Do 
lores.  But  the  Pimas  hardly  waited  for  the  soldiers 
to  get  out  of  sight,  when,  having  completed  the  work 
of  destruction  in  Tubutama  Valley,  they  crossed  over 
and  meted  out  the  same  fate  to  all  the  towns  on  the 
Rio  San  Ignacio.  Padre  Campos  saved  his  life  by 
running  away  to  Cucurpe,  protected  by  the  four  sol 
diers,  who  fought  as  they  ran.  After  it  was  all  over 
the  padre  "  felt  very  sad  to  think  that  martyrdom 
had  twice  escaped  him,"  }^et  he  bore  this  misfortune 
bravely.  Father  Januske  had  not  attempted  to 
return  to  his  mission.  Of  Kino  during  the  whole 
trouble  we  only  know  that  he  hid  the  sacred  utensils 
in  a  cave  and  calmly  awaited  death  at  Dolores,  a  mis 
sion  which,  however,  was  not  attacked,  on  account  of 
the  padre's  popularity,  or  his  prayers,  or  perchance 

"Mange,  lilt.  Pirn.,  2G1-71,  says  some  trouble  occurred  while  the  guilty 
were  "being  tied,  and  all  were  killed  without  any  one  knowing  exactly  how  it 
happened ;  some  say  by  order  of  Solis.  The  Jesuits  condemn  the  act  as  an 
uncalled-for  murder,  except  Velarde,  who  does  not  mention  this  part  of  the 
afiaii-  at  all. 


262  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

because  the  soldiers  came  up  too  soon.  Governor 
Jironza  called  upon  all  the  presidios  for  aid,  and  with 
a  large  force  ravaged  the  whole  country  in  a  campaign 
respecting  which  no  details  have  been  preserved,  until 
the  people  were  compelled  by  hunger  and  fear  of 
annihilation  to  come  in  crowds  to  beg  for  peace  and 
pardon  and  food  and  work.  By  missionary  influence 
a  general  pardon  was  granted  on  August  17th,  and 
the  padres  set  to  work  to  recover  lost  ground.42 

From  the  middle  of  November  1695  to  the  middle 
of  May  1696  Kino  was  absent  from  Pimeria  on  a  visit 
to  Mexico,  where  he  went  to  defend  the  Pimas  from 
unjust  charges,  to  explain  the  true  causes  of  the  revolt, 
and  to  obtain  missionaries  with  license  to  explore  and 
convert  in  the  far  north.  In  Mexico  life  again  met 
Salvatierra  and  labored  without  immediate  success  to 
advance  their  mutual  plans  for  the  reduction  of  Cali 
fornia.  He  obtained  a  nominal  apportionment  of  five 
padres  for  Pimeria;  but  for  some  not  very  clearly  ex 
plained  reason  only  one,  Padre  Gaspar  Varillas,  came 
back  with  him.  On  the  homeward  journey,  by  way 
of  Tarahumara,  the  Jesuits  turned  aside  to  visit  a 
missionary  just  in  time  to  save  their  lives,  for  the 
whole  company  of  attendants  including  some  Span 
iards  were  killed  by  savages.  Crowds  of  Pimas,  Sobas, 
and  Sobaipuris  came  from  far  and  near  to  welcome  the 
returning  apostle  at  Dolores,  loading  him  with  gifts 
and  promises  and  petitions;  but  he  had  no  aids  to 
undertake  his  favorite  schemes,  and  had  to  be  content 
with  slow  progress.  The  devil  seems  to  have  given 
his  particular  attention  to  the  creation  of  obstacles  by 
circulating  false  reports  about  the  Pimas,  who  were 

42  In  the  Magdalen  a,  Lib.  Bautismo*,  MS.,  Campos  writes:  *  Se  perdieron 
los  papeles  cle  los  bautismos  al  ano  de  1695  en  el  alzamiento  y  queimizon  de 
estos  tres  pueblos.  Y  la  gente  esparcida  no  se  agreg6  hasta  este  aiio  de  1G9S.' 
The  author  of  Apost.  Afaites,  255-63,  mentions  another  masscre  of  1C  Pimas 
without  any  inquiries  about  their  guilt.  The  leaders  M'ere  given  up  and  sen 
tenced  to  death,  but  by  the  influence  of  PP.  Kino  and  Polici  their  lives  were 
spared.  Sedelmair,  JKdacion,  844-5,  says  Saeta  was  killed  March  loth,  and 
that  peace  was  not  finally  declared  until  Nov.  1696.  Niel,  Apunt.,  67,  attri 
butes  the  murder  to  Sobaipuris.  See  also  mention  in  tionora,  Descrip.  Geoy., 
583;  Vdasco,  Sonora,  140. 


A  FIESTA  AT  DOLORES.  263 

accused  of  being  at  the  bottom  of  every  hostile  move 
ment,  no  matter  how  far  from  their  country.  Father 
Campos,  who  had  served  at  Dolores  during  Kino's 
absence,  now  rebuilt  San  Ignacio,  and  the  three,  with 
Captain  Mange,  revisited  Tubutama  and  Caborca, 
Varillas  chosing  the  latter,  though  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  went  there  to  live  permanently  for  some  years.43 
Of  Januske  nothing  more  is  heard  in  Pimeria.44 

In  1696-7  Kino  revisited  most  or  all  of  the  places 
that  have  been  named,  perfecting  arrangements  for 
future  work  especially  in  the  north,  baptizing  children, 
and  leaving  some  live-stock.45  Early  in  1697  Padre 
Pedro  Ruiz  de  Contreras  arrived  and  was  put  in 
charge  of  Suamca,  with  Cocospera  as  a  visita.  Strong 
as  was  Kino's  attachment  for  Pimeria  it  had  by  no 
means  extinguished  his  first  love  for  California,  and 
when  in  1697  Salvatierra  at  last  got  his  license,  Father 
Eusebio  at  once  announced  his  intention  to  join  him; 
but  so  great  was  the  grief  of  the  Pimas,  and  so  urgent 
the  protest  of  Jironza  and  Polici,  declaring  his  pres 
ence  absolutely  necessary  to  the  peace  of  the  country, 
that  he  either  consented  or  was  ordered  by  his  supe 
riors  to  remain,  a  course  of  which  time  proved  the 
wisdom  even  for  the  interests  of  California,  for  whose 
missions  he  did  much  more  on  the. main  than  he  could 
have  done  on  the  peninsula.46  On  September  15, 
1698,  a  grand  religious  fiesta  was  held  at  Remedios, 
a  visita  of  Dolores,  on  the  occasion  of  dedicating  in 
her  new  church  a  beautiful  image  of  Our  Lady  sent 

43  According  to  Apost.  Afanes,  263-70,  P.  Kino  conducted  the  new  padre 
to  Caborca  in  Feb.  1097. 

"Velarde,  Descr'ip.  Hist.,  375,  says  that  before  1695  Pimeria  had  five 
padres  and  was  formed  into  the  rectorado  of  Dolores.  These  were  those 
already  named:  Kino,  Campos,  Kappus,  Januske,  and  Saeta.  Horacio  Polici 
was  now  superior  of  the  Sonora  missions  residing  at  Baseraca. 

45  S.  Pablo  Quiburi,  S.  Javier  del  Bac,  S.  Luis,  S.  Cayetano  Tumacacori, 
S.  Ger6nimo,  Sta  Maria  Suamca,  and  S.  Pablo  are  named. 

*6Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  89,  99-100.  According  to  Apost.  Afanes, 
282,  the  arrangement  was  that  Kino  should  stay  alternately  six  months  in 
Pimeria  and  six  months  in  California.  See  also  on  mission 'progress  of  the 
period  Manye,  Hist.  Pimeria,  271;  Seddmair,  delation,  844-5. 


264  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

from  Mexico.  It  was  a  time  of  joy  and  enthusiasm, 
of  processions  and  church  rites,  of  bell-ringing  and 
salutes  and  music,  of  speech-making  and  preaching, 
in  the  presence  of  Spaniards  and  neophytes  from  the 
south  and  of  native  chieftains  from  the  country  as 
far  north  as  the  Gila  Valley.  The  pen  of  the  pious 
Kino  fairly  revels  in  the  narrative  of  the  day's 
glories.47 

The  suspicions  respecting  Kino's  gentiles  led  in  the 
autumn  of  1697  to  the  first  military  expedition  to  the 
Gila,  the  object  of  which  was  to  ascertain  the  real 
disposition  of  the  natives  and  to  search  for  a  general 
repository  of  the  stolen  goods  accumulated  during  the 
raids  of  the  past  thirteen  years.     On  November  5th 
Lieutenant  Cristobal    Martin    Bernal,   with  Alferez 
Francisco  Acuiia,  Sergeant  Juan  B.  Escalante,  and 
twenty  soldiers  of  the  compama  volante,  marched  by 
order  of  General  Jironza  from  Corodeguachi  by  Ter- 
renate,  Suamca,  and  San  Joaquin,  to  Quiburi  on  the 
river  now  known  as  San  Pedro.     Here  Bernal  was 
joined  on  the  9th  by  Kino  and  Mange,  who  with  ten 
servants,  thirty  horses,  the  vidtico,  and  a  few  trifling 
gifts  for  the  Sobaipuris,  had  left  Dolores  on  the  2d.43 
At  Quiburi  lived  Captain  Coro,  a  Sobaipuri  cacique 
who  instead  of  being  a  confederate  of  the  Apaches 
was  found  engaged  with  his  warriors  in  a  dance  round 
thirteen  Apache  scalps,  and  who  joined  the  expedition 
with  thirty  natives.     Kindly  received  by  the  people 
of  every  rancheria  and  meeting  with  no  adventures 
worthy  of  mention  they  marched  down  the  river,  called 
Rio  Quiburi,  to  the  junction  of  the  Gila,  a  stream 
whose  aboriginal  name  is  perhaps  recorded  for  the 
first  time  in  the  diaries  of  this  journey,  it  having  been 
called  before  Rio  Grande,  or  by  Onate  in  1604-5,  Rio 

"Kino,  Relation  de  Nra  Sra  de  los  Remedies  en  su  nueva  capiUa  de  su 
tmevo  puebh  de  las  nuevas  conversions  de,  la  Pimeria.  Letter  of  Sept.  16th, 
from  Dolores,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  814-16. 

43  Kino's  route  had  been  Dolores;  Remedies,  8  leagues  x. ;  Cocospera,  6  1. 
N.;  S.  Lazaro,  61.  N. ;  Sta  Maria  (Suamca),  6  1.  E.  up  river:  S.  Joaquin  Baso- 
suma,  14 1.  N.J  Sta  Cruz  Gaibauipetea,  6  1.  E.  on  river;  Quiburi,  1  1.  N.  on  river. 


EXPLORATIONS  ON  THE  GILA.  265 

de  Jesus.49  From  the  16th  to  the  21st  of  November 
they  explored  the  Gila  Valley  westward  somewhat 
beyond  the  Casa  Grande,  of  which  monument  of  more 
ancient  times,  since  famous,  the  diaries  of  this  trip 
contain  the  first  definite  description,  showing  that  the 
condition  of  the  ruin  has  been  but  little  changed  since 
that  time.50  One  group  of  ruins  was  examined  by 
Escalante  on  the  north  side  of  the  river.  Many  ran- 
cherias  were  visited  by  detachments  wandering  in 
different  directions,  and  reports  were  received  of  quick 
silver  mines,  and  of  white  men  bearing  fire-arms  and 
swords  who  sometimes  came  to  the  Colorado.  Of 
course  no  record  of  northern  exploration  at  this  period 
could  be  complete  without  such  tales.  The  party 
started  back  on  the  21st  up  the  river  since  called 
Santa  Cruz,  by  way  of  Bac,  Tumacacori,  Guevavi,  and 
Cocospera,  to  Dolores,  where  they  arrived  the  2d  of 
December.51  The  journey  out  and  back  was  estimated 
at  260  leagues;  the  explorers  had  been  received  with 
triumphal  arches  and  every  token  of  welcome;  4,700 
natives  had  been  registered,  and,  so  far  as  time  would 
permit,  instructed;  and  89  had  received  the  rite  of 
baptism.  Badges  of  office  had  been  given,  as  the  cus 
tom  was,  to  many  chieftains;  and  so  far  as  the  mem 
bers  of  the  party  were  concerned  all  doubt  of  Pima 
fidelity  was  dispelled.52 

49  The  rancheria  names  in  their  order  down  the  Rio  Quiburi  were:  Quiburi; 
Alamos,  10  leagues;  Causac,  15  1.  (a  point  previously  reached  by  Capt.  Ra 
mirez);  Jiaspi  or  Rosario,  2 1. ;  Muiva,  1 1. ;  S.  Pantaleon  Aribaiba,  G 1. ;  Tutoida, 
3  1.;  Comarsuta,  3  1.;  Victoria  Ojio,  31.;  Gila  River,  6  1. 

50  Coronado  had  perhaps  visited  this  ruin  in  1540,  calling  it  chichflticale  or 
'red  house;'  and  Kino  as  we  have  seen  said  mass  in  it  a  few  years  before  this 
visit.     For  a  complete  description,  with  cuts  of  the  Casa  Grande,  with  a 
chronological  history  of  all  visits  to  it,  including  quoted  descriptions  from 
these  diaries,  see  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  iv.  C21-32,  this  series. 
The  original  MSS.  obtained  since  the  publication  of  my  former  work  contain 
some  simple  drawings  of  the  Casa  not  reproduced  in  the  printed  copy.     I 
have  also  photographs  of  the  ruins. 

51  Route:  S.  Andres,  Sta  Catalina,  S.  Agustin,  S.  Javier  del  Bac  or  Ba- 
tosda,  S.  Cayetano  Tumacacori,  Guevavi,  Cocospera,  Remedies,  Dolores. 

"jBtemai,  Relation  del  Estado  de  la  Pimeria,  que  remite  el  P.  Vizitador 
Horatio  Pclici,  per  d  ano  de  1G07,  in  Sonora,  Jtfateriales,  797-SC9;  also  MS. 
This  Relation  is  made  up  of  1st  a  letter  of  Lieut.  Bernal,  mentioned  by  Mange 
always  as  Capt.  Martin,  to  P.  Polici,  dated  Dec.  3d,  speaking  in  general  terms 
of  his  journey  beyond  the  Gila  4to  the  confines  of  the  new  nations  of  the 


266  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

After  an  illness  of  several  months  Kino  started 
north  again  on  September  22,  1698,  with  seven  or 
eight  natives  and  sixty  horses,  accompanied  by  Captain 
Diego  Carrasco  instead  of  Mange,  an  unfortunate  sub 
stitution  for  the  historical  student  as  the  original  diary 
is  not  extant.  Reaching  the  Gila  by  way  of  Bac,  he 
found  the  natives  friendly  as  before  at  the  rancherias 
of  Encarnacion  and  San  Andres,  some  distance  below 
the  Casa  Grande  and  perhaps  near  the  Pima  Villages 
of  modern  maps.  From  San  Andres  he  went  on  to 
the  gulf,  where  "to  the  leeward  of  the  mouth  of  the 
great  river"  he  found  a  good  port  with  fresh  water 
and  wood.  Thence  he  went  down  the  coast  to  Caborca, 
and  returned  to  Dolores  by  way  of  Tubutama  before 
the  18th  of  October,  having  counted  forty  rancherias 
with  over  four  thousand  souls,  baptized  four  hundred 
children,  and  given  out  some  badges  of  office.  This 
is  Kino's  own  statement  in  a  letter  to  the  visitador, 
and  writers  who  have  apparently  seen  other  original 
documents  have  not  been  able  from  them  to  satisfac 
torily  define  the  exact  route  followed.53  The  evidence 

6patas  and  Cocomaricopas;  and  even  to  near  the  Moquis'!  and  2d,  a  detailed 
diary,  signed  on  Dec.  4th  by  Bernal,  Acuiia,  Kino,  Escalante,  and  Francisco 
Javier  Barsejon.  Strangely  Mange's  name  is  not  mentioned  at  all.  The  other 
diary  is  that  given  by  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  274-91.  Kino,  Breve  Relation,  in 
Sonora,  Mnteriales,  811,  also  briefly  notices  this  entrada  'hasta  cerca  de  los 
Moquis.'  See  also  A legre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  101-2;  Sedelmair,  Relation, 
84G;  Apost.  Afanes,  268-9;  Villa  Senor,  Theatro,  ii.  204. 

^Kino,  Carlo,  (Oct.  18th),  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  817-19.  This  is  a  hasty 
letter  written  before  he  had  time  to  copy  his  regular  diary,  which  was  sent 
on  Oct.  20th.  He  states  that  Carrasco  also  wrote  a  report.  He  implies  that  he 
reached  the  gulf  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  that  he  found  the  40  ran 
cherias  on  the  coast  which  he  followed  for  the  greatly  exaggerated  distance 
of  80  leagues.  He  names  two,  S.  Francisco  and  S.  Serafin.  According  to 
Apost.  Afanes,  272-4,  Kino  went  from  S.  Andre's  80  1.  s.  w.  to  the  gulf,  and 
supposed  the  port  discovered  to  be  the  Sta  Clara  of  former  voyagers.  This 
writer  says  also,  that  although  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  relation  before  him, 
Kino  elsewhere  states  twice  that  in  1698  he  saw  from  the  top  of  Sta  Clara 
mountain  (this  mountain  was  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Papago,  though 
the  author  evidently  supposes  it  farther  north)  that  the  gulf  came  to  an  end 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  From  the  port  he  examined  the  coast  for  90  1. 
southward  to  Caborca.  He  names  S.  Andre's,  S.  Francisco,  S.  Serafin,  2  1. ; 
Merced,  San  Rafael  (Actun),  S.  Marcelo  Sonoydag  (Sonoita),  15  1.  w. ;  Caborca, 
40  1.  Alegre,  Hint.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  203-4,  saw  Kino's  diary  and  quotes  from 
it  to  the  effect  that  he  at  S.  Mateo  Soroydad  (S.  Marcelo  Sonoita?)  ascended 
a  hill  which  he  called  Sta  Brigida,  and  from  the  top  made  his  survey  of  the 
gulf,  seeing  the  port  \vhich  he  supposed  to  be  Sta  Clara,  and  the  mouth  as  he 
thought  of  the  Colorado ;  but  could  not  see  the  California  coast  on  account  of 


NEW  TRIP  TO  THE  NORTH.  267 

and  probabilities  favor  the  supposition  that  Kino 
passed  from  the  region  of  the  Pima  Villages  south- 
westward  to  the  latitude  of  Adair's  Bay,  which  was 
probably  his  Santa  Clara,  made  his  observations  from 
the  hills  between  Sonoita  and  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Piipago,  and  returned  homeward  not  along  the  beach 
but  keeping  east  of  the  hills,  and  obtaining  perhaps 
from  their  summits  occasional  glimpses  of  the  gulf. 

The  worthy  apostle  could  by  no  means  keep  his 
thoughts  or  his  steps  from  turning  northward,  and 
February  of  1699  found  him  ready  for  a  new  entrada. 
This  time  he  was  accompanied  by  Mange,  who  came 
up  from  San  Juan  for  the  purpose,  and  by  Padre 
Adan  Gil.  The  route  was  by  way  of  Tubutarna,  now 
a  visita  of  San  Ignacio  under  Father  Campos ;  Sonoita, 
where  the  worn-out  horses  and  fifty  cows  were  left  as 
a  base  of  supplies  for  the  reduction  of  this  region,  and 
for  California  if  the  padres  should  come  over  to  Port 
Santa  Clara;  and  thence  to  the  Gila  at  a  point  about 
three  leagues  from  the  Colorado  junction,  arriving  the 
21st  of  February.54  It  was  the  intention  to  go  on  to 
the  Colorado  river  and  down  that  river  to  its  mouth; 
but  the  natives  refused  to  serve  as  guides  in  that 
direction  where  their  enemies  lived.  On  the  way  the 
travellers  heard  of  a  giant  from  the  north,  who  had 
bitterly  oppressed  the  people  till  they  suffocated  him 
with  smoke  in  a  cave ;  and  here  on  the  Gila  there  were 
strange  tales  of  white  men  who  had  once  passed  down 
to  the  sea  and  returned  eastward — perhaps  a  tradition 
of  Oiiate — and  of  a  very  wonderful  white  woman, 

fog.  Thus  he  shows  the  earlier  writer  to  be  in  error  in  the  statement  that 
Kino  at  this  time  discovered  that  California  was  a  peninsula.  The  two  state 
ments  referred  to  were  simply  that  he  hud  twice  seen  the  gulf  and  not  its 
head,  not  from  Sta  Clara  Mt  in  1698,  but  from  Nazareno  Hill  in  1694.  Vene- 
gas,  Not,  Cal,  ii.  91-2,  tells  us  that  Kino  explored  the  coast  south  from  Sta 
Clara  to  Sta  Sabina  Bay;  and  Gobien,  in  Lockmaii's  Trav.  Jesuits,  i.  355,  that 
he  advanced  northward  along  the  coast  as  far  as  Sta  Clara  mountain. 

54  Full  route:  Dolores;  S.  Ignacio,  10  leagues  w. ;  Magdalena,  3  1.;  Laguna 
Tupo  (with  good  flax),  6  1.  N.  w. ;  Tubutama,  12  1.  N.  w. ;  Saric,  7  1.  N.  up  river; 
Tacubavia,  3  1.;  Guvoverde,  10  1.  w.;  Sta  Eulalia,  5  1.  w.;  arroyo,  5  1.  N.  w. 
5  1.  w.;  mud-holes,  13  1.  w.;  Actun  (S.  Rafael),  5  1.  N.  w.;  Laguna,  6  1.  w. ; 
Soiioita,  4  1.  K.  w.;  Carrizal,  10  1.  w.  down  stream;  Luna,  6  1.  N.  w.  and  14  1. 
s . ;  Gila,  12  1.  N.  w.,  15  1.,  and  6  1.  K.  w. 


268  ANNALS  OF  SONOEA  AND  SINALOA. 

doubtless  Sor  Maria  cle  Jesus  Agreda,  who  had 
preached  in  an  unknown  tongue,  and  had  twice  risen 
from  the  dead  when  shot  by  the  Colorado  tribes;  also 
of  white  and  clothed  men  living  in  the  north  and  on 
the  coast,  who  sometimes  came  to  trade  for  skins. 
Mange  counsels  investigation,  since  foreign  heretics 
may  be  trading  with  and  corrupting  the  natives. 

On  the  24th  they  started  up  the  Gila,  named  by 
Kino  Rio  de  los  Apostoles/5  leaving  the  river  at  the 
big  bend  and  striking  it  again  on  March  2d  a  few 
miles  beyond  the  junction  of  the  Salado  and  Verde, 
which  streams  they  had  discovered  and  named  the 
same  day  from  a  hilltop.56  Ten  leagues  farther  over 
a  sterile  desert  brought  the  explorers  to  San  Andres 
Coata,  the  western  limit  of  previous  exploration. 
They  had  registered  thus  far  3,600  new  gentiles,  and 
were  now  on  familiar  ground.  Passing  Encarnacion, 
San  Clemente,and  Agustin  Oiaur,they  were  welcomed 
at  Bac  the  7th  of  March  by  1,300  natives  who 
entertained  their  visitors  for  two  days,  and  pointed 
with  much  pride  to  their  adobe  warehouse  full  of 
corn  and  their  live-stock  and  other  things  made  ready 
in  the  hope  of  having  a  real  live  padre  to  live  with 
them.  On  the  journey  southward57  Kino  was  seri 
ously  ill.  Cocospera  mission  had  been  destroyed  by 
Apaches  in  1698,  and  Padre  Contreras  had  retired. 
At  Remedies  the  new  church,  lacking  a  roof,  had 
filled  up  with  water  like  a  tank  and  burst,  and  at 
Dolores  where  they  arrived  on  the  14th,  some  damage 
had  been  done  by  heavy  rains;  yet  many  new  candi- 

"5  He  also  named  the  Colorado  Rio  de  los  Martires,  and  the  Salado  and 
Verde  with  the  southern  branches  (S.  Pedro  and  Sta  Cruz)  Los  Evangelistas. 

56  The  Salado  at  the  time  of  discovery  is  mentioned  simply  as  '  otro  rio 
sdlobre''  which  joins  the  Verde;  but  is  named  elsewhere  in  the  diary.  The 
Verde  was  so  called — or  by  an  equivalent  in  the  vernacular — by  the  natives 
because  it  passed  through  a  sierra  of  many  green  stones. 

The  rancherias  passed  were:  S.  Mateo  Cant,  San  Tadeo  Vaqui,  S.  Limon 
Tucsani,  S.  BartolomcS  Comae,  the  last  being  a  Pima  town  3  leagues  from  the 
Salado  junction.  An  racoria  of  silver-bearing  ore  was  found  west  by  the  big 
bend,  supposed  to  have  been  washed  down  from  N.  Mexico  by  the  current. 

57  Bac,  Tamacacori,  20  leagues;  Guevavf,  6  1.;  Bacuancos,  7  1.;  Coc6spera, 
16  L;  Remedies,  6  1.;  Dolores,  8  1. 


HOME  OF  THE  WINDS.  269 

dates  for  salvation  had  been  found,  marvellous  reports 
had  been  heard  in  the  north,  and  the  heart  of  the 
missionary  was  exceedingly  glad.58 

Foes  of  conversion  or  of  the  Jesuits  or  dupes  of 
the  "enemy  of  souls"  were  not  wanting  who  refused 
entire  credit  to  Kino's  reports  of  rich  lands  and  docile 
Indians.  It  was  suspected  that  his  enthusiasm  served 
as  a  magnifying  lens  transforming  "worms  into  ele 
phants.  "  Absurd  rumors  were  in  circulation  respecting 
the  Gila  tribes  now  that  the  more  southern  Pimas 
were  partially  relieved  of  suspicion  and  calumny. 
The  Jesuits  themselves  were  in  doubt,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  get  new  padres;  yet  the  apostle  was 
indefatigable  in  his  efforts  to  set  things  right.  Any 
one  who  came  to  Dolores  was  sure  to  be  taken  on  a 
tour  to  the  Gila  so  long  as  the  padre  could  walk  or 
sit  on  a  mule.  Antonio  Leal,  now  visitador  of  Sonora, 
resolved  to  make  the  tour,  and  Father  Francisco 
Gonzalez  had  a  mind  to  be  one  of  the  party.  Accord 
ingly  Kino  and  Mange  made  ready,  and  all  left 
Dolores  October  24,  1699,  going  up  to  San  Javier  del 
Bac  by  the  route  of  the  recent  return.  Here  a  strange 
thing  occurred.  On  the  summit  of  a  hill  the  Spaniards 
found  a  white  stone  of  somewhat  regular  shape,  which, 
fearing  it  might  be  some  kind  of  an  idol,  they  over 
turned,  leaving  a  small  round  hole  in  the  ground. 
No  sooner  had  they  come  down  than  a  violent  gale 
began,  so  strong  that  a  man  could  not  stand  before  it; 
and  it  blew  all  night,  filling  the  natives  with  dismay, 
for  they  declared  that  the  "home  of  winds"  had  been 
opened.  Next  morning  they  went  up  and  stopped  the 
hole,  whereupon  the  wind  ceased.  Leal  and  Gonzalez 
remained  at  Bac,  while  Kino  and  Mange  went  some 
what  farther  down  the  river.  Leal  was  very  favorably 
impressed  with  the  prospect,  counted  three  thousand 
souls,  and  promised  to  send  Gonzalez  to  be  their 
missionary.  The  5th  of  November  they  crossed  over 


,  Hist.  Pirn.,  292-310;  Alegre,  Hist.   Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  110-12; 
Velasco,  Sonora,  140;  Apost.  Afanes,  275-8. 


270  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

to  the  Sonoita  region,59  and  returned  to  Dolores  on 
the  18th,  having  registered  eighteen  hundred  Papa- 
botes,  and  baptized  thirty-five  persons.  It  was  hoped 
this  trip  might  banish  the  prevailing  ignorance  and 
prejudice  in  Mexico,  and  cause  padres  to  be  sent.60 

Two  other  tours  to  the  north  were  made  before  the 
end  of  the  century,  one  to  San  Javier  del  Bac,  and 
the  other  to  the  junction  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado. 
In  March  1700  Kino  received  a  new  present  of  blue 
sea-shells  sent  down  by  the  Cocomaricopas,  which 
directed  his  attention  anew  to  the  mysteries  of  Cali 
fornia  geography  and  to  the  importance  of  clearing 
up  those  mysteries.  It  was  with  this  object  in  view 
that  he  started  the  21st  of  April.  At  Cocospera  he 
found  the  church  rebuilt.  At  Los  Reyes  he  was  re 
ceived  by  Captain  Coro,  who  had  recently  come  down 
to  Dolores  to  be  baptized,  and  at  Bac  he  was  induced 
to  remain  awhile  and  to  give  up  for  the  present  his 
explorations.  Here  he  was  visited  by  delegations 
from  many  rancherias  far  and  near;  but  his  chief  at 
tention  was  given  to  laying  the  foundation  of  a  large 
church,  the  building  of  which  the  natives  seemed  en 
thusiastic  to  undertake.  There  was  an  abundance  of 
tetzontli,  a  light  porous  stone,  in  the  vicinity,  which 
was  largely  used  in  the  structure.61  It  is  said  that 
Kino  would  have  remained  permanently  at  Bac  could 
he  have  obtained  any  one  to  take  his  place  at  Dolores. 
He  returned  in  May,  and  the  24th  of  September 
started  for  the  Gila  by  a  route  for  the  most  part  new, 
striking  the  river  east  of  the  bend,62  and  following  it 
down  to  the  Yuma  country,  where  he  succeeded  in 

59  Bac,  Tupo,  16  leagues;  Cups,  3  1.;   Actun,  81.     In  Apost.  Afanes.     S. 
Serafin  is  also  named. 

60  Mange,  hist.  Pirn.,  311-20.    Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  112-13,  gives 
the  date  of  starting  as  Oct.  21st,  and  says  that  Padre  Gonzalez  was  actually 
sent  to  Bac  but  did  not  stay  long.     The  author  of  Apost.  Afanes,  27o,  279-80, 
speaks  of  S.  Luis  Guevavi  and  S.  Cayetano  de  Bac ! 

61  It  is  possible,  but  not  probable,  that  this  was  the  beginning  of  the  fine 
church  which  still  stands  at  San  Javier. 

62 Route:  Dolores,  Remedies,  S.  Simon  y  S.  Judas,  S.  Ambrosio  Busanic, 
28  leagues;  Tacubavia,  Sta  Eulalia,  Merced,  121.;  S.  Geronimo,  201.;  Gila, 
5,  12,  101.;  down  Gila  501. 


ON  THE  COLORADO.  271 

making  peace  between  the  Yumas  and  their  neighbors. 
Climbing  a  high  hill  he  could  see  nothing  but  land 
for  thirty  leagues  south  and  south-west,  land  which 
the  natives  said  was  occupied  by  Quiquimas,  Bagi- 
opas,  Hoabonomas,  and  Cutganas.  From  this  point 
Kino  was  invited  by  the  Colorado  Yumas  to  visit 
their  country,  which  he  did  by  crossing  the  Gila  and 
going  down  the  north  bank  to  the  junction,  where  he 
named  the  chief  Yuma  rancheria  San  Dionisio  from 
the  day  of  arrival,  and  preached  to  cro\vds  of  gentiles, 
many  of  whom,  of  especially  large  stature,  came  from 
across  the  Colorado  by  swimming.  Kino  speaks  of 
the  lands  in  this  region  as  Alta  California;63  and  he 
thought  that  by  going  up  the  river  some  thirty-six 
leagues  he  might  reach  Moqui  without  passing  through 
Apacheria.  Returning  to  his  former  point  of  obser 
vation  he  ascended  a  higher  mountain,  and  at  sunset 
clearly  saw  the  river  running  ten  leagues  west  from 
San  Dionisio  and  then  twenty  leagues  south  into  the 
gulf.  From  another  hill  to  the  south  he  saw  the 
sandy  shore  of  California,  and  thence  returned  home 
by  way  of  Sonoita  and  Caborca,64  reaching  Dolores 
the  20th  of  October.  On  his  return  he  was  thanked 
by  the  governor  and  by  Salvatierra  for  his  discoveries. 
What  he  had  seen  had  strengthened  his  opinion  that 
California  was  not  an  island,  but  had  by  no  means 
settled  the  question  as  some  authors  imply.05 

Of  military  operations  from  1695  to  1700  we  have 
no  continuous  record;  but  the  nature  of  the  warfare 

e3  This  may  be  the  first  use  of  the  name ;  but  it  is  attributed  to  Kino's 
Relation,  which  may  have  been  written  some  years  later. 

64  Route:  Gila,  Trinidad,  Agua  Escondida,  12  leagues;  watering-place,  12  1.; 
creek,  18  1.;  Sonoita,  81.;  S.  Luis  Bacapa,  12  1.;  S.  Eduardo,  20  1.;  Caborca, 
1G  1.;  Tubutama,  12  1. ;  S.  Iguacio,  17  1. 

^Apost.  A  fanes,  282-5;  Salvatierra,  Relaciones,  152-3.  Venegas,  Not. 
CaL,  ii.  94^7,  and  Alegre,  I/ist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  117-18,  imply  that  Kino's 
discoveries  at  this  time  settled  the  geographical  question  by  proving  Cal 
ifornia  to  be  a  peninsula,  and  that  it  was  for  this  he  was  thanked  by  the 
authorities.  See  also  Gobien,  in  Lockman's  Trav.  Jesuits,  i.  356,  and  Kino's 
map,  in  Id.,  395.  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  12,  taking  his  information  from 
Frejes,  evidently  confounds  this  with  a  later  trip. 


272  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

waged  against  the  Apaches  and  other  savages  of  the 
north-east  was  of  the  same  type  as  that  carried  on 
against  the  same  tribes  well  nigh  down  to  the  present 
day.  The  comandante,  often  called  governor,  resided 
usually  at  San  Juan,  and  a  garrison  of  armed  men 
was  kept  constantly  at  Fronteras,  or  Corodeguachi. 
It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  other  perma 
nent  presidio  in  Sonora  during  the  century;  but  this 
garrison  acted  in  concert  with  that  of  Janos  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  and  reinforcements  were  often  obtained  from 
more  distant  points.  The  soldiers  were  almost  con 
tinually  on  the  move  in  pursuit  of  savages  who  had 
attacked  some  frontier  pueblo  and  fled  with  the  plunder, 
chiefly  live-stock,  to  their  northern  retreats.  The 
booty  was  often  recovered,  a  few  of  the  raiders  were 
killed,  and  numbers  of  women  and  children  captured ; 
but  a  decisive  victory  resulting  in  a  long  period  of 
quiet  was  impossible,  as  it  has  been  for  the  most  part 
ever  since.  I  have  already  noticed  some  military 
expeditions  in  connection  with  mission  work,  but  there 
were  others  that  may  be  briefly  mentioned. 

In  September  1695,  after  the  suppression  of  the 
Caborca  and  Tubutama  revolt,  the  three  comanclantes, 
or  generals,  Jironza,  Teran,  and  Fuente,  united  in  a 
campaign  against  the  Apaches,  Jocomcs,  and  Janos. 
The  result  was  the  killing  of  sixty  savages  and  the 

O  «/  O 

capture  of  seventy  "pieces  of  chusma,"  w liich,  or  who, 
were  divided  among  the  soldiers  of  the  three  com 
panies.  General  Teran  de  los  Bios  died  in  this  cam 
paign,  and  most  of  the  men  were  made  ill  by  drinking 
the  water  of  a  spring  supposed  to  have  been  poisoned. 
Father  Campos  served  as  chaplain.  Early  in  169G 
Lieutenant  Antonio  Solis  marched  against  the  Con- 
chos,  who  had  committed  outrages  at  Nacori,  where 
Padre  Carranco  was  missionary.  Three  chiefs  were 
shot  and  quiet  was  restored.  In  March  the  Apaches 
raided  Tonibavi,  taking  two  hundred  horses,  of  which 
on  pursuit  one  hundred  had  been  recovered,  the  rest 
having  died,  and  eighteen  of  the  raiders  having  been 


APACHE  CAMPAIGNS.  273 

killed.  Immediately  after  the  return  of  the  soldiers 
the  Apaches  attacked  and  killed  in  the  sierra  of  San 
Cristobal  a  party  from  Arizpe  consisting  of  Captain 
Cristobal  Leon,  his  son  Nicolas,  two  other  Spaniards, 
and  six  Indian  arrieros.  Jironza  pursued  with  his 
compania  volante  but  killed  only  three  of  the  foe. 
Then  General  Fuente  was  summoned  from  Janos,  and 
the  Apaches  were  driven  to  the  Sierra  Florida  up  in 
the  Gila  region,  where  thirty-two  were  killed  and 
five  piczas  de  chitsma  taken.66 

Later  in  1696  the  safety  of  the' province  was  again 
seriously  threatened,  and  this  time  not  by  savages  but 
by  neophytes.  Pablo  Quihue,  an  intelligent  native, 
ex-governor  of  Baseraca,  planned  a  revolt,  and  exerted 
himself  with  much  diplomatic  skill  and  no  small 
chances  of  success  to  make  the  movement  a  general 
one.  His  arguments  were  not  only  eloquently  ex 
pressed  but  as  may  be  believed  well  grounded.  He 
claimed  that  the  Spaniards  had  taken  their  lands, 
filled  the  country  with  soldiers,  often  made  the  natives 
virtually  slaves,  and  had  in  return  brought  no  benefit. 
Nominally  protecting  the  Pirnas,  Opatas,  Conchos, 
and  Tarahumares  from  the  savage  Apaches,  they  had 
in  reality  killed  more  of  their  proteges  than  they  had 
of  the  Apaches  or  than  the  Apaches  could  have  killed. 
The  savages  generally  escaped  after  their  raids,  but 
the  submissive  natives  on  the  most  absurd  and  frivo 
lous  pretexts  were  accused  of  apostacy  and  rebellious 
designs,  and  were  hanged,  enslaved,  or  flogged.  The 
success  of  Quihue's  plans  for  a  general  rising  was  pre 
vented  perhaps  by  the  precipitate  action  of  the  people 
at  Cuquiarachi,  Cuchuta,  and  Teuricachi,  who  before 
the  leader  was  ready  seized  the  church  ornaments  and 
other  portable  mission  property,  and  ran  away  from 
their  pueblos.  The  forces  of  Jironza,  Fuente,  and 
Zubiate  were  soon  on  the  ground,  and  with  the  aid 
of  faithful  allies,  among  whom  were  the  Guazdpares 
of  Salvatierra's  former  flock  as  already  narrated,  suc- 

^,  Hist.  Pirn.,  270-2. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    18 


274  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

ceeded  by  operations  not  clearly  described,  after  two 
new  hegiras  of  the  neophytes  and  the  hanging  of  ten 
rebels,  in  restoring  order  before  the  end  of  the  year, 
although  Don  Pablo  with  a  small  party  of  followers 
kept  up  a  show  of  resistance  until  the  middle  of  1697.67 

Early  in  1698  the  savages  directed  their  raids 
chiefly  against  the  Pimas  Altos  of  the  frontier,  either 
converts  or  at  least  friendly  to  the  Spaniards,  and, 
what  was  much  more  important  to  the  Apaches,  well 
supplied  with  corn  and  live-stock.  Three  pueblos 
were  plundered  and  burned,  with  considerable  loss  of 
life,  including  Cocospera,  where  Padre  Contreras 
barely  escaped  with  his  life  after  being  wounded. 
The  soldiers  killed  thirty  of  the  foe;  but  it  was  re 
served  to  Coro  of  Quiburi  to  strike  the  most  decisive 
blow.  Immediately  after  an  Apache  attack  on  Santa 
Cruz  del  Cuervo,  or  Jaibanipitca,  Coro  with  five  hun 
dred  warriors  fought  against  the  enemy  all  day,  killed 
sixty  men  on  the  field,  and  fatally  wounded  a  hundred 
and  sixty-eight  more  with  poisoned  arrows.68  The 
Pimas  received  many  compliments  and  some  contri 
butions  of  money  for  their  brave  conduct  in  this  affair; 
but  the  slanders  against  them  were  not  long  checked, 
neither  could  they  get  the  instructors  which  above 
all  things  they  desired.  Again  in  1699  a  native  cap 
tain  Humari  distinguished  himself  by  killing  thirty- 
six  savages  in  battle,  and  capturing  some  boys  whom 
he  sent  to  Kino  for  baptism.69 

At  the  end  of  1699  Padre  Melchor  Bastiromo,  in 
charge  of  Cucurpe  and  Toape,  had  been  ordered  to 
found  a  mission  among  the  Tepocas,  and  had  made 
some  progress  with  a  pueblo  of  Magdalena;  but  the 

67  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  272-3,  says  that  Pablo  and  four  companions  escaped 
to  Janos  where  God  sent  a  thunderbolt  and  killed  them  at  the  very  door  of 
the  presidio.  Aleyrc,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  92-4;  SalvcUierra,  Cartas,  109-12. 

6S  Kino,  Breve  Relation,  810-13,  says  all  but  six  of  the  attacking  party 
were  killed,  and  54  dead  bodies  were  found  on  the  field.  The  author  of 
Apost.  Afanes,  270-1,  says  that  10  warriors  were  chosen  on  each  side  to 
decide  the  battle,  and  the  savages  all  fell,  whereupon  300  of  the  flying  survi 
vors  were  killed  by  the  Pima  arrows.  This  writer  ami  Alcgre.  HisL  Comp. 
Jesus,  iii.  100-1,  make  the  date  1697.  See  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  290-1. 

69  Aposttlicos,  Afanes,  277-81. 


TROUBLE  WITH  THE  SERIS.  275 

Seris  became  troublesome,  extending  their  plundering 
incursions  in  some  instances  as  far  as  Cucurpe.  Al- 
ferez  Escalante  was  sent  with  fifteen  men  in  January 
1800  to  Magdalena,  Populo,  and  to  the  coast.  This 
may  be  deemed  the  beginning  of  the  Seri  wars  which 
so  long  desolated  the  province.  Escalante  killed  and 
caught  a  few  Seris,  but  most  escaped  in  balsas  to 
Tiburon  Island.  In  February  he  repeated  the  ex 
pedition,  finding  no  Seris  but  bringing  back  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty  new  Tepocas  for  the  pueblo;  but  on 
a  third  attempt  in  Match  he  killed  nine  of  the  foe, 
also  bringing  in  a  few  captives  for  Padre  Gil  at 
Populo.  Father  Maires  is  named  as  in  charge  of 
Magdalena  a  little  later.  Escalante,  before  returning 
to  the  capital,  captured  and  returned  over  a  hundred 
runaways  from  Father  Campos'  mission  of  San  Igna- 
cio,  besides  making  a  successful  hunt  for  apostates 
do\vn  as  far  as  the  Rio  Yaqui.70 

70 Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  320-2;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  118-19.  In 
addition  to  the  authorities  I  have  cited  on  the  conquest  of  Pimeria,  the  fol 
lowing  may  be  mentioned  as  containing  nothing  original:  Dice.  Univ.,  iv. 
547-51,  chiefly  from  Alegre;  Californic,  Hist.  Chret.,  97-102;  Gibson's  Hist. 
Cath.  (7/4.,  i.  366-70;  TvtMU'tffut.  CaL,  50-2;  Farnham's  Life  in  Col.,  161-7; 
Alvarez,  Estudios  Hist.,  288-327. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

JESUIT  OCCUPATION  6F  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 
1697-1700. 

DISCOURAGEMENT  FROM  PAST  FAILURES — KINO'S  EFFORTS — SALVATIERRA  EN 
LISTED — BRIGHTER  PROSPECTS  AT  LAST — BEGGING  ALMS — FOUNDATION 
OF  THE  Pious  FUND — LICENSE  FROM  THE  VICEROY — FULL  CONTROL  IN 
JESUIT  HANDS— VENEGAS,  CLAVIGERO,  AND  THEIR  FOLLOWERS — SALVA- 
TIERRA'S  JOURNEY  TO  THE  NORTH — VOYAGE  ACROSS  THE  GULF — CASTING 
LOTS — AT  SAN  DIONISIO — FOUNDING  OF  LORETO  CONCHO — LINGUISTIC 
STUDIES — THE  PORRIDGE  QUESTION  LEADS  TO  HOSTILITIES — A  BATTLE — 
COMING  OF  PICCOLO  —  SALVATIERRA'S  LETTERS — A  NEW  FORT— NEW 
CHURCH  FOR  CHRISTMAS — THE  NEW  YEAR — MOVEMENTS  OF  VESSELS— 
THE  NATIVE  PRIESTS  MAKE  TROUBLE — A  SECOND  FIGHT — A  NEW  SHIP — 
PEARL-FISHERY — A  MIRACLE — EXPEDITION  TO  LoND6 — VIGGE  BiAUND6 — 
MENDOZA  SUCCEEDS  TORTOLERO  AS  CAPTAIN — VIEW  OF  THE  PACIFIC — 
INDIAN  POLICY — NEW  MISSION  OF  SAN  JAVIER — MISFORTUNES — Loss  OF 
THE  '  SAN  FERMIN  ' — SALVATIERRA  VISITS  THE  MAIN — VAIN  APPEALS  TO 
GOVERNMENT  FOR  AID — DISTRUST  OF  THE  JESUITS— MENDOZA  AND  THE 
GARRISON  DISCHARGED — SALVATIERRA  AGAIN  CROSSES  THE  GULF. 

FROM  the  time  of  Cortes  to  that  of  Otondo,  we  have 
followed  the  successive  attempts  of  Spain  to  occupy 
California.  All  had  resulted  in  failure,  and  several 
in  disaster.  Obstacles,  chief  of  which  was  the  fact 
that  the  country  was  not  worth  occupying,  seemed 
insurmountable  by  the  ordinary  methods.  Had  Cali- 
fornian  coasts  been  lined  with  rich  and  fortified  cities, 
the  problem  would  have  presented  fewer  difficulties. 
The  Spanish  conqueror,  an  invincible  hero  with  the 
prospect  of  hard  fighting  and  plunder  before  him,  with 
out  that  incentive  became  too  often  a  mutinous  male- 
content.  The  pearls  of  the  gulf  could  be  obtained 
better  by  private  venture  than  by  colonizing  expedi 
tions;  and  the  arid  peninsula,  if  it  was  a  peninsula, 

(270) 


PRELIMINARIES.  277 

had  no  other  attraction  to  the  soldier  of  fortune. 
After  Otondo's  failure  in  1683  the  government  was 
discouraged,  resolving  that  no  more  costly  expeditions 
should  be  fitted  out.  Yet  the  geographical  position 
of  California  made  its  acquirement  important  if  not 
indispensable  to  Spain.  A  council,  summoned  for  the 
purpose,  resolved  in  1686  to  intrust  the  conquest  to 
the  Company  of  Jesus;  and  wisely,  for  often  where 
the  mettle  of  the  soldier  had  failed  missionary  zeal 
had  triumphed. 

But  the  Jesuits,  though  offered  an  annual  subsidy 
of  40,000  pesos,  declined  the  task,  on  the  ground  that 
the  undertaking  would  involve  temporal  concerns  for 
eign  to  the  purposes  of  the  company.  They  did  not 
regard  California  as  a  very  desirable  field  for  mis 
sionary  operations;  or  perhaps  they  hoped  for  more 
favorable  terms  at  a  later  date.1  A  proposition  of 
Lucenilla  to  conquer  the  country  partly  at  his  own 
expense  was  declined;  but  later  it  was  decided  to  ad 
vance  to  Otondo  30,000  pesos  as  a  year's  expenses  for 
a  new  attempt.  Just  as  the  money  was  to  be  paid 
over,  there  came  to  the  viceroy  a  royal 'demand  for 
funds,  with  an  order  to  defer  all  Californian  enter 
prises  while  the  Tarahumara  war  lasted.  The  govern 
ment  made  no  more  efforts;  though  Itamarra  in  1694 
was  permitted  to  make  an  entrada  at  his  own  cost, 
which  resulted  in  failure.2 

Father  Eusebio  Kino,  who  had  accompanied  Otondo, 
never  forgot  California  or  the  promise  of  missionaries 
to  its  people.  He  even  became  an  enthusiast  on  the 

1  The  offer  was  declined  during  the  absence  of  Provincial  Bernabe"  de  Soto, 
•who  on  his  return  is  said  by  Salvatierra,  Informe  al  Virey,  25  Mayo,  1705,  to 
have  regretted  the  decision.     Forty  thousand  pesos  is  the  subsidy  named  in 
Venerjas,  Not.  Cal.,ii.  1GO-1.     Alegre,  hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  60,  makes  it 
30,000.     Father  Kino  and  Admiral  Otondo  are  said  to  have  been  members  of 
the  council.     I  have  found  no  original  record  of  its  proceedings. 

2  California,  Ettab.  y  Prog.,  12-13;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  60,  81; 
Veneijas,  Not.  Gal.,  i.  238-40;  Clavigero,  Storia  delta  Gal.,  40,  175-6.     It  was 

said  that  over  40  vessels  had  now  failed;  6  entradas  had  been  ordered  by  the 
king;  4  had  been  attempted  by  Cortes  at  a  cost  of  over  $300,000;  and  12  had 
been  made  by  private  persons.  Itamarra  brought  back  the  information  that 
the  natives  were  awaiting  the  promised  return  of  the  missionaries. 


273  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

subject,  vowing  to  devote  his  life  to  the  work.  As 
the  heart  of  the  conqueror  is  elated  at  the  prospect  of 
a  new  kingdom  to  vanquish,  so  the  heart  of  the  Ingold- 
stadt  votary  glowed  with  pious  rapture  as  he  contem 
plated  the  spiritual  conquest  of  this  virgin  field  of 
paganism  in  the  far  north-west.  It  was  with  this 
object  in  view  that  Kino  obtained  a  transfer  to  the 
Sonora  missions.  His  heroic  efforts  in  Alta  Pimeria 
are  recorded  in  other  chapters  of  this  volume;  and 
while  he  was  not  able  to  reach  California  either  by 
water  or  land  to  serve  personally,  yet  as  we  shall  see 
he  rendered  no  less  effectual  service  in  his  chosen 
cause.  In  the  north  Kino  met  Father  Juan  Maria 
Salvatierra  on  his  tour  through  the  missions  as  visi- 
tador.3  This  missionary  of  ardent  and  sanguine  tem 
perament  was  quickly  carried  away  by  the  eloquent 
fervor  of  his  friend.  The  mantle  of  Kino  had  fallen 
upon  him,  and  from  that  day  forth  the  conversion  of 
California  was  the  object  of  his  life. 

Without  delay  Father  Juan  Maria  put  his  hand  to 
the  plough,  nor  looked  back  till  the  task  was  ended; 
but  it  was  to  cost  him  many  a  trial  and  disappoint 
ment,  and  could  hardly  have  been  accomplished  by  a 
man  of  less  patient  persistence.  He  met  opposition 
from  all  quarters.  The  society,  through  more  than 
one  provincial,  looked  coldly  on  the  scheme  as  im 
practicable;  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  the  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  the  king  turned  successively  a  deaf  ear 

3  Salvatierra,  originally  written  Salva-Tierra,  was  born,  as  Clavigero  says, 
at  Milan  in  1044,  of  noble  parentage  and  Spanish  descent.  His  first  studies 
were  at  the  seminary  of  Parma.  Becoming  a  Jesuit,  full  of  zeal  for  the  con 
version  of  heathen,  he  set  out  for  Mexico  in  1G75,  and  was  sent  to  the  Tara- 
humara  missions  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  where  he  did  good  service  for  several 
years.  Returning  to  Mexico  he  was  honored  by  his  superiors  with  high  posi 
tions;  but  all  his  emoluments  he  gave  up,  declining  still  higher  places — even 
the  post  of  provincial,  the  goal  of  every  Jesuit's  ambition — when  he  had 
undertaken  the  California  enterprise.  No  eulogium  on  Salvatierra's  charac 
ter  is  needed  here;  the  pages  that  follow  will  recount  his  deeds,  and  these  will 
tell  more  eloquently  than  words  what  manner  of  man  he  was.  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesu*,  iii.  9u,  gives  his  portrait,  which  is  reproduced  in  Gleeson's  work. 
Melchor  cle  Bartiromo  in  an  autograph  letter  of  my  collection,  Popdes  dc  Jesul- 
tas,  no.  24,  communicates  to  Salvatierra  in  1694  kind  remembrances  from  the 
Princess  Doriaand  other  prominent  persons  in  Italy.  Salvatierra's  autograph 
occurs  several  times  in  the  collection  just  cited. 


SALVATIERRA'S  EFFORTS.  279 

to  the  enthusiast's  entreaties.  This  discouragement 
only  impelled  Salvatierra  to  fresh  efforts;  and  he  was 
cheered  by  a  letter  from  Father  Juan  Bautista  Zappa 
who  assured  his  old  friend  that  he  was  chosen  by  God 
to  plant  the  faith  in  California.  Zappa  promised  a 
speedy  visit,  and  it  is  even  said  that  he  paid  it  the 
next  year  in  spirit  form  just  after  his  decease.  By 
his  advice  Our  Lady  of  Loreto,  the  invincible  conquis- 
tadora,  was  made  by  Father  Juan  Maria  his  spiritual 
queen  and  patroness  of  his  great  enterprise.  Still 
the  years  dragged  on,,  and  the  end  seemed  no  nearer. 
Salvatierra  was  transferred  from  the  college  at  Gua 
dalajara  to  that  of  Tepozotlan;  and  in  1696  he  visited 
Mexico,  where  he  met  Kino,  and  the  two  vainly  ex 
hausted  their  powers  of  argument,  each  returning  in 
disappointment  to  his  labors. 

But  the  general  of  the  company,  Tirso  Gonzalez  de 
Santaella,  had  become  interested,  and  visiting  America 

'  O 

openly  espoused  the  cause.  The  crown  solicitor,  Jose 
de  Miranda  Villaizan,  had  long  been  Salvatierra's 
friend;  and  the  provincial,  Palacios,  had  been  won 
over.4  Under  such  influences  the  audiencia  saw  the 
scheme  in  a  different  light,  and  represented  it  favor 
ably  to  the  viceroy.  The  sky  looked  brighter.  Sal 
vatierra  was  released  by  his  provincial  from  other 
duties  to  seek  pecuniary  aid  from  private  sources,  it 
being  understood  that  nothing  could  be  expected  from 
the  crown.  He  went  to  Mexico  for  that  purpose  early 
in  1697.  There  he  met  Father  Juan  Ugarte,  pro 
fessor  of  philosophy  in  the  Jesuit  college,  a  man  as 
shreWd  as  he  was  pious,  with  a  remarkable  address  in 
the  management  of  temporal  affairs,  who  with  unlim 
ited  zeal  joined  Salvatierra  in  the  work  of  collecting 
funds,  and  consented  to  act  as  general  agent  of  the 
enterprise  in  Mexico. 

4  The  story  is  that  Palacios,  an  opponent  of  the  scheme,  was  attacked  by 
a  serious  illness  at  Tepozotlan,  and  begged  the  intercession  of  the  rector  and 
his  novices.  Salvatierra,  however,  said  he  could  hold  out  no  hope  unless  the 
sick  man  would  promise  the  virgin  his  aid  to  the  California  mission;  whei'e- 
upon  the  frightened  provincial  vowed  to  urge  the  matter,  and  Salvatierra 


280  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

The  first  fruit  of  their  united  efforts  was  a  promise 
of  2,000  pesos  from  the  count  of  Miravalles  and  the 
marquis  of  Buena  Vista.  The  generous  example  was 
quickly  followed,  and  soon  the  contributions  amounted 
to  15,000  pesos.  Then  the  congregation  of  Dolores 
in  Mexico  gave  8,000  pesos  to  endow  a  mission,  after 
ward  increasing  the  sum  to  12,000  or  an  annual  reve 
nue  of  500  pesos.  To  crown  all,  Juan  Caballero  y 
Osio,  a  wealthy  priest  of  Queretaro,  subscribed  20,000 
pesos  as  a  fund  for  two  other  missions,  promising, 
moreover,  to  honor  all  drafts  bearing  Salvatierra's  sig 
nature.  These  generous  contributions  were  the  foun 
dation  of  the  famous  fondo  piadoso  de  Calif ornias. 
Pedro  Gil  de  la  Sierpe,  treasurer  at  Acapulco,  gave  a 
lancha,  or  long-boat,  and  promised  to  lend  a  galliot  to 
cross  the  gulf. 

There  was  a  royal  cedula  forbidding  expeditions  to 
California;  but  it  was  urged  that  the  Tarahumara 
war,  the  foundation  of  that  order,  was  ended ;  and  an 
argument  of  still  greater  weight  was  that  the  royal 
pocket  was  not  to  be  touched.  After  much  discussion 
the  viceroy,  Conde  de  Moctezuma,  granted  a  license 
on  February  5,  1697.  It  empowered  Salvatierra  and 
Kino  to  undertake  the  conversion  of  the  Californians 
on  two  conditions;  first,  that  it  should  be  at  their  own 
expense,  and  second,  that  the  country  should  be  taken 
possession  of  in  the  name  of  the  king.  They  might 
enlist  and  pay  soldiers,  appoint  and  remove  officials; 
indeed  the  whole  affair  was  left  in  their  hands. 

Thus  the  boon  so  long  and  patiently  sought  was 
obtained — permission  to  enter  at  their  own  risk  and 
cost  a  poor  and  unattractive  country  for  the  purpose 
of  converting  the  heathen;  and  no  conqueror  ever 
craved  more  persistently  leave  to  invade  and  plunder 
a  rich  province.  It  has  been  the  fashion  to  see  sinis 
ter  and  selfish  designs  in  all  Jesuit  undertakings ;  but, 
however  much  Loyola's  followers  in  other  parts  of 

brought  an  image  from  the  Casa  de  Loreto  which  effected  a  cure.  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  90-1. 


SUCCESS  AT  LAST.  281 

the  world  may  have  merited  this  opprobrium,  no  just 
person  will  suspect  that  the  founders  of  the  California 
missions  were  actuated  by  any  but  the  purest  motives. 
That  the  founders  in  serving  God  sought  to  advance 
the  glory  of  their  order,  and  that  the  Jesuits  not  only 

O  i/  «7 

dreamed  of  undiscovered  wealth  in  the  north-west, 
but  attached  an  otherwise  inexplicable  importance  to 
the  arid  peninsula  in  comparison  with  other  missionary 
fields  by  reason  of  the  exclusive  control  given  -to  the 
society,  are  facts  that  by  no  means  detract  from  the 
credit  due  to  Salvatierra  and  his  associates.  Nor  is  it 
strange  that  Jesuit  and  other  Catholic  writers  have 
exaggerated  the  difficulties  overcome  and  the  magni 
tude  of  the  achievement. 

Leaving  Ugarte  to  collect  and  invest  the  promised 
funds,5  Salvatierra  hastened  to  Sinaloa  to  make  prep 
arations  for  his  voyage.  He  spent  some  time  in  a 
fruitless  search  for  two  Californians  brought  over  by 
Otondo,  who  would  have  been  most  useful  as  inter 
preters,  but  who  were  concealed  by  their  master  lest 
their  services  as  slaves  might  be  lost. 

o 

5  The  standard  authority  on  the  early  history  of  the  missions  has  always 
been  Venegcu  (Miguel),  Noticia  de  la  California,  y  de  su  conquista  temporal, 
y  (spiritual  hasta  el  tiempo  presente.  Sacada  de  la  historia  manvscritaforma-ia 
en  Mexico  aiio  de  1739,  por  el  Padre  Miguel  Venegas,  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jesus; 
y  de  otras  Noticias,  y  Relaciones  antiguas  y  modernas.  Anadida  de  algunos 
•inapas  particular  es;  y  uno  general  de  la  America  Septentrional,  Asia  Oriental 
y  Mar  del  Sur  inhrmedio,  formados  sobre  las  Memorias  mas  recientes,  y  exactas, 
que  se  publican  juntamente.  Dedicada  al  Rey  Ntro  Senor  por  la  Provincia  de 
Nueva-Espafia,  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus.  Madrid,  1757,  3  vols.  The  author 
never  visited  California,  but  wrote  in  Mexico,  using  as  his  material  letters  of 
the  missionaries  and  other  documents,  including  a  manuscript  history  by 
Padre  Taraval.  About  10  years  after  its  completion,  in  1739,  it  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Padre  Andre's  Marcos  Burriel,  a  learned  Jesuit  of  Madrid,  who  made 
extensive  additions  from  Spanish  archives,  improved  it  in  form  and  style, 
and  finally  published  it,  adding  several  maps  and  illustrations.  Some  of  the 
maps  I  reproduce  in  their  proper  place.  The  work  is  in  four  parts,  of  which 
the  first  treats  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants;  the  second,  of  voyages  to 
California  before  1697,  as  already  utilized  in  this  volume;  the  third  gives  the 
mission  history  down  to  1752;  and  the  fourth  discusses  the  latest  northern 
explorations  and  to  some  extent  the  Northern  Mystery.  An  English  transla 
tion,  marked  by  numerous  errors  and  omissions,  was  the  Natural  and  Civil 
J/ixttn-i/  of  California.  London.  1759,  2  vols.;  and  this,  retranslated  into 
French,  was  the  Histoire  Naturelle  et  Civile  de  In  California.  Paris.  1767,  3 
vols.,  12mo,  containing  in  the  preface  a  bitter  attack  on  the  Jesuits,  with 
muck  incorrect  information  on  the  mission  system.  There  was  also  a  Ger- 


282  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

Having  to  wait  for  the  craft  promised  by  Sierpe, 
Salvatierra  made  a  visit  to  the  scene  of  former  labors 
in  the  mountains;  and  later  a  revolt  in  Tarahumara 
Alta  required  his  presence,  so  that  he  was  delayed  till 
the  middle  of  August.  Back  at  the  Yaqui  he  found 

man  translation  and  a  Dutch  one.  The  work  of  Venegas  and  Burriel  deserves 
nothing  but  praise  both  for  matter  and  style.  It  is  a  straightforward  state 
ment  of  facts  derived  from  the  best  sources;  notably  free  from  the  bigotry, 
tedious  dissertations,  and  other  defects  that  often  marred  missionary  chroni 
cles.  It  \vas  well  nigh  the  first  work  to  apply  common  sense  to  the  solution 
of  northern  geographical  problems.  Doubtless  there  may  be  some  truth  in 
De  Pauw's  statement,  Recherchcs  Phil.,  i.  158-9,  that  the  work  was  intended 
by  the  Jesuits  as  a  refutation  of  charges  by  An  son  and  others;  but  it  was  the 
most  legitimate  of  defences,  a  plain  record  of  what  the  Jesuits  had  clone  in 
California,  valid  in  the  absence  of  evidence  against  them.  De  Pauw's  charge 
that  after  reading  it,  'on  ne  sait  absolument  rien:  on  reste  dans  1'illusion  ou 
1'ignorance,  and  on  s'tftonne  qu'on  ait  pu  tant  parler  d'un  pays,  sans  en  rien 
dire,'  is  a  very  unjust  and  stupid  one. 

Foremost  among  the  followers  of  Venegas  is  Francesco  Saverio  Clavigero, 
a  native  of  Vcra  Cruz  of  Italian  extraction,  of  whom  in  connection  with  his 
famous  work  on  Mexico  much  is  said  in  other  parts  of  this  work.  He,  like 
Venegas,  never  visited  California;  but  he  collected  much  material  in  Mexico, 
and  after  the  expulsion  -went  to  live  in  Italy,  where  he  wrote  his  book,  pub 
lished  two  years  after  his  death.  Storia  delta  California.  Opera  postuma  del 
Nob.  Sig.  Abate  D.  Francesco  Saverio  Clavigero.  Venezia,  1789.  12mo,  2  vols. 
A  Spanish  translation  was  the  Ilistoria  de  la  Antigua  6  Baja  California. . 
Traducida  por  el-presbitcro  D.  Nicolas  Garcia  de  San  Vicente.  Mexico,  1852. 
An  English  translation  from  the  Spanish  of  all  or  part  of  the  work  was  pub 
lished  in  the  S.  Diego  Herald,  1858;  and  an  abridged  translation  of  fragments 
was  the  Historical  Outline  of  Lower  Cat.,  San  Francisco,  u.d.  (after  18G2). 
Clavigero's  record  for  the  first  half  century  is  little  more  than  a  copy  of  Vene 
gas;  but  for  later  years  he  used  the  manuscript  histories  of  padres  Barco  and 
Ventura,  both  missionaries  in  California  for  many  years,  who  revised  his 
work  and  made  additions.  Though  not  the  result  of  much  original  research 
the  work  is  based  upon  excellent  authority;  and  it  is  besides  clearly  and  ele 
gantly  written.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jews — a  work  noticed  elsewhere — in 
that  part  relating  to  California,  follows  Venegas  very  closely,  omitting  noth 
ing,  but  condensing  greatly. 

The  authorities  cited,  and  chiefly  Venegas,  have  been  followed,  at  first  or 
second  hand,  by  modern  writers,  who  have  added  nothing  but  inaccuracies, 
some  of  them  not  even  those.  There  are  other  original  authorities  consulted 
by  me,  to  be  mentioned  in  later  notes  of  this  and  other  chapters;  but  these 
have  had  no  influence  on  modern  works.  It  must  be  noted  that  most  works, 
other  than  Spanish,  have  consulted  the  English  translation  of  Venegas  or  the 
secondary  French  translation,  and  have  thus  perpetuated  many  errors.  Many 
sketches  of  the  Jesuit  era  have  been  written  as  prefatory  matter  to  the  an 
nals  of  Upper  California,  without  original  research  or  much  regard  for  accu 
racy;  but  there  have  also  been  carefully  prepared  accounts.  California,  by 
*  D.  P.  E.  P., 'is  an  account  published  In  1799  in  Viagero  Universal,  xxvi. 
1-189.  Lassepas,  De  la  Colonization  de  la  Bfja  California.  Mexico,  1859, 
though  mainly  devoted  to  events  of  a  later  period,  gives  an  able  review  of 
the  earliest  missionary  period.  Histoire  Chretieune  de  la  California.  Par 
Madame  la  Comtesse  ***.  Plancy,  1851 ;  also  in  Spanish  California,  Hist.  C'rw- 
liana,  Mexico,  1864,  giving  Jesuit  annals  down  to  1740,  has  nothing  original, 
having  been  drawn  apparently  from  the  inaccurate  French  edition  of  Vene 
gas,  and  the  writer  having  added  divers  inaccuracies  of  her  own.  Gleeson's 


MISSIONARIES  AFLOAT.  283 

the  lancha  and  galliot,  and  was  greeted  by  the  com 
mander  with  a  harrowing  tale  of  perils  escaped  by  Our 
Lady's  aid  on  the  way  from  Acapulco.6  The  vessels 
were  kept  waiting  for  nearly  two  months  longer;  and 
after  all  there  was  great  disappointment,  chiefly  be 
cause  Father  Kino  was  prevented  by  Indian  troubles 
from  joining  the  party  as  he  intended,  and  also  because 
for  the  same  reasons  only  a  small  quantity  of  pro 
visions  could  be  obtained.  Francisco  Maria  Piccolo 
had  been  appointed  in  Kino's  place,  but  was  not  waited 
for.  With  a  military  escort  of  six  men,  a  motley  army 
with  which  Cortes  himself  might  have  hesitated  to 
undertake  a  conquest,  Father  Juan  resolved  to  embark 
without  further  delay,  a  step  characteristic  of  the 
man.7 

History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  California,  San  Francisco  1872,  2  vols.,  is 
largely  devoted  to  the  peninsula  missions.  The  author  closely  follows  Vene- 
gas  and  Alegre.  He  is  somewhat  over-anxions  to  defend  the  missionaries 
from  all  accusations,  devoting  to  this  subject  much  space  that  might  be  more 
profitably  utilized  for  a  plain  record  of  events.  An  important  part  of  J. 
lioss  Browne's  Sketch  of  the  Settlement  and  Exploration  of  Lower  California, 
San  Francisco,  1S69,  is  Alex.  S.  Taylor's  Historical  Summary  of  Lower  Cali 
fornia,  1532-1867.  This  is  probably  the  best  of  the  works  that  have  resulted 
from  the  untiring  zeal  and  limited  opportunities  of  the  author.  It  is  largely 
confined  to  voyages,  but  gives  a  concise  review  of  mission  history.  Navar- 
rete  in  his  introduction,  tiut'd  y  Mexlcana,  Viaje,  gives  a  brief  review  of  the 
founding  of  the  missions;  and  there  is  some  information  in  JExctidero,  Noticias 
Estad.  de  SoHora,  Mexico,  1849.  See  also  statements  en  re'sume'  in  Frejes, 
Historia  Breve,  244  et  seq. ;  D'/ccionario  Universal  dc  Hist,  y  Georj. ,  passim, 
being  largely  biographical  sketches  of  the  missionaries;  Soc.  Hex.  Georj.,  BoL, 
v.  443;  viii.  058;  ix.  235;  Hernandez,  Compend.  de  Georj.,  no.  ii. ;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Politique,  310  et  seq.;  Williams  (Mrs  E.)  Catholic  Missions  in  Cal.  In 
Hesperian,  ix.-x.;  Delaporte,  Voyarjeur  Frangois,  x.  361  etseq.;  Ansoii's  Voy 
age,  327  ct  seq. ,  Leese's  Hist.  Outline;  Lockman's  Travels  of  the  Jesuits,  i.  395 
et  seq. ;  Kip's  //£»&  Scenes,  50,  etc. ;  Hughes1  Cal.  of  the  Padres,  etc.  There  is 
also  a  re'sume'  in  Forbes*  Hist.  Cal.;  an  excellent  one  in  Tuth'dVs  Hisl.  Cal.; 
and  others  of  varying  degrees  of  accuracy  in  many  works  on  Upper  Califor 
nia  which  it  is  not  necessary  to  name  here.  All  the  works  cited  follow  Vene- 
gas  and  Clavigero  as  already  explained.  Other  authorities,  original  in  the 
sense  of  not  following  the  writers  named,  will  be  noticed  in  note  15  of  this  chap 
ter;  and  elsewhere  some  will  be  mentioned  as  belonging  to  special  topics  or  to 
later  events  exclusively. 

6  The  commander  was  Juan  Maria  Romero  de  la  Sierpe,   cousin  of  the 
treasurer.     Venegas,  ii.   16,  says  the  trip  had  lasted  seven  months,  which 
must  be  an  error.     Clavigero,  i.   183,  makes  it  one  month  and  seven  days. 
The  vessels  ran  on  a  rock  near  Navidad;  at  Chacala  the  men  were  mutinous 
on  learning  that  there  was  to  be  no  pearl-fishing;  they  were  also  in  great  dan 
ger  while  waiting  at  Yaqui;  but  the  virgin  led  them  to  a  hidden  anchorage 
as  she  had  rescued  them  from  previous  perils.  Ralvatierra,  Cartas,  112. 

7  The  padres  at  Yaqui  gave  30  cattle,  one  horse,  10  sheep,  and  four  pigs, 
which  were  put  on  the  lancha.  Salvatierra,  Cartas,  15.     Something  was  done 


284  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

In  the  evening  of  October  10,  1697,  the  vessels 
left  the  port  of  the  Yaqui,  anchoring  outside;  and 
next  morning  spread  their  canvas  for  the  voyage. 
The  missionaries  on  shore  watched  their  venturesome 
brother  depart,  expecting  never  to  hear  of  him  again 
alive,  and  perhaps  envying  his  prospective  crown  of 
martyrdom.  It  seemed  as  if  these  forebodings  were 
to  be  speedily  fulfilled;  for  hardly  had  the  galliot 
sailed  a  league  when  a  squall  drove  her  aground  on  a 
sand  bar ;  but  with  strenuous  exertions  on  the  part  of 
all  she  was  again  set  afloat.  By  night  they  had  ad 
vanced  ten  leagues;  next  morning  the  Californian 
coast  was  sighted;  and  at  dusk  they  anchored  in  San 
Bruno  Bay.  Fearful  of  shoals  they  put  to  sea  again; 
and  in  the  night  the  lancha  lost  sight  of  her  consort 
and  was  driven  back  to  the  main.  The  galliot  was 
driven  next  day  up  to  Concepcion  Bay,  where  the 
voyagers  landed  the  15th  to  say  mass,  returning  south 
ward  in  the  night  and  landing  on  the  16th  at  San 
Bruno.  A  few  natives  were  met  here  who  kissed  the 
Christ  and  were  most  friendly.  Salvatierra  with  Tor- 
tolero  and  others  proceeded  to  Otondo's  old  camp  at 
some  distance,  where  they  spent  the  night;  but  here 
was  only  desolation;  water  was  scanty  and  brackish; 
it  was  no  place  for  a  mission;  and  they  returned  to 
the  shore  much  disheartened.  Then  Captain  Romero 
bethought  him  of  a  pleasant  cove  at  San  Dionisio 
some  ten  leagues  farther  south  which  he  had  visited 
before.8  By  the  casting  of  lots  the  matter  was  left 
to  the  virgin  patroness,  and  the  decision  was  in  favor 

toward  having  a  small  vessel  built  for  the  California  service,  but  it  was  never 
finished.  Id.,  155-6;  Apost.  A  fanes,  250.  The  force  was  composed  of  Alfdrez 
Luis  de  Torres  Tortolero;  Este"van  Rodriguez  Lorenzo,  a  Portuguese  who  later 
became  captain;  Bartolom6  de  Robles  Figueroa,  a  Creole  of  Guadalajara;  Juan 
Caravaiia,  a  Maltese;  Nicolds  Marquez,  a  Sicilian,  and  Juan,  a  Peruvian 
mulatto.  Also  three  Indians,  Francisco,  Alonso,  and  Sebastian,  from  Sinaloa, 
Sonora,  and  Jalisco  respectively.  Romero  commanded  the  vessels,  and  there 
were  six  sailors  on  the  lancha. 

8  'Dos  aiios  antes,'  says  Salvatierra.  Cartas,  121.  This  may  be  a  misprint 
for  '  doce  anos,'  which  might  make  the  statement  agree  with  that  of  Venegas, 
ii.  19,  that  Romero  had  been  with  Otondo;  or  he  may  have  accompanied  some 
private  pearl  expedition. 


FOUNDING  OF  LORETO. 


285 


of  a  change.  Accordingly  the  adventurers  reembarked 
and  arrived  safely  the  18th  at  San  Dionisio.  It 
proved  to  be  a  desirable  spot,  well  wooded  and  watered, 
and  inhabited  by  tractable  natives.  Beginning  on 
the  19th  it  took  four  days  to  pitch  their  camp  on  a 
mesa  at  a  little  distance  from  the  shore  and  to  bring 
there  the  galliot's  cargo. 

The  stores  in  a  triangle  round  the  camp  formed  an 
impromptu  fort;  a  pedrero,  or  swivel-gun,  mounted  on 
a  mezquite  stump,  was  their  artillery.  The  natives 


LORETO  AND  VICIXITY,  1700. 

helped  willingly  enough  for  a  daily  allowance  of  pozole, 
or  porridge,  and  a  handful  of  maize  for  each  special 
task.  Familiarity  soon  diminished  their  fear  and 
respect  for  the  strangers,  resulting  in  thefts  and  im 
pudent  disregard  for  rebuke;  but  a  strict  wratch  Avas 
kept.  A  smart  shower  fell  on  the  23d,  much  to  the 
damage  of  exposed  stores  and  to  the  surprise  of  the 
new-comers,  who  had  supposed  it  never  rained  in  Cali 
fornia.  Next  day  the  image  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto 
was  landed,  and  carried  in  procession  with  great  cere 
mony  to  the  camp,  where  a  cross  had  been  set  up  and 


286  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

a  tent  prepared  as  a  church.  On  the  25th  mass  was 
said  and  formal  possession  of  the  country  taken  for 
Spain.  Such  was  the  founding  of  the  first  California 
mission,  named  Loreto  in  honor  of  the  holy  patroness.9 
The  native  name  of  the  place  seems  to  have  been 
Conch6,  or  at  least  early  letters  were  generally  dated 
at  Loreto  Conch6. 

Of  the  lancha,  bearing  six  men  and  the  best  part 
of  the  supplies,  nothing  had  been  heard  for  two  weeks. 
The  loss,  if  she  was  lost,  must  be  made  good  without 
delay;  and  the  26th  the  galeota  sailed  in  quest  of  men 
and  provisions.  Meanwhile  Salvatierra,  besides  serv 
ing  as  priest,  officer,  sentry,  and  even  cook,  had  found 
some  spare  moments  to  study  the  native  tongue.  He 
had  a  vocabulary  and  catechism  made  by  Copart  at 
the  time  of  Otondo's  visit.  Children  were  his  chief 
instructors,  and  his  pronunciation  caused  much  merri 
ment  among  his  little  fellow-students;  but  by  dint  of 
infinite  patience  a  kind  of  jargon  of  Spanish,  Indian, 
and  gestures  was  formed  to  meet  present  needs.  It 
is  wonderful  with  what  facility  the  New  World  mis 
sionaries  acquired  the  native  languages.  It  is  not 
uncommon  to  find  them  a  few  days  after  arrival  in  a 
new  country  giving  religious  instruction  in  the  ver 
nacular.  Great  as  was  their  zeal  and  skill,  however, 
it  is  likely  that  a  literal  rendering  of  what  was  said  on 
both  sides  at  these  early  conferences  would  be  more 
amusing  than  instructive.  Salvatierra  soon  had  regular 
hours  for  teaching  prayers  to  the  more  tractable  of 
his  flock,  distributing  after  lessons  extra  allowances 
of  pozole.  This  pleased  the  recipients ;  but  there  were 
many  others,  averse  to  prayers  and  work  but  fond  of 
porridge,  who,  when  they  saw  that  only  the  pious  and 
industrious  were  to  be  supported,  waxed  wroth  and 
helped  themselves  to  whatever  they  could  lay  hands 
on.  They  did  not  fail  to  note  the  diminished  force 

9  Salvatierra's  letter  to  Ugarte  of  Nov.  27th,  Salvatierra,  Cartas,  115-28, 
gives  a  much  more  detailed  account  of  events  down  to  this  point  than  do 
Vcnegas,  Clavigero,  Alegre,  and  the  host  of  lesser  lights  reflecting  those 
luminaries.  On  these  letters,  see  note  15. 


ATTACK  ON  THE  FORT.  287 

of  the  strangers  after  the  vessel's  departure.  Besides 
constantly  pilfering  from  the  maize-sacks  they  on  one 
occasion  drove  off  the  sheep  and  goats,  and  on  another 
stole  the  only  horse.  Fortunately  the  convert  favorites 
served  as  informers  and  the  stolen  property  was  gen 
erally  recovered. 

October  29th  there  appeared  a  chief,  "a  great  eater" 
says  Salvatierra,  whose  body  was  half  consumed  by 
-cancer,  who  said  he  had  been  named  Dionisio  by 
Otondo's  party,  and  who  revealed  a  plot  of  the  Mon- 
quis  to  attack  the  catap  that  night.  Preparations 
were  hastily  made  to  give  the  foe  a  warm  reception, 
and  a  careful  watch  was  kept.  At  midnight  a  gun 
was  heard  at  sea  in  the  direction  of  the  Monqui  ran- 
cheria,  and  was  answered  by  a  discharge  of  the  pedrero. 
At  dawn  a  departing  vessel  was  seen,  but  from  a 
native  who  had  boarded  the  craft  it  was  learned  to  be 
the  galliot  still  bound  for  Yaqui,  and  not  the  lancha 
as  had  been  hoped.  The  sail  and  the  guns  had 
frightened  the  hostile  natives;  but  the  1st  of  Novem 
ber  they  carne  to  the  mission  in  large  numbers,  armed 
with  stones  and  wooden  swords,  demanding  pozole. 
Being  given  food  they  became  more  insolent  and  were 
finally  driven  away  by  the  threats  of  the  Spaniards 
after  discharging  a  volley  of  stones  at  the  fort.10  Next 
day  they  came  back  for  pozole  as  if  nothing  had 
happened,  received  it,  and  were  allowed  to  hang  about 
until  evening,  when  with  the  aid  of  a  fierce  dog  they 
were  again  dismissed.  This  state  of  affairs  lasted 
several  days  till  the  fatigue  of  watching  began  to  tell 
on  the  little  force,  provisions  also  becoming  scarce  to 
make  their  condition  desperate. 

But  worse  was  yet  to  come.  November  12th  Dio 
nisio,  baptized  the  day  before  by  reason  of  his  increas 
ing  illness,  gave  warning  of  a  new  attack.  Next  day 

10  One  Indian  threatened  to  kill  Salvatierra  if  he  did  not  give  him  a  sack 
of  maize.  The  padre,  however,  pretended  to  mistake  the  word  lui  'to  kill,' 
for  Luis,  the  name  of  an  Indian  carried  away  by  Otondo,  and  thus  while  talk 
ing  found  his  way  out  of  the  jostling  crowd  into  the  intrenchments.  Salva 
tierra,  Cartas,  13o-G. 


288  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OP  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

the  Indians  were  more  insolent  than  ever.  Some  of 
them  managed  to  pick  a  quarrel  with  the  guard,  and 
were  driven  off  by  the  fiery  Tortolero.  Live-stock 
was  driven  in,  and  even  while  it  was  being  done  a  few 
arrows  fell  round  the  camp  like  the  big  drops  preceding 
a  tempest.  Everybody  stood  to  arms,  Salvatierra 
with  the  rest,  and  in  a  few  moments  they  were  as 
saulted  on  all  sides.11  For  two  hours  a  storm  of 
arrows,  stones,  and  dirt  raged  against  the  camp,  doing 
but  slight  damage;  then  there  was  a  lull,  followed 
by  a  renewed  assault.  It  was  time  to  teach  the  bar 
barians  a  lesson,  and  the  pedrero,  the  great  hope  of 
the  pilgrims,  was  trained  upon  the  screaming  mob 
and  discharged.  Where  was  Our  Lady  of  Loreto! 
The  gun  burst,  knocked  the  gunner  down,  and  came 
near  annihilating  the  rest  of  His  Catholic  Majesty's 
force  in  California.  Seeing  the  enemy  thus  hoist 
with  his  own  petard,  and  expecting  to  find  nothing 
left  in  camp  but  pozole,  the  savages  rushed  forward, 
and  retreated  with  no  less  alacrity  on  being  met 
with  a  shower  of  bullets  which  killed  three  of  their 
number  and  wounded  many  more.  At  sunset  a  mes 
senger  came  to  beg  for  peace,  and  women  brought 
children  as  hostages.  They  were  surprised  to  find  no 
one  hurt;  for  Figueroa  and  Tortolero  concealed  the 
fact  that  they  were  wounded. 

The  cry  of  'A  sail!'  startled  the  Loreto  pilgrims  on 
the  15th,  and  soon  the  lost  lancha  came  to  anchor,12 
with  welcome  supplies  and  reinforcements,  which  put 
the  garrison  in  high  spirits  and  stimulated  Salvatierra 
to  renewed  efforts.  The  arquebuse  had  proved  mightier 

11  The  Monquis  had  induced  three  other  tribes,  Edues,  Didues,  find  Lay- 
mones,  to  join  them.  According  to  Clavigero,  Storia  delta  CaL,  188,  the  as 
sailants  were  500.  The  garrison  numbered  10  men. 

l'2  Salvatierra,  Cartas,  148;  California,  Estcb.  y  Prog.,  17;  Alcgre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  98.  Venegas,  ii.  32,  and  Clavigero,  191,  make  the  arrival 
on  the  14th,  the  day  after  the  battle.  The  crew  related  that  after  the  sepa 
ration  on  Oct.  12th  they  had  beaten  about  for  some  time  in  search  of  the  gal 
liot,  and  then  returned  to  Yaqui.  They  said  the  galeota  on  her  return  had 
been  in  great  peril  on  the  mainland  coast  but  had  escaped. 


ARRIVAL  OF  PICCOLO.  289 

than  the  missal  in  teaching  submission,  and  now  the 
natives  became  clamorous  for  baptism,  which  Father 
Juan  Maria  discreetly  refused  to  administer  without 
further  proofs  of  conversion.13  There  was  a  quarrel 
between  the  factions  of  the  formerly  hostile  natives, 
but  the  missionary  with  his  customary  tact  contrived 
to  patch  up  a  peace.  Religious  lessons  were  resumed, 
and  pozole  was  again  doled  out  to  those  who  attended. 
In  a  general  assembly  Salvatierra  read  the  viceroy's 
instructions,  made  an  eloquent  harangue  on  the  glo 
rious  future  of  the  enterprise,  and  formally  appointed 
Tortolero  captain  of  the  garrison,  also  regulating 
minor  concerns  of  the  young  colony. 

The  galliot  came  back  November  23d,  bringing,  to 
the  inexpressible  joy  of  the  missionary,  his  old  friend 
and  co-worker  Father  Piccolo.14  Success  now  seemed 
assured;  and  in  the  fulness  of  his  heart  Salvatierra 
at  once  wrote  to  his  friends  and  benefactors  in  Mexico 
of  what  had  been  done,  the  letters  being  sent  by  the 
galliot,  which  sailed  the  27th  for  Acapulco  by  way  of 
Chacala.15  The  seven  months  for  which  the  vessel 
had  been  lent  had  expired,  and  she  was  to  be  returned 
to  her  owner  Sierpe. 

13Dionisio  had  been  the  first  to  receive  the  rite;  and  now  three  children 
were  baptized.  Dionisio  was  called  Bernardo  Manuel,  and  one  of  the  children, 
his  son,  Manuel  Bernardo,  in  accordance  \vith  the  wish  of  the  viceroy  and  his 
wife  that  the  first  two  converts  should  be  so  named. 

14  Francisco  Maria  Piccolo  was  a  native  of  Sicily,  born  in  1650.     He  came 
to  Mexico  shortly  before  1686,  when  he  went  to  the  Tarahumara  missions  of 
Chihuahua,  where  he  labored  most  efficiently  until  permitted  by  his  superiors 
to  go  to  California. 

15  The  letters  written  on  this  occasion  are  those  I  cite  as  Salvatierra,  Car- 
tas.     They  are  four  in  number,  printed  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  se"rie  ii.  torn.  i. 
103-57.     The  first  to  the  viceroy,  dated  erroneously  Nov.  28th,  briefly  re 
counts  late  events,  praising  the  soldiers,  and  Sierpe  for  his  generous  loan  of 
the  vessel.     The  second,  Nov.  26th,  is  addressed  to  the  viceroy's  wife,  the 
Duquesa  de  Gesar,  a  patroness  of  the  enterprise.    The  need  of  more  funds  is 
the  key-note  of  this  communication.     The   third   letter  of  Nov.  27th,  ad 
dressed  to  Ugarte,  is  the  most  important  of  all,  being  a  detailed  account  of 
all  proceedings  from  the  writer's  arrival  in  Sinaloa  down  to  date.    The  fourth 
letter  is  a  religious  rhapsody  addressed  to  'My  Father,  Brother,  Friend,  Com 
missioner  and  my  Captain,  Senor  Don  Juan  Caballero  y  Osio,'  the  Quer6taro 
priest,  who  it  will  be  remembered  gave  20,000  pesos  for  the  missions,  and  who 
here  gets  nearly  the  worth  of  his  money  in  extravagant  eulogy  and  promises 
of  future  beatitude.    These  four  letters  and  another  to  Ugarte  of  July  9, 1699, 
are  found  also  in  Morfi,  Coleccion  de  Documentos,  MS.,  276-321. 

Another  and  still  more  important  collection  of  the  venerable  Jesuit's  let- 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    19 


290  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

There  were  jiow  eighteen  men  at  Loreto;  two 
padres,  seven  soldiers,  five  sailors,  and  four  natives. 
They  were  well  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  when  the  ship  had  gone  applied  themselves  to 
the  erection  of  new  fortifications,  a  double  line  of  pali 
sades  bound  together  with  reeds  and  banked  with 
earth,  forming  a  wall  three  feet  thick  and  five  feet 
high.  Within  the  enclosure  were  built  a  little  wooden 
church,  dwellings  for  padre  and  captain,  and  barracks 
for  the  soldiers.  A  magazine  and  other  buildings 
were  added  later.16  The  galliot  had  left  a  four- 
pounder  and  two  pedreros.  These  were  conspicuously 
mounted,  though  it  would  have  required  a  brave  gun 
ner  to  fire  them;  while  two  blacksmith's  bellows  were 
also  placed  upon  the  works,  their  nozzles  crammed 
with  bullets.  They  inspired  more  fear  than  the 

ters  is  £hat  which  to  which  I  give  the  title,  Salvatierra  Relaciones,  1697-1709. 
It  contains  principally  three  long  letters  to  Ugarte  dated  July  3,  1G98;  April 
1st  and  July  9,  1699;  and  one  to  the  provincial  Francisco  de  Arteaga  written 
late  in  May  1701.  These  form  a  continuous  and  detailed  narrative  from 
November  1697,  the  date  of  the  Cartas,  to. 1701.  They  fill  127  printed  pages; 
and  to  them  are  added  nine  extracts  from  other  letters  of  different  dates  down 
to  1709,  addressed  to  Bishop  Legaspi,  Juan  Miranda,  fiscal  at  Guadalajara, 
and  Father  Kino. 

These  Relaciones,  with  extracts  from  reports  of  padres  Tamaral,  Barco,  and 
others  of  1730  and  later  years;  with  California,  Memorias  para  la  IRstoria 
Natural  de  Cal.  escrifas  por  un  rdigiosode  la  Provlnciadel  Santo  Evangeliode 
Mexico,  ano  de  1790,  220-55;  and  with  a  concise  chronological  resume  of  events 
from  1530  to  1762,  filling  about  70  pages,  and  interspersed  with  the  letters  and 
extracts— make  up  the  work  entitled  California,  Establedmento  y  Progresos 
de  las  Misiones  de  la  Antigua  California.  Di«puestos  por  un  re/.igioso  dd  Santo 
Evanr/elio  de  Mexico  (1791-2).  It  was  compiled  by  a  Franciscan  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jesuits;  formed  torn.  xxi.  of  the  Archivo  General  de  Mexico, 
MS.;  and  was  printed  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mrx.,  se"rie  iv.  torn.  v. 

I  may  mention  here  also  Salvatierra,  Escritos  Auttigrafos,  1677-1703,  a 
collection  of  four  original  autograph  letters  in  my  possession.  Two  of  them 
were  written  in  Tarahumara  before  the  writer  came  to  California.  Two  are 
dated  at  Loreto  Conch6,  one  Nov.  21  (or  27th),  1698,  to  Ugarte,  the  other  April 
21,  1702,  to  Nicolds  de  Aroca  secretary  of  the  provincial.  All  are  routine 
communications  of  no  value  except  as  relics  of  so  famous  a  man,  who  was  also 
perhaps  the  worst  penman  of  his  order.  Salvatierra's  letters  cited  in  this  note 
constitute  by  far  the  best  authority  extant  on  my  present  subject.  Their 
superiority  over  the  authorities  cited  in  note  5  of  this  chapter  is  apparent. 
They  correct  many  errors  of  Venegas  and  his  followers,  though  chiefly  in 
matters  of  detail  too  minute  to  find  place  in  my  work. 

16  Venegas,  ii.  39,  says  the  church  was  of  stone  and  clay  with  thatched 
roof.  While  the  work  was  going  on  the  men  occupied  the  old  triangular  bar 
ricade,  strengthened  on  the  outside  by  thorny  bushes.  Salvatierra,  Rdaciones, 
18.  Venegas  says  the  new  fort  was  merely  an  enlargement  of  the  old;  but 
the  subsequent  destruction  of  the  latter  not  mentioned  by  him  shows  this  to 
be  an  error. 


KEENTORCEMENTS.  291 

swivel-guns,  and  were  much  less  dangerous  to  the 
gunners.  The  natives  worked  well  on  the  structures 
without  an  idea  of  their  intended  use ;  but  one  cold 
night  after  their  departure  the  Spaniards  by  vigorous 
efforts  destroyed  the  old  works,  transferred  all  their 
effects,  and  much  to  the  astonishment  of  the  Indians, 
were  found  next  morning  in  secure  possession  of  their 
impregnable  fortress.  Christmas  eve  Father  Piccolo 
consecrated  the  new  church,  and  next  day  after  six 
masses  all  indulged  in  a  general  merry-making.17 

The  1st  of  January  1698  the  lancha  was  sent  across  to 
Yaqui.  This  lessened  the  force,  and  some  of  the  natives 
became  unruly,  but  were  not  bold  enough  to  revolt 
openly  with  the  terrible  bellows  threatening  from  the 
rampart;  and  when  on  the  10th  the  boat  returned  to 
take  a  fresh  start,  having  been  driven  some  fifteen 
leagues  up  the  coast  to  a  little  bay  among  hostile  tribes, 
the  Indians  believed  the  crew  had  been  called  back  in 
some  mysterious  way,  and  became  correspondingly 
respectful.  Every  precaution  was  taken,  however. 
Piccolo  taught  the  children  in  the  church;  Salvatierra 
instructed  adults  in  a  hut  outside,  covered  by  one  of 
the  guns;  while  the  dusky  students  might  have  noted 
that  Captain  Tortolero  and  a  soldier,  fully  armed, 
attended  the  services  with  exemplary  regularity.  The 
lancha  was  seen  again  the  6th  of  February  in  a  furious 
gale  that  for  two  days  prevented  her  anchoring;  but 
the  trip  had  been  successful,  and  she  brought  besides 
provisions  a  reenforcement  of  six  volunteers — one  of 
them  an  Englishman — for  the  garrison.18 

Thus  strengthened  the  pilgrims  were  confident  they 
could  repulse  all  the  savage  foes  the  devil  could  send 
against  them.  For  every  page  of  the  record  shows  a 

17  Letter  of  July  3,  1698,  in  Salvatierra,  Rel,  17-24.     Dec.  25,  Salvatierra 
wrote  to  Bishop  Legaspi  a  re'sume'  of  all  that  had  occurred.  Id.,  15-17. 

18  The  new-comers  were:  Alfe"rez  Isidro  Figueroa,  from  Seville;  Antonio  de 
Mendoza,  a  Castilian  from  Pdoja;  Jose"Murguia,  from  Vizcaya;  Juande  Arce, 
an  Englishman  brought  up  in  Mexico;  Francisco  de  Quiroga,  a  mestizo ;  and 
Marcos,  a  Yaqui  Indian;  all  experienced  soldiers.  Salvatierra,  Eclaciones,  29. 


292  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

belief  that  the  powers  of  hell  were  arrayed  on  the  side 
of  the  heathen.  The  story  as  told  by  Salvatierra  and 
the  rest  sounds  like  a  christianized  echo  from  the 
Iliad.  The  most  trifling  incidents  of  daily  life  were 
attributed  to  the  direct  influence  of  one  or  the  other 
of  the  supernatural  powers.  If  an  Indian  pilfered  a 
handful  of  maize,  Satan  held  open  the  mouth  of  the 
sack.  If  an  arrow  narrowly  missed  a  padre,  it  was 
the  hand  of  Our  Lady  that  turned  it  aside. 

Still  the  natives  acted  more  and  more  suspiciously, 
gathering  in  large  numbers  near  the  fort,  and  holding 
secret  meetings,  the  meaning  of  which  could  not  at 
first  be  learned.  But  when  the  lancha  had  started 
March  1st  on  another  trip  to  the  main,  they  became 
less  careful  and  the  secret  leaked  out.  The  native 
sorcerers,  or  medicine-men,  were  at  the  bottom  of  the 
trouble.  The  new  faith  was  weakening  their  influence, 
and  they  were  in  danger  of  being  regarded  as  ordinary 
men.  Something  must  be  done,  and  quickly,  if  their 
prestige  was  to  be  retained,  so  thought  these  wise 
men  of  California,  and  forthwith  they  banded  together 
and  used  all  their  influence  and  eloquence  to  stir  up 
the  people  against  the  invaders.  Where  were  their 
countrymen  whom  Otondo  had  carried  aw^ay  ?  they 
asked  significantly,  reminding  their  hearers  also  that 
those  who  had  been  friendly  to  Otondo  had  been 
roughly  treated  after  his  departure,  thus  warning  the 
timid  of  what  might  be  expected  when  the  padres 
should  be  driven  away,  as  they  soon  would  be.  These 
arguments  had  their  effect;  attendance  at  prayers  and 
lessons  grew  smaller;  and  on  Palm  Sunday  only  two 
of  the  people  who  were  to  represent  the  twelve  apostles 
at  table  could  be  found.  These  two,  however,  enjoyed 
the  meal  so  much  that  Salvatierra  thought  there 
would  be  no  lack  of  apostles  the  next  year.  No  actual 
hostilities  occurred  until  after  the  boat  returned  with 
a  small  supply  of  provisions  the  21st  of  March. 

The  2d  of  April,  while  the  Spaniards  were  engaged 
in  religious  exercises  of  easter,  a  mob  of  Indians  broke 


A  NEW  SHIP.  293 

in  pieces  the  lancha's  boat  drawn  upon  the  beach. 
The  hot-headed  Tortolero,  California's  Miles  Standish, 
at  once  sallied  forth,  drove  away  a  body  of  natives 
who  made  a  show  of  resistance,  and  sent  half  his  men 
in  pursuit  by  a  by-path  under  Figueroa,  while  he  fol 
lowed  the  beach.  Figueroa  fell  into  an  ambush,  but 
Tortolero  came  up,  and  a  fierce  struggle  ensued.  The 
natives  were  defeated  with  several  killed  and  many 
wounded,  learning  the  much  needed  lesson  that  the 
Spaniards,  only  two  of  whom  were  slightly  injured, 
could  fight  without  the  protection  of  their  fort  and 
cannon.  There  were  no  more  hostilities  for  several 
months.  The  first  Christian  Indian  had  been  buried 
in  March,  and,  says  Salvatierra,  "we  now  felt  repaid 
for  all  our  hardships,  for  the  cemetery  was  no  longer 
without  a  tenant." 

The  lancha  having  gone  in  quest  of  supplies,  the 
natives  being  for  the  most  part  absent  in  the  moun 
tains  engaged  in  the  festivities  of  the  pitahaya  season, 
eleven  days  after  provisions  had  been  reduced  to 
three  sacks  of  bad  flour  and  three  other  of  wormy 
maize,  in  answer  to  redoubled  prayers  a  vessel  arrived 
the  19th  of  June.  It  was  the  ship  San  Jose,  a  new 
cedar  craft  worth  14,000  pesos,  which,  less  a  debt  of 
826  pesos,  was  a  gift  from  Caballero  y  Osio.  She 
was  commanded  by  Manuel  Gadaro,  bringing  a  large 
supply  of  necessaries  collected  by  Ugarte,  and  a  reen- 
forcement  of  seven  more  volunteers.  To  aid  in  mak 
ing  up  the  deficiency  Salvatierra  imposed  on  the  sol 
diers  a  light  fine  for  each  oath  uttered.  Let  us  hope 
that  those  brave  fellows  did  not  allow  their  young 
colony  long  to  feel  the  burden  of  debt.19  In  August 
the  mission  navy  was  still  further  increased  by  the 
San  Fermin  and  a  new  lancha  called  the  San  Javier, 

19  About  the  vessel,  as  for  all  events  since  Nov.  1697,  I  have  followed  Sal- 
vatierra's  letter  of  July  3,  1GU8,  to  Ugarte.  Salvatierra,  Rdaciones,  17-50. 
The  letter  was  probably  sent  across  in  the  ship,  which  was  about  to  go  after 
horses  for  the  mission.  The  padre's  letters  of  October  to  Ugarte  are  not 
extant,  so  that  in  the  original  authorities  there  is  a  gap  from  July  to  October. 
Venegas,  ii.  47-8,  and  Clavigero,  198-201,  say  nothing  about  the  San  Jos6 
being  a  gift. 


294  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

both  sent  from  Acapulco  by  Sierpe.  The  former  was 
sent  about  the  middle  of  October  to  the  main;  and 
the  San  Jose,  which  had  turned  out  very  leaky  and 
unseaworthy,  was  careened  for  repairs.  It  would 
seem  that  Sierpe  sent  another  cargo  of  supplies  by 
a  galliot,  which  sailed  on  her  return  on  October  21st, 
carrying  also  some  soldiers  who  went  to  bring  their 
families.20 

Soon  the  San  Jose  went  to  Coronados  Island,  near 
by,  where  the  crew,  under  pretence  of  putting  the 
ship  in  order,  engaged  in  the  pearl-fishery  with  the 
aid  of  Indians.  The  padres  heard  of  it  and  were 
filled  with  dismay.  They  regarded  pearl-fishing  as 
the  most  dangerous  of  all  evils  threatening  the  mis 
sion  work.  Unscrupulous  adventurers  had  created 
among  the  natives  a  distrust  which  it  had  required 
long  efforts  to  partially  remove.  Moreover  there 
was  great  danger  that  all  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of 
Loreto  might  become  uncontrollable  through  avarice. 
In  their  trouble  the  padres  appealed  to  the  holy 
patroness,  and  that  very  night  the  only  three  real 
pearls  in  the  necklace  of  Our  Lady's  image  dropped 
to  the  ground,  showing  that  the  country  under  her 
protection  needed  no  pearls  for  its  prosperity.21 

The  1st  of  November  Father  Salvatierra  with  Cap 
tain  Tortolero  and  six  soldiers,  all  mounted,'22  and 
twelve  Indians  on  foot,  set  out  on  their  first  explora 
tion  beyond  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  mission.  It 
was  directed  towards  the  north  some  ten  leagues  to 
the  Canada  de  Londo,  or  San  Isidro,  where  Otondo 
was  supposed  to  have  been,  though  no  traces  of  his 

20  Relado-nes,  51.     The  repairs  of  the  S.  Jose  cost  6,000  pesos  according  to 
Venegas,  Clavigero,  and  Alegre;  and  after  all  the  ship  lost  her  cargo  011  the 
first  trip,  and  was  stranded  at  Acapulco  in  the  second,  being  sold  for  $500. 

21  lfelacio»es,  52-3. 

22  There  is  no  definite  record  of  the  coming  of  the  horses,  though  it  would 
probably  appear  in  the  missing  letter  to  Ugarte.     In  July  12  horses  had  been 
offered,  and  the  shii 


ip  was  about  to  be  sent  for  jbhem.  Salvatierra,  Relationes, 

.  t. 

expedition.  Id.,  57. 


49.     They  probably  came  in  July  or  August.     Eight  more  horses  and  10  cows 
were  brought  by  the  San  Fermin  just  after  Salvatierra's  return  from  this 


FESTIVITIES.  295 

visit  were  found.  The  Indians  of  a  rancheria  in  that 
region  had  expressed  a  desire  to  see  the  padre,  but 
the  place  was  deserted.  On  the  return  a  letter  in  the 
Monqui  language  was  sent  to  Piccolo,  the  first  mail 
service  in  the  country  and  a  most  wonderful  thing  to 
the  natives.  The  journey  was  completed  in  eight 
days  without  accident  or  noteworthy  adventure.23 

Soon  there  arrived  the  San  Fermin  with  horses, 
cows,  and  other  aid  from  friends  in  Sinaloa.  One  of 
the  cows  at  once  distinguished  herself  by  wandering 
off  and  discovering  a  new  spring  of  water  four  leagues 
south  of  the  mission.  At  the  end  of  November  the 
two  vessels  went  to  Carmen  Island  for  salt,  the  San 
Jose  to  continue  her  voyage  to  New  Spain.24  Decem 
ber  was  marked  by  the  fiestas  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception,  San  Francisco  Javier's  day,  and  Christ 
inas,  celebrated  with  all  possible  pomp.  During  the 
festivities  a  cJiino  sailor  saw  fit  to  start  with  his  hat 
full  of  powder  for  one  of  the  lanchas,  and  had  his 
face  terribly  mangled  by  an  explosion;  but  a  holy 
relic  of  San  Javier  applied  by  Father  Piccolo  effected 
a  speedy  cure.25  In  the  last  days  of  the  year  Piccolo 
and  Tortolero,  with  eight  mounted  soldiers,  made  an 
expedition  southward  ten  or  twelve  leagues  to  the 
rancheria  of  Chuenqui,  near  Danzantes  Bay.  They 
were  well  received,  baptizing  some  children.26  There 
came  also  from  Londo  an  appeal  for  baptism  and  a 
church. 

Feeling  themselves  securely  established  at  Loreto 
the  Jesuits  now  began  to  think  of  extending  their 
influence,  by  founding  new  settlements,  their  horses 

23  Salvatierra's  letter  of  April  1,  1698.  Relaciones,  53-7,  with  full  details. 
Bahuli,  4  leagues,  Nienchu,  Piedra  Molar,  ami  Cuesta  de  Juan  de  Arce  are 
the  names  given  between  Loreto  and  Londo.  Vcnegas,  ii.  48-9,  Clavigero, 
201-2,  and  Alegre,  iii.  113-14,  represent  this  expedition  to  have  been  early 
in  1G99,  but  of  course  Salvatierra  is  the  best  authority. 

'zi  The  autograph  letter  in  my  collection,  of  Nov.  27th.  Salvatierra,  Escritos, 
Autog.,  MS.,  was  doubtless  sent  to  Ugarte  at  this  time. 

25  Itelaciones,  58.     The  chino  was  probably  not  a  Chinaman,  though  he 
had  a  narrow  escape  from  being  a  celestial. 

26  llelaciones,  59-61.     Vhonci  was  an  intermediate  rancheria. 


296  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

and  their  approved  knowledge  of  the  native  dialects 
rendering  their  tours  of  exploration  much  less  labori 
ous  than  before.  It  was  a  very  wet  season,  unfavor 
able  for  travelling  in  January  and  February  of  1699; 
but  in  March,  after  one  or  two  unsuccessful  attempts 
by  the  vessel,  Salvatierra  with  his  party  went  again 
by  land  to  Lond6,  and  to  San  Bruno  a  few  leagues 
farther  on  the  coast.  He  was  kindly  received  by  the 
natives,  of  the  Cochimi  tribe,  baptizing  many  chil 
dren,  but  having  some  trouble  in  making  peace  between 
hostile  rancherias.  At  Loreto  it  was  a  prosperous 
season,  the  natives  becoming  more  and  more  submis 
sive  to  missionary  rule,  so  much  so  that  flogging  was 
now  resorted  to  as  a  penalty  for  minor  offences.  With 
the  rains  the  grass  sprang  up;  the  cattle  fattened; 
the  number  of  converts  rapidly  increased ;  the  soldiers 
gave  no  cause  for  complaint;  and  all  was  prosperity. 
Such  was  the  purport  of  the  correspondence  sent  by 
the  lancha  at  the  beginning  of  April.27 

It  was  customary  to  send  a  few  Indians  to  the 
mainland  at  each  trip  of  the  transports,  whenever 
any  could  be  induced  to  go,  that  they  might  see  how 
their  brethren  de  la  otra  banda  were  living  in  mission 
communities,  planting  corn,  and  submitting  to  the 
padres'  gentle  but  firm  rule.  Now  it  chanced  that 
the  people  of  an  interior  rancheria  of  the  western 
mountains  heard  these  things  from  one  of  the  native 
Sindbads  who  had  visited  Sinaloa;  arid  they  sent 
word  that  they  would  like  to  raise  crops  in  their  fer 
tile  vales.  Accordingly  in  May  Piccolo  started  with 
his  captain  and  mounted  guard  to  make  explorations. 
The  way  soon  became  so  rough  that  they  had  to  leave 
the  horses.  The  difficulties  of  the  later  march  were 
much  increased  by  the  curious  error  of  inquiring 
always  for  Vigge,  which  they  understood  to  be  the 
name  of  the  rancheria,  but  which  really  meant  'high- 

27  Letter  to  Ugarte,  April  1st.  Salvatierra,  Pelaciones,  50-74,  The  writer 
is  always  prolix,  and  the  letter  is  full  of  trivial  occurrences  for  which  of  course 
I  have  no  space. 


FIRST  VIEW  OF  THE  OCEAN.  297 

lands/  so  that  they  were  guided  to  the  top  of  the 
highest  peaks.  But  finally  they  reached  a  fine  large 
Canada  named  San  Francisco  Javier  Vigge  de  Biaundo*, 
where  they  remained  four  days,  erecting  a  cross  and 
baptizing  children. 

After  his  return  Captain  Luis  Tortolero  y  Torres 
was  forced  by  an  affection  of  the  eyes  to  resign  the 
command,  much  to  the  sorrow  of  all,  especially  of  the 
missionaries,  as  he  had  proved  himself  a  notable 
champion  of  the  cause.  He  started  a  little  later  for 
Guadalajara  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  for  the 
audiencia.  Adjutant  Antonio  Garcia  de  Mendoza, 
an  old  soldier  from  Fuenterabfa,  who  had  served  in 
San  Luis  Potosi,  was  made  captain  in  Tortolero's 
place. 

On  May  23d,  with  Captain  Mendoza  and  nine  men, 
Salvatierra  started  again  for  Londo.  A  band  of 
Monquis  went  with  him,  hoping  through  his  influence 
to  make  peace  with  the  Cochimis,  and  get  permission 
to  gather  pitahayas  in  their  country.  Many  natives 
were  found  assembled  at  what  was  now  called  San 
Juan  de  Londo.  Much  was  accomplished,  and  the 
party  returned  to  Loreto  before  the  end  of  May. 

Then  Piccolo  set  out  early  in  June  with  a  large 
force  of  Indians  to  open  a  road  for  horses  to  San  Ja 
vier,  where  it  was  intended  to  plant  a  new  mission. 
By  the  12th  the  horses  were  ridden  triumphantly  into 
the  valley  and  turned  out  to  graze  on  richer  pastures 
than  they  had  ever  known  in  California.  Soon  after 
their  arrival,  Captain  Mendoza  and  a  few  soldiers 
climbed  a  lofty  height,  and  were  rewarded  for  their 
toil  by  a  magnificent  view,  which  included  both  gulf 
and  ocean  coasts,  this  being  the  first  discovery  of  the 
Pacific  from  the  interior.  A  great  bay  was  also  seen, 
perhaps  that  of  Magdalena.  So  elated  were  the  dis 
coverers  that  they  fired  a  salvo  with  their  arquebuses, 
which  caused  some  alarm  at  the  camp  below,  but 
Piccolo  joined  in  the  rejoicing  when  he  knew  its 
cause.  They  returned  to  Loreto  on  the  14th. 


298  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

At  the  end  of  June  the  whole  force  set  to  work  to 
clear  a  space  for  a  new  church  some  hundred  paces 
from  the  fort.28  Provisions  had  again  run  low,  and 
it  had  been  proposed  on  that  account  to  postpone 
work  on  the  church,  but  Piccolo's  zealous  exhorta 
tions  overcame  this  resolution;  and  this  devotion  was 
rewarded  by  one  of  those  singular  coincidences  or 
"special  dispensations"  so  often  recorded  in  the  annals 
of  missionary  work.  On  the  very  day  that  work  on 
the  church  began,  the  Santa  Elvira  arrived  from  the 
mainland  with  a  large  stock  of  supplies;  and  about 
the  same  time  the  San  Fermin  also  brought  six  more 
volunteers  for  the  garrison,  which  with  this  addition 
numbered  thirty  soldiers.  The  missionaries  take  pride 
in  noting  that  volunteers  for  California  are  abundant, 
while  other  districts  had  difficulty  in  obtaining  sol 
diers.29 

The  Indians  were  controlled  by  a  two-fold  policy,  as 
ingenious  as  it  was  generally  efficient.  Force  and 
severity,  as  represented  by  the  captain  and  his  men- 
at-arms,  were  combined  with  persuasion  and  kindness 
as  practised  by  the  padres.  While  the  church  was 
being  built,  some  natives  were  induced  by  their  priests 
to  withdraw  to  the  mountains  for  the  performance  of 
certain  pagan  rites.  Their  chief  priest  was  arrested, 
bound,  and  sentenced  by  the  captain  to  be  flogged  to 
death.  After  some  blows  the  padres,  by  a  precon 
certed  plan,  appeared,  and  in  presence  of  the  crowd 
begged  that  the  wizard's  life  might  be  spared,  which 
request  was  of  course  granted.  In  this  particular 

28  Veneyas,  ii.  53-4,  who  also  mentions  a  chapel  in  the  camp  begun  at  the 
same  time  and  consecrated  in  1700,  the  church  being  completed  in  1704. 
Salvatierra  does  not  speak  of  the  chapel;  but  in  May  1701  he  writes  of  tho 
virgin's  'Casa  de  adobes,  blanqueada  y  adornada  con  cuadros,  etc.,  que  parecs 
un  paraiso,  y  se  halla  menos  de  tiro  de  arcabuz  del  presidio.'  Relacwnes,  103. 

29  By  the  return  of  the  vessel  was  sent  the  letter  of  July  9th,  to  Ugart3, 
which  narrates  happenings  since  April.  Salvatierra,  Rdationes,  74-93.     The 
same  ground  is  covered  by  Veneyas,  ii.  48-55;  Clavigero,  202-4;  and  Aleg*e. 
iii.  113-15.     By  the  same  vessel  was  sent  a  memorandum  of  supplies  necced 
from  Nueva  Galicia,  of  which  I  have  the  original  in  Papeks  de  Jesultas,  M  Qti 
no.  27. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JAVIER.  299 

instance,  however,  the  stratagem  did  not  succeed  as  in 
many  others.  The  sorcerer's  friends,  incensed  at  the 
indignity  of  flogging  their  leader,  made  many  threats ; 
and  it  was  not  until  Captain  Mendoza  had  exhibited 
the  head  of  one  of  them  on  a  stake  as  a  warning  that 
their  anger  was  cooled.80 

Salvatierra  made  another  vaguely  recorded  trip  to 
Londo;  the  lancha  brought  on  September  7th  an  image 
of  Our  Lady,  which  next  day  was  carried  in  procession 
to  the  new  church,  and  in  October  Piccolo  went  with 
his  escolta  to  found  a  new  mission  at  San  Javier.  Dur 
ing  his  absence  the  galliot  sailed'  with  the  ex-captain 
on  board.31  A  few  days  later,  at  the  end  of  the  month, 
Salvatierra  went  over  to  Biaundo  to  assist  at  the 
consecration  of  the  church  of  San  Javier,  where  he 
was  received  with  ceremonious  demonstration,  includ 
ing  athletic  sports  by  the  inland  natives.  The  conse 
cration,  or  founding  of  San  Javier,  was  apparently  on 
the  1st  of  November,  though  we  have  no  original 
narrative  of  details.32  While  Piccolo  had  been  engaged 
in  preparing  buildings  for  the  new  mission,  Mendoza 
had  made  an  exploration  to  the  shore  of  'the  Pacific 
south-westward  from  Biaundo.  He  was  disappointed 
in  his  chief  object,  that  of  finding  a  safe  harbor  for 
the  galleon;  but  found  a  large  rancheria  of  friendly 
natives,  which  was  named  Santa  Rosalia.  Piccolo  did 
not  yet  remain  permanently  at  his  new  establishment; 
but  returned  and  accompanied  Salvatierra  on  a  tour 
to  Londo,  returning  by  a  new  way  along  the  base  of 
the  great  Sierra  Giganta,  as  the  main  range  of  the 
peninsula  was  called.  Besides  much  success  in  mak 
ing  friends  and  converts  in  the  north,  the  fathers  suc- 

30  California,  Extdb.  y  Prog.,  93-5.    There  is  no  narrative  letter  of  Salva 
tierra,  only  two  brief  extracts  to  the  fiscal  Miranda,  of  events  from  July  to 
November.     A  report  for  this  period  was  sent  to  the  provincial,  but  is  not 
extant. 

31  Salvatierra,  Relacioms,  97-8,  103.     Letter  to  Miranda  of  Oct.  2Gth,  dur 
ing  Piccolo's  absence:  '  para  la  contra  costa  a  plantar  en  el  la  la  santa  cruz,  y 
puede  ser  topen  algim  puerto  para  el  abrigo  de  la  nao  de  China. ' 

32  It  was  described  in  the  letter  to  the  provincial  of  Nov.  according  to  a 
later  letter.  Relaciones,  106.    The  reception  is  described  in  California,  Estab. 
y  Prcg.,  98.     Venegas,  ii.  56,  gives  the  date  Nov.  1st. 


300  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

ceeded  in  making  a  peace  between  the  Edues  and 
Cochimis  by  a  treaty  which  was  ratified  at  Lore  to  in 
connection  with  Christmas  festivities.  Thus  in  pros 
perity  ended  the  year  1699. 

The  last  year  of  the  century  and  the  third  of  mis 
sion  annals  was  to  bring  many  troubles  to  the  Jesuit 
pioneers.     The  first  blow  was  the  loss  of  the  San  Fer- 
min,  which  was  grounded  at  the  Sonora  port  of  Ahome 
in  the  spring  of  1700.     The  crew  and  some  cattle  were 
saved.     This  misfortune  was  so  serious  that  Salva- 
tierra  thought  it  best  to  cross  over  to  the  main  in  per 
son.     He  sailed  in  the  San  Javier,  taking  with  him 
five  Californians.    There  had  lately  been  some  trouble 
because  of  the  murder  of  a  native  by  a  Sonora  Indian 
named  Marcos;  and  it  was  thought  that  by  closer 
acquaintance  with  the   mainland  tribes  the  quarrel 
might  be  healed.     The  arrival  of  the  missionary  and 
his  companions  created  quite  a  sensation  in  the  Sonora 
missions,  where  the  party  were  feted  to  their  hearts7 
content,  and  extended  their  travels  to  Salvatierra's 
old  mission-field  of  Chinipas.     It  does  not  appear  that 
anything  was  effected  toward  repairing  the  loss  of  the 
wrecked  vessel;  but  the  lancha  was  repaired  and  filled 
with  supplies  at  Yaqui,  and  the  Californian  pilgrims 
sailed  for  home  on  June  19th,  arriving  at  Loreto  two 
days  later.33     The  reports  of  the  returning  natives  had 
a  good  effect ;  but  Marcos  continued  to  make  trouble, 
and  it  was  not  until  he  had  been  shot  that  quiet  was 
entirely  restored.     During  Salvatierra's  absence  Pic 
colo  had  employed  himself  in  visiting  new  rancherias 
in  the  region  of  San  Javier,  and  in  establishing  ami 
cable  relations  with  his  neighbors;  and  the  good  work 
went  on  after  the  superior's  return. 

In  September  the  San  Jose  arrived  with  a  much 
needed  cargo  of  supplies;  but  she  brought  also  the 
unwelcome  news  of  the  death  of  Sierpe  at  Acapulco. 

33  Letter  of  May  1701  to  the  provincial.  Salvatierra,  Jtelaciones,  110-15. 
No  dates  for  1700  are  given  before  June  19th. 


APPEALS  TO  VICEROY  AND  ICIXG.  301 

In  October  Salvatierra  went  up  to  Londo  and  made 
explorations  in  the  Cerros  de  San  Jose  de  la  Giganta 
farther  west,  saying  mass  in  a  fine  Canada  named  Las 
Animas,  and  reaching  Piccolo's  mission  by  a  new  way 
through  the  mountains.  There  was  never  a  time 
when  there  was  not  an  impending  scarcity  of  food, 
and  the  San  Jose  was  soon  despatched  to  the  main  for 
a  cargo. 

Salvatierra  had  in  1698-9  addressed  more  than  one 
communication  to  tlie  viceroy,  reporting  progress, 
soliciting  protection,  and  intimating  that  the  growth 
of  the  missions  would  soon  call  for  government  aid. 
But  the  viceroy  had  other  urgent  demands  upon  his 
attention  and  funds,  and  he  merely  forwarded  the 
papers  to  the  court  at  Madrid.  There  they  seem  to 
have  excited  a  degree  of  interest  and  sympathy  for 
the  far-off  province;  but  beyond  the  offer  of  1,000 
pesos  per  year  for  the  mission  expenses,  an  offer  re 
jected  by  Ugarte  as  totally  inadequate,  nothing  was 
done  and  weightier  matters  soon  drowned  all  thought 
of  California.  In  1700  Salvatierra  renewed  his  en 
treaties.  In  March  he  sent  a  memorial  signed  by 
both  padres  and  thirty-five  others;  and  while  in  Sina- 
loa  he  prepared  another.  Pointing  out  how  foolish  it 
would  be  for  Spain  to  lose  the  province  after  so  much 
had  been  done,  he  asked  that  the  x soldiers  should  be 
paid  by  government  here  as  elsewhere.  True  it  had 
been  stipulated  that  the  Jesuits  were  to  occupy  the 
country  at  their  own  expense,  and  they  had  done  so; 
but  could  not  be  expected  to  hold  it  permanently  on 
such  terms.  Dwelling  on  the  loss  of  the  San  Fermin 
and  the  ruinous  condition  of  the  San  Jos6,  he  asked 
for  the  gift  of  a  vessel;  but  he  announced  the  un 
changeable  determination  of  himself  and  Piccolo  to 
remain  on  the  ground  even  without  a  boat  or  a  sol 
dier. 

These  appeals  met  with  no  response  in  Mexico  or 
Spain.  Besides  the  ordinary  reasons  for  apathy  in 


302  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

responding  to  such  demands,  reasons  growing  out  of 
the  constant  drains  on  the  treasury  for  old-world  ex 
penses  and  New  World  conquests,  there  was  a  growing 
animosity  against  the  Jesuits.  The  general  grounds 
of  this  feeling,  destined  to  culminate  in  the  expulsion 
of  the  society  from  all  Spanish  dominions,  do  not  con 
cern  us  here.  There  were,  however,  some  special 
phases  of  the  general  distrust  that  affected  California. 

Amongr  the  adventurers  who  had  sought  licenses  with 

.  .  . 

government  aid  to  occupy  the  country  with  a  view 

mainly  to  the  pearls  of  the  gulf,  there  was  much 
jealousy  on  account  of  Salvatierra's  success  both  in 
occupying  the  province  and  in  obtaining  liberal  con 
tributions  from  benefactors.  Naturally  it  was  rep 
resented  by  these  men,  and  there  was  a  constantly 
growing  number  willing  to  take  that  view  of  the  mat 
ter,  that  the  Jesuits  had  found  some  rich  treasure; 
that  but  for  the  pearl-beds  they  would  never  have 
left  comfortable  positions  in  New  Spain  for  a  misera 
ble  existence  on  the  arid  peninsula.  There  was  a 
general  outcry  when  it  became  known  that  they  were 
extending  their  palms  toward  the  royal  treasury. 

As  if  the  cause  had  not  foes  enough  abroad,  a  for 
midable  one  now  appeared  at  home  in  the  person  of 
Captain  Mendoza.  This  man,  put  in  command  by 
Salvatierra  himself,  though  a  brave  soldier  and  com 
petent  officer,  chafed  under  the  restraints  imposed 
upon  him  by  the  padres.  His  hot  temper  could  ill 
brook  the  treachery  and  pusillanimity  of  the  natives, 
and  after  the  manner  of  his  class  he  would  have  dealt 
with  them  more  summarily  than  Salvatierra  permitted. 
The  prohibition  of  pearl-fishing  was  another  griev 
ance  in  the  eyes  of  this  worldly-minded  trooper,  and 
in  this  he  had  the  sympathy  and  support  of  his  men. 
They  thought  themselves  entitled  to  profit  by  the 
resources  of  the  country  they  defended,  more  especi 
ally  as  they  got  but  little  pay  from  any  other  source. 
Accordingly  the  discontented  captain  wrote  several 
doleful  letters  to  his  friends  and  to  the  viceroy.  In 


FEELING  AGAINST  THE  JESUITS.  303 

one  of  the  letters,  dated  October  1700  he  discreetly 
took  higher  ground  than  the  question  of  pay  or  author 
ity,  and  praised  the  zeal  of  the  fathers,  while  con 
demning  their  schemes  as  costly  and  impracticable. 
Yet  his  spite  overcame  his  diplomacy  when  he  sug 
gested  that  the  padres  should  be  punished  for  their 
presumptuous  demands;  and  like  a  petulant  school-boy 
that  he  himself  should  be  cast  into  a  dungeon  as  a 
warning  to  others  not  to  be  deluded  into  such  a  ser 
vice. 

These  reports,  coming  from  one  who  had  been  an 
eye-witness  of  all  that  had  occurred  in  California,  made 
an  impression  even  on  the  benefactors  of  the  missions, 
whose  alms  became  noticeably  smaller  in  consequence. 
Salvatierra,  with  characteristic  promptitude,  resolved 
to  get  rid  of  the  worst  of  the  malecontents,  even  at 
the  risk  of  leaving  the  country  without  defenders;  and 
accordingly  eighteen  soldiers  were  discharged,  reduc 
ing  the  garrison  to  twelve  men.34 

In  the  autumn  of  1700  the  San  Jose  returning  from 
Yaqui  with  a  cargo  of  supplies  brought  also  important 
orders  from  Provincial  Arteaga.  The  Sinaloa  anchor 
ages  had  proved  very  unsafe  for  the  California  service ; 
a  good  port — that  of  Guaymas — had  been  found  some 
fourteen  leagues  above  the  Yaqui;  and  it  had  been 
decided  to  put  the  Guaymas  and  other  tribes  near 
the  port  in.  charge  of  the  Californian  missionaries. 
Salvatierra  was  therefore  instructed  to  go  in  person 
to  make  a  preliminary  examination  with  a  view  to 
the  subsequent  foundation  of  a  mission.  It  was  a 
somewhat  critical  time  for  the  padre  to  be  absent; 
but  there  was  consolation  in  the  thought  that  he 

34  On  the  troubles  of  1700  see  Venegas,  Noticia,  ii.  56-73.  A  letter  is 
quoted  in  which  Salvatierra,  announcing  the  discharge  of  the  18  men,  says  he 
awaits  only  the  receipt  of  news  from  Mexico  to  discharge  the  rest.  Then 
'we  will  think  of  paying  debts;  and  if  before  that  is  done  our  California!! 
children  send  us  to  report  to  God,  for  lack  of  a  military  guard,  there  remains 
the  Seiiora  Lauretana  who  doubtless  will  pay. '  It  must  be  understood,  how 
ever,  that  letters  of  this  tone  were  written  largely  for  effect.  The  Jesuits 
had  no  idea  of  failure  yet.  See  also  Bustamante,  Defensa  Comp.  Jesus,  10. 


304  JESUIT  OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

might  obtain  some  succor  from  friends  during  his  visit, 
and  he  sailed  on  the  San  Jose  for  Yaqui.35  That 
unlucky  craft  could  not  enter  the  port  in  an  unfavor 
able  wind;  nor  by  reason  of  her  rotten  cables  wait 
outside  for  a  change,  so  they  put  back  to  Loreto. 
The  San  Javier  had  just  arrived,  reporting  that  on 
the  beach  at  Ahome  were  many  useful  fragments  of 
the  wrecked  San  Fermin ;  and  accordingly  the  desti 
nation  was  changed  to  Ahome  at  the  mouth  of  what 
is  now  the  Rio  del  Fuerte.  Salvatierra's  plan  was  to 
proceed  northward  by  land,  seeking  alms  by  the  way; 
and  in  January  1701  he  started  from  Ahome.36  I 
have  had  access  to  the  original  mission  registers  of 
Loreto  and  of  several  other  missions,  from  which  a 
few  items  will  be  taken  from  time  to  time.  The  only 
record  down  to  the  end  of  1700  is  to  the  effect  that 
there  had  been  thirty-five  deaths,  a  few  being  of  gente 
de  razon.37 

35  At  the  end  of  October  according  to  Venegas;  but  I  think  it  may  have 
been  later.  *  .  - 

36 Salvatierra,  Reladones,  124-5,  letter  to  Arteaga  of  May  1701.  Venegas, 
Noticia,  ii.  74r-5,  represents  Salvatierra's  motive  to  have  been  the  obtaining 
of  aid,  without  mentioning  the  provincial's  order  respecting  the  annexation  and 
exploration  of  Guaymas.  In  addition  to  the  authorities  already  mentioned  I 
may  cite  Revilla  Gigedo,  Carta  de  27  Die.,  1793,  sobre  el  Estado  actual  de  las 
Misiones  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  MS. ,  as  containing  some  general  information  on 
the  missions  during  the  Jesuit  period,  though  mainly  devoted  to  later  times. 

37  Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision,  1700-69,  MS.  These  fragmentary  records, 
containing  the  autograph  entries  of  Salvatierra,  Piccolo,  Ugarte,  and  many 
later  missionaries,  are  in  the  possession  of  Colonel  0.  Livermore  of  San  Fran 
cisco,  who  has  kindly  allowed  me  to  examine  them. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 
1600-1640. 

GOVERNMENT— LIST  or  RULERS— SEE  or  GUADIANA — BISHOPS — GEOGRAPHI 
CAL  LINES  AND  DISTRICTS — PROGRESS  IN  THE  SOUTH-EAST — SUPERSTITION, 
FAMINE,  AND  RIGHTEOUSNESS  AT  PARRAS — ACAXEE  MISSIONS  OF  TOPIA— 
REVOLT — THE  SABAIBO  BISHOP— CONVERSION  AND  REVOLT  OF  THE  Xixi- 
MES— GOVERNOR'S  CAMPAIGNS — THE  TEPEHUANE  DISTRICT— REVOLT  OF 
1616-17— MASSACRE  OF  TEN  MISSIONARIES  AND  Two  HUNDRED  SPAN 
IARDS—PEACE  RESTORED — HUMES  AND  HINAS— VIRGEN  DEL  HACHAZO — 
CHIHUAHUA  DISTRICTS — JESUIT  BEGINNINGS  IN  TARAHUMARA  BAJA — 
FRANCISCAN  ESTABLISHMENTS— REPORT  OF  1622— CONCHO  MISSION — 
PARRAL  FOUNDED — COAHUILA. 

IN  the  seventeenth  century  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  for  like  its  southern  neighbor  it  was  com 
monly  termed  a  reino,  included  the  territory  consti 
tuting  the  modern  states  of  Durango,  Chihuahua, 
Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  the  southern  parts  of  what  is 
now  Coahuila.1  .  For  reasons  already  explained,  how 
ever,  I  have  presented  separately  the  annals  of  the 
coast  provinces,  nominally  subject  en  lo  politico  to  the 
governor  at  Durango;  and  I  now  have  to  record  in 
this  chapter  and  the  next  the  history  of  Nueva  Vis- 
caya  proper,  substantially  Durango  and  Chihuahua, 
from  1600  to  1700.2 

The  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  residing  for  mere 
than  half  the  century  at  Durango,  regarded  as  capital 

*Not  until  1785  was  the  Parras  and  Saltillo  region  attached  to  Coahuila 
proper  as  a  separate  province. 

2  See  chap.  v.  of  this  volume  for  16th  century  annals  of  the  country,  and  as 
an  introduction  to  what  follows.     My  space  does  not  permit  much  repetition, 
and  the  territorial  peculiarities  of  my  subject  in  this  volume  especially  do 
not  allow  a  continuous  chronological  connection  from  chapter  to  chapter. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.     20  (  £05  ) 


303  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

from  the  first  and  made  a  ciudad  in  1621,  with  a  sal 
ary  of  two  thousand  pesos,  was  appointed  by  the 
king,  holding  also  by  royal  appointment  the  rank  of 
captain-general.  So  far  as  can  be  ascertained  from 
the  records,  the  rulers  down  to  1G40,  the  period  cov 
ered  by  this  chapter,  were  as  follows:  1600,  Jaime 
Herrades  de  Arriaga;  1601-2,  Rodrigo  de  Vivero; 
1602-11,  Francisco  Urdinola;  1615-18,  Gaspar  de 
Alvear  y  Salazar;  1630,  Hipolito  de  Velasco;  1631-3, 
Gonzalo  Gomez  de  Cervantes;  to  1639,  Luis  de  Mon- 
salve;  from  1639,  Luis  Valdes.8  These  men  are  for 
the  most  part  merely  named  incidentally  as  holding 
the  position;  and  of  their  life,  character,  services,  and 
troubles  nothing  further  is  known  except  a  brief  men 
tion  of  official  acts  in  the  case  of  some  in  connection 
with  mission  annals.  The  somewhat  complicated 
relations  of  provincial  rulers  to  crown,  viceroy,  and 
audiencia  have  been  sufficiently  explained  elsewhere.4 
In  the  exercise  of  political  power  the  governor  was 
responsible  to  the  king  alone, and  he  appointed  alcaldes 
mayores  and  other  civil  officials;  in  some  phases  of 
his  military  power  and  in  matters  pertaining  to  the 
exchequer  he  was  subordinate  to  the  viceroy,  there 
being  at  Durango  a  branch  of  the  caja  real,  or  treas 
ury,  under  royal  officers;  and  the  audiencia  of  Guada 
lajara,  holding  judicial  jurisdiction  over  all  the  north, 
had  cognizance  of  official  misconduct  on  the  part  of 
the  governor,  and  might  appoint  a  temporary  governor, 
whose  appointment  ad  interim  came  from  the  vice 
roy.5  In  all  its  minor  and  local  details  the  govern- 

sAlerjre,  i.  418;  ii.  184-5,  220;  Torquemada,  i.  691;  Apost.  Afanes,  31; 
Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  554;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col  Doc.,  ix.  244-5; 
Noticias  de  Esped.,  673;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mcj.,  v.  286;  Ddvila,  Continuation, 
MS.,  224;  6rdcnes  dela  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  189. 

4  See  Hist.  Hex. ,  iii.  this  series. 

5  N.  Vizcaya  independent  of  viceroy  in  political  and  military  matters,  but 
not  in  exchequer.  Instrucciones  de  los  Virreyes,  276;  Mancera,  Instruc.,  1673, 
489-90;    subject  to  viceroy  in  matters  of  war  and  exchequer.   Calle,  Mem. 

de 


obtained  from  the  viceroy  an  order  in  favor  of  native  laborers.    Veneyas,  Not. 


BISHOPRIC  OF  GUADIANA.  307 

ment  was  identical  with  that  of  Nueva  Galicia.  The 
most  notable  difference  lay  in  the  fact  that  Nueva 
Vizcaya  was  still  for  the  most  part  a  tierra  de  guerra; 
the  military  took  precedence  of  the  civil;  comandantes 
of  presidios  were  more  powerful  than  alcaldes  or  cor- 
regidores;  mission  establishments  requiring  an  annual 
outlay  in  stipends  filled  the  place  of  the  southern 
towns  paying  tribute  and  tithes.  Both  civil  and  politi 
cal  government  were  confined  chiefly  to  large  towns, 
presidio  garrisons,  and  mining  camps. 

In  1620  the  bishopric  of  Guadalajara  was  divided, 
and  the  northern  region,  including  all  of  Nueva  Viz 
caya  in  its  broadest  limits,  was  formed  by  a  bull  of 
Paul  V.,  dated  October  llth,  into  a  new  bishopric  of 
Guadiana,6  under  the  patronage  of  Saint  Matthew, 
receiving  as  its  share  in  the  apportionment  of  tithes 
16,000  pesos.7  Fray  Gonzalo  de  Hermosillo,  a  native 

CaL,  ii.  89-90.  The  governor  objected  when  Ribas  asked  for  padres  in 
Mexico.  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  303-5,  June  18,  1624,  governor  ordered  to 
obey  orders  of  the  viceroy  as  the  representative  of  the  king.  Montemaior, 
Sum.,  164.  Audiencia  of  Mexico  severely  reprimanded  by  the  king  for  its 
course  in  late  troubles  between  Gov.  Monsalve  and  an  oidor  of  Guadalajara. 
Cwdeiics  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  189.  Dec.  23,  1637,  ceklula ordering  governors 
to  reside  at  Durango,  and  not  at  the  Parral  mines  or  elsewhere.  Recop.  de  Ind., 
ii.  123.  Temporary  governor  appointed  by  viceroy.  Calle,  Mem.  Not.,  165. 
List  of  20  offices  filled  by  the  governor  at  a  salary  of  250  pesos ;  lieutenant- 
governor;  alcaldes  mayores  of  Saltillo,  Laguna  y  Parras,  Gunaval,  mines  of 
8.  Antonio  cle  Cuencame",  S.  Juan  del  Rio,  mines  of  Coreto,  mines  of  Mapimi, 
mines  of  Chindea,  Sta  Barbara,  mines  of  Guanacivi,  mines  of  Topia,  mines 
of  San  Andres,  mines  of  Panuco,  San  Bartolom6,  and  San  Francisco  de  Mez- 

Siital;  besides  those  in  Sinaloa  named  elsewhere.  Id.,  100-1.  Nombre  de 
ios  in  1608  had  not  yet  been  finally  adjudged  to  either  N.  Galicia  or  N. 
Vizcaya.  It  had  an  alcalde  may  or  appointed  by  the  viceroy;  besides  alguacil, 
alferez,  and  notary,  offices  sold  for  1,000,  1,400,  and  8,000  pesos  respectively; 
the  alferez  having  besides  a  salary  of  15,000  maravedis;  and  also  two  alcaldes 
electing  their  successors  annually.  Nombre  de  Dios,  Descrip.,  218-42. 

6 See  authorities  in  notes  7,  8.  Calle,  Mem.  Not.,  91,  gives  the  date  1619, 
and  p.  95  says  the  first  bishop  was  chosen  Jan.  27,  1020.  Alegre,  ii.  124,  139, 
269,  dates  the  bull  June  14, 1620.  By  decree  of  Gregory  XV. ,  March  14,  1621, 
according  to  Villa  Scnor,  Theatro,ii.  339;  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  15-16;  Escu- 
dero,  Not.  Dnr.,  22.  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  272.  makes  the  date  1631. 

7  Mofa-Padclia,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  279-80.  This  author  calls  the  diocese 
X.  Yizcuya,  and  gives  the  boundaries,  the  Rio  de  las  Canas  being  that  on 
the  coast.  The  see  was  suffragan  of  Mexico,  and  of  immense  extent.  Beau 
mont,  Cron.  Mich.,  v.  Revenue  cf  see  in  1646,  5,000  pesos.  The  dean  got 
1,2CO  pesos;  thearcediano  and  chantre,  1,000;  and  two  canonigos,  300.  In 
1645  the  king  allowed  one  canonigo  to  be  made  doctoral,  and  the  bishop  was 
allowed  to  uee  3,OCO  pesos  from  the  noveno  surplus  on  the  church  building. 
Calle,  Not.,  95.  Income  of  bishop  formerly  5,000  pesos,  with  4,800  for  five 
prebendaries.  Escuc'.tro,  Not.  Lur.,  24-6.  Six  thousand  pesos  in  tithes  in  1C97. 


308  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

of  Mexico,  professor  of  theology  in  the  university,  and 
a  member  of  the  Augustinian  order,  was  made  the  first 
bishop.  His  appointment  was  confirmed  by  the  pope  ' 
on  October  12,  1620;  he  took  possession  of  the  see  by 
proxy  a  year  and  ten  days  later,  and  in  person  on  Sep 
tember  1,  1623;  and  ruled  to  the  satisfaction  of  all 
concerned  until  1631,  when  he  died  in  Sinaloa  on  Janu 
ary  28th  while  engaged  in  a  tour  of  confirmation. 
His  body  was  buried  at  San  Felipe,  but  in  1668  was 
transferred  to  the  cathedral  at  Durango.  His  suc 
cessor  was  Don  Alonso  Franco  y  Luna,  a  native  of 
Madrid,  university  professor  at  Alcalii,  and  curate. 
He  was  appointed  by  Felipe  IV.  December  3,  1631; 
approved  by  the  pope  June  6,  1632;  consecrated  in 
October  of  the  same  year,  and  took  possession  by 
proxy  November  9,  1633.  Bishop  Franco  travelled 
extensively  in  his  diocese;  spent  large  sums  on  different 
churches;  obtained  a  royal  limosna  for  his  cathedral; 
and  was  transferred  to  Peru  in  1639.  He  left  Du 
rango  in  1640,  but  died  the  same  year  before  receiving 
the  bull  confirming  his  new  office.  The  third  bishop 
was  Francisco  Diego  de  Evia  y  Valdes,  a  native  of 
Oviedo  in  Spain,  educated  at  Salamanca,  and  friar  of 
the  order  of  San  Benito.  His  appointment  of  May 
17,  1639,  was  confirmed  the  1st  of  August;  he  took 
possession  in  January  1640;  and  in  April  he  started 
out  on  his  first  episcopal  tour  of  inspection  and  confir 
mation.  All  the  bishops  are  eulogized;  but  it  is  im 
possible  to  form  any  clear  idea  of  their  respective 
characteristics.  In  episcopal  as  in  political  govern 
ment  there  seem  to  have  been  no  troubles  or  contro 
versies  in  these  years.8 

In  the  missionary  record  now  to  be  presented  it 
must  be  noted  that  only  in  a  general  sense  can  the 

Arlcgni,  108.  Curacy  of  Nombre  de  Dios  in  1608  obtained  COO  or  700  pesos 
for  novenos.  Pachcco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  ix.  246.  In  1687  all  the 
prebendaries  died.  lylesias  y  Convento*,  Relation,  317. 

8  On  the  bishopric  of  Guadiana  and  its  bishops,  see  Concilios  Prov.,  1555- 
65,  368  etseq.;  Nucva  Espaiia,  Breve  Rewmen,  MS.,  ii.  322-47;  Ramirez, 


MISSION  DISTRICTS.  809 

Sierra  Madre  be  used  as  a  boundary,  since  the  south 
western  section  of  Chihuahua  is  west  of  the  main 
range,  being  in  early  as  well  as  in  later  times  a  part 
of  the  western  province ;  while  the  Topia  province  of 
Durango  extended  almost  to  the  coast  so  as  to  include 
a  large  part  of  the  modern  Sinaloa.  The  mission 
groups  were  formed  without  reference  to  geographical 
lines,  according  to  the  homes  of  the  converts,  by 
friars  who  came  indifferently  from  the  east  or  west. 
The  division  is  made  for  present  convenience,  and  in 
view  of  later  developments;  but  geographical  diffi 
culties  would  not  be  lessened,  either  by  treating  the 
whole  territory  together  or  by  any  attempt  to  draw 
the  lines  more  definitely.  There  is  necessarily  great 
confusion  in  the  location  of  the  mission  pueblos 
throughout  the  country,  and  especially  in  the  moun 
tain  districts,  resulting  from  the  imperfection  of  the 
old  and  modern  maps,  as  well  as  from  the  frequent 
changes  that  have  taken  place  both  in  sites  and 
names.  Of  course  no  pains  will  be  spared  to  reduce 
this  confusion  to  a  minimum.  The  annexed  map  from 
Orozco  y  Berra's  Carta  Etnogrdfica  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  linguistic  subdivisions  of  the  territory;  and 
my  own  sketch  maps  of  this  and  the  following  chap 
ters  show  the  location  of  the  principal  missions  and 
towns.  The  southern  part  of  the  territory  may  be 
conveniently  divided  into  three  districts:  that  of  the 
Tepehuanes,  embracing  a  large  part  of  the  modern 
Durango,  especially  the  central  and  northern  portions; 
that  of  Topia,  home  of  the  Acaxees,  Xiximes,  and 
kindred  tribes,  a  mountainous  region  in  western  Du 
rango  extending  westward  to  near  the  coast,  and 
northward  almost  to  the  Rio  de  Sinaloa;9  and  finally 

77;^.  Dnr.,  21-4;  Id.,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Geofj.,  v.  31  et  seq.;  Calle,  Mem.  Not., 
95-C;  Firjueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  73;  Gonzalez Ddvila,  Tcatro,  i.  248-50,  ii.  92; 
Michoacan,  Hint.  Prov.  San  A'ic.,  184;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  v.  530-1; 
Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS.,  229;  Aleyre,  ii.  176;  Medina,  Chron.  8.  Dle<joy 
240;  Morelli,  Fasti  Nov.  Orb.,  365;  Cortes  de  Esp. ,  Diario,  1812,  xii.  348;  Santos* 
Chron.  Hisp.,\i.  465;  Viayero  Univ.,  xxvii.  121-2;  Crespo,  Mem.,  Ajua6.,6-3i 
Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  3r7;  Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  345;  ix.  357. 

<J  The  Mocorito,  or  £vora,  was  the  bound  between  Topia  and  Sinaloa.. 
Alffjre,  i.  231. 


310 


ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 


S.Felipe  \ 


OROZCO  Y  BERRA'S  MAP. 


PARR  AS  MISSIONS.  311 

the  eastern  lake  province  about  Parras,  to  which  the 
name  Mision  de  Parras  was  usually  applied.10 

Before  1600  we  have  noted  the  foundation  of 
Nombre  de  Dios,  Durango,  Parras,  Saltillo,  and 
other  towns;  the  conquest  of  Topia;  the  exploration 
by  various  military  expeditions  of  the  country  far 
into  the  present  Chihuahua;  the  march  through  the 
territory  of  several  armies  en  route  for  New  Mexico; 
and  the  opening  of  rich  mines,  notably  those  of  Inde, 
Avino,  Panuco,  San  Andres,  and  Santa  Bdrbara,  the 
latter  being  the  northern  limit  of  actual  settlement. 
We  have  seen  the  Franciscans,  besides  accompanying 
the  military  forces,  and  attending  to  the  spiritual 
needs  of  miners,  establish  their  convents  at  Nombre 
de  Dios,  Durango,  Topia,  Mapimi,  Mezquital,  San 
Bartolome  Valley,  Cuencame,  and  Saltillo.  We  have 
glanced  at  the  first  decade  of  Jesuit  annals,  at  the 
end  of  which  the  company  had  its  colegio  at  Guadiana, 
with  six  workmen  in  the  missionary  field.  Of  these 
fathers  Santaren  and  Ruiz  were  in  Topia;  Francisco 
Ramirez  and  Espinosa  at  Parras;  and  Geroninio 
Ramirez  and  Fonte  in  the  Tepehuane  mission  at  and 
about  Papasquiaro.11 

In  the  towns  of  the  Laguna  region,  all  visitas  of 
the  Jesuit  mission  at  Parras,  prosperity  reigned  for 
over  forty  years,  only  to  be  interrupted  by  seculariza 
tion  as  will  be  seen  later.  Padre  Espinosa  died  in 
1602  and  was  replaced  by  Francisco  Arista;  and  next 
year  fifteen  hundred  converts  were  added  to  the  four 
thousand  already  baptized.12  No  hostilities  were  ever 
experienced  from  the  gentle  Laguneros,  who  welcomed 
even  doctrina  when  administered  with  plenty  of  food, 
and  the  padres'  chief  difficulty  was  to  eradicate  deep- 

10  Durango  was  also  called  Nueva  Cantabria.     Mota-Padilla,   Cong.  JV. 
Gal,  497. 

11  See  chapter  v.  of  this  volume. 

12  The  pueblos  de  vlsita  of  Santa  Maria  de  Parras  in  1603  were  San  Pedro, 
Santiago,  and  San  Nicolds  round  Lake  S.  Pedro;  La  Laguna  and  Rio  Nazas; 
Santo  Toinas  and  San  Gerdnimo;  and  a  Spanish  settlement  of  San  Ignacio  on 
the  Rio  Nazas.  Alegre,  i.  418. 


312 


ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 


rooted  but  puerile  superstitions.  The  neophytes  were 
always  seeing  visions  and  being  frightened  by  sorcerers 
into  the  performance  of  conciliatory  rites  to  El  Demo- 
mo;  and  yet  so  fond  were  they  of  the  Jesuits  and  so 
eager  for  Spanish  protection  that  a  threat  of  abandon 
ment  was  often  the  most  effectual  means  to  check 
their  anti-christian  tendencies.  The  missionaries  who 
toiled  in  this  field  during  the  first  half  of  the  century, 


SOUTHERN  NUEVA  VIZCAYA,  1700. 

in  addition  to  those  already  named,  were  Luis  Ahu- 
mada,  Juan  Betancur,  Tomds  Dominguez,  Sebastian 
Yta,  Diego  Larios,  Diego  Diaz  de  Pangua,  Gaspar 
Contreras,  and  Luis  Gomez,  the  exact  dates  of  service 
not  being  given.13 

13  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Plist.,  MS.,  552.     The  Anna  of  1G07  in  Doc.  Hist. 


JESUITS  IN  TOPIA.  313 

In  1G08  four  hundred  neophytes  died  of  small-pox  ;u 
and  in  1G12  the  country  suffered  from  an  inundation 
such  as  had  not  been  known  for  thirty  years.  The 
Rio  Nazas  overflowed  its  banks,  destroying  the  church 
and  other  buildings  at  San  Ignacio,  the  chief  Spanish 
settlement  in  that  region.  At  San  Pedro,  though  the 
natives  ran  away  and  the  padre  barely  saved  his  life, 
the  church  had  fortunately  been  commended  to  the 
virgin  and  was  not  injured.  The  next  year  was  one 
of  drought  and  famine;  but  the  flood  had  not  been 
without  its  benefits,  since  it  had  fertilized  new  districts 
and  opened  new  channels.  In  former  times  drought 
had  ever  been  productive  of  war  for  the  possession  of 
the  deepest  holes  with  their  fish-supply;  but  Christi 
anity  had  changed  all  that.15  Of  secular  affairs  at 
Parras  arid  at  Saltillo,  with  its  Tlascaltec  town  and 
Franciscan  convent,  we  know  nothing,  so  smoothly 
moved  the  current  of  events,  or  so  imperfect  are  the 
records  preserved ;  and  for  the  same  reasons  it  matters 
not  whether  we  close  this  first  period  of  south-eastern 
annals  at  1615  or  1640,  since  the  intervening  years 
form  an  absolute  blank  in  history.16 

I  pass  from  the  east  to  the  extreme  west,  where 
fathers  Alonso  Ruiz  and  Hernando  Santaren  toiled 
in  the  sierra  of  Topia,  in  the  region  about  the  modern 
Tamazula,  where  a  grand  beginning  was  made  as  we 
have  seen  in  1600,17  followed  by  much  progress  for 
about  a  year.  The  native  Acaxees  seemed  docile  and 
increasingly  fond  of  village  life;  but  Satan  was  not 
dead,  neither  did  he  sleep;  and  what  was  worse,  prac 
tically,  Topia  was  a  mining  district.  Laborers  were 
needed  in  the  reales  of  Topia,  San  Andres,  San  Hipo- 
lito,  and  Virgenes;  and  such  laborers  were  obtained 

Hex.,  serie  iv.  vol.  iii.  81-8,  speaks  of  six  padres  at  work  in  Parras  with 
4,000  Christian  natives  in  20  pueblos. 

uAhitmada,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hint.,  iii.  90. 

1'J  A /(.-</ re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  55-8. 

10  A  mission  was  established  at  Cuencame"  in  1CSO.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Je»w,  ii.  184. 

*'  See  chapter  v.  of  this  volume. 


314  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

without  much  regard  to  royal  orders  or  Christian 
precepts.  In  1601-2  fifty  Acaxees,  indignant  at  ill- 
treatment  and  chafing  under  restraint,  aroused  five 
thousand  of  their  nation  to  take  up  arms  with  a 
solemn  oath  to  lay  them  down  only  when  the  last 
Spaniard  had  been  slain.  There  was  no  ill-will  toward 
the  padres,  but  their  influence  was  feared  and  they 
were  to  be  included  in  the  slaughter.  The  rebels 
killed  five  Spaniards  at  the  first  outbreak;  burned  all 
the  pueblo  buildings,  including  forty  churches;  dealt 
the  same  fate  to  most  of  the  mining  camps;  and  finally, 
eight  hundred  strong,  besieged  Padre  Ruiz,  who  with 
forty  Spaniards  and  a  few  natives  had  intrenched 
himself  in  the  church  at  San  Andres. 

The  soldiers  defended  themselves  successfully  and 
even  made  several  sorties,  in  one  of  which  the  assail 
ants  were  surprised  at  early  morning  and  lost  a  large 
supply  of  food  and  some  lives.  In  another  Ruiz 
inarched  out  in  advance  of  the  soldiers,  unprotected 
save  by  his  crucifix,  and  clouds  of  arrows  were  dis 
charged  at  the  holy  man,  but  not  one  struck  him. 
Meanwhile  messengers  had  been  able  to  reach  Du- 
rango,  and  after  fifteen  days,  when  food  and  powder 
were  about  exhausted,  Governor  Urdinola  with  sixty 
men  came  to  the  relief  of  the  besieged,  and  the  foe 
retired  to  their  mountain  strongholds.13 

In  the  new  aspect  of  affairs  the  first  step  taken 
was  to  send  Padre  Santaren  to  urge  submission  as  a 
duty,  and  the  only  means  of  escaping  war  to  the  death. 
This  missionary  was  especially  beloved  by  the  natives, 
and  was  able  to  go  safely  among  them  several  times, 
though  his  escort  was  once  attacked,  and  during  one 
visit  a  Spaniard,  a  negro,  and  several  Christian  natives 
captured  with  a  rnule  train  on  the  Culiacan  route, 

18  According  to  Zacatecas,  Information,  MS.,  Vivero  was  governor  at  the 
beginning  of  this  revolt.  Kibas  says  the  rebels  killed  some  Christian  Indians 
in  the  pueblos;  also  that  the  real  de  Topia  was  besieged;  and  that  some  Span 
iards  were  badly  wounded  at  San  Andres.  Santaren,  in  Aleyre,  i.  403-4, 
says  it  was  the  governor's  lieutenant  who  came  with  70  men,  and  that  the 
Indians  then  burned  the  40  churches  and  retired.  Mention  of  the  revolt  in 
Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  78;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.t  v.  245-6. 


REVOLT  OF  THE  ACAXEES.  315 

were  killed  in  his  very  presence;  still  he  could  not 
bring  the  rebels  back  to  their  allegiance.  Urdinola's 
forces  raided  through  the  country,  accomplishing  but 
little.  The  natives  often  drew  their  pursuers  to  a 
favorable  spot,  attacked  them  from  ambush,  and,  if 
unsuccessful,  as  they  usually  were,  retired  to  inacessi- 
ble  barrancas.  Meanwhile  Bishop  Mota  was  on  his 
way  to  Topia  escorted  by  forty  men;  This  party  was 
led  astray  by  an  ingenious  device  of  scattering  maize 
to  attract  crows  and  lead  the  Spaniards  to  suppose 
they  were  following  UrdinolaV  trail.  The  advance 
guard  was  attacked,  and  rejoined  'the  bishop  only  after 
some  loss. 

The  three  representatives  of  political,  ecclesiastical, 
and  missionary  power  now  combined  their  efforts. 
The  governor  supplemented  his  military  operations 
with  a  bombshell  hurled  into  the  hostile  camp  in  the 
form  of  a  kind  act.  Capturing  a  party  of  women 
who  had  become  separated  from  the  warriors,  he  sent 
them  safe  and  well  fed  back  to  their  husbands,  thus 
tying  the  hands  of  the  savages,  as  they  afterward 
confessed,  in  spite  of  their  vow.  Santaren  continued 
his  supplications.  Bishop  Mota  sent  his  mitre  as  a 
pledge  of  intercession  with  the  secular  authorities.19 
All  these  influences,  joined  to  present  hardships  and 
memory  of  past  life  in  the  missions,  were  too  much, 
for  the  patriotism  and  waning  animosity  of  the 
Acaxees;  and  Santaren  soon  marched  into  Topia  at 
the  head  of  three  thousand  natives  of  eleven  districts, 
bearing  the  cross  and  the  white  flag  of  peace.  Kindly 
received,  they  submitted  to  all  requirements,  obtained 
full  pardon,  and  went  to  .work  to  rebuild  their  churches. 

This  submission  naturally  did  not  extend  at  once  to 
all  the  ramifications  of  the  Acaxee  nation  in  the  far- 

19  According  to  Torqnemada,  i.  C90-3,  the  rebels,  after  receiving  the 
mitre,  were  attacked  by  the  Spaniards,  and  being  hard  pressed,  they  flour 
ished  the  pledge  which  the  officers  and  men  came  immediately  to  kiss.  This 
gave  the  natives  a  very  high  idea  of  the  talisman  and  did  much  to  cause  sub 
mission.  The  bishop  afterward  preached  not  less  against  the  Spanish 
oppression  than  against  the  Acaxee  revolt.  The  mitre  was  later  preserved  in 
the  Culiacan  church,  lilbas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  490. 


316  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

reaching  defiles  of  the  sierra.  The  Sabaibos  on  the 
west  not  only  continued  the  revolt,20  but  even  deigned 
to  learn  a  useful  lesson  as  they  thought  of  Bishop 
Mota's  exploits.  An  old  sorcerer  proclaimed  himself 
bishop  and  even  God,  chose  two  companions  as  Saint 
James  and  Saint  John,  and- proceeded  to  baptize, 
marry,  and  divorce  by  original  formulas  of  his  own, 
retiring  to  a  distant  penol.  After  two  months'  inef 
fectual  effort,21  Governor  Urdinola  at  last  sent  San- 
taren  with  four  soldiers,  who  came  back  with  seven 
or  nine  villages  of  natives  ready  to  submit.  Indig 
nant  at  this  defection,  the  gentile  bishop  ravaged  the 
fields  and  burned  the  houses  of  the  deserters;  but  he 
was  soon  taken  and  put  to  death,  and  with  him  van 
ished  the  last  trace  of  rebellion  and  of  his  somewhat 
startling  doctrinal  innovations.22  Padre  Andres  Tutino 
was  added  to  the  missionary  force  in  1602,  and  in 
1604  there  had  been  two  thousand  five  hundred  bap 
tisms  and  three  thousand  were  ready  for  the  rite.23 
Before  1615  three  new  districts  were  added  to  the 
Topia  conversion.  These  were  the  rancherias  round 
the  ancient  Culiacan,24  those  in  the  Sierra  de  Canta- 
rapa,  and  those  of  Bamoa,25  all  apparently  in  the  mod 
ern  Sinaloa.  At  Tecuchuapa  there  was  at  one  time 
serious  trouble  with  the  Tepehuanes,  arising  from  the 
kidnapping  of  certain  maidens,  and  resulting  in  the 
massacre  of  a  whole  rancheria.  Occupied  with  this 

20Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  422-3,  implies  that  they  had  submitted 
with  the  rest,  and  that  this  was  a  new  revolt.  Santaren,  in  Id.,  404-5,  re 
presents  it  as  a  revolt  only  in  a  religious  sense. 

21  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  narrative.     Alegre  says  it  was  to  the 
Sabaibos  that  the  bishop  sent  his  mitre;  Santaren  speaks  of  no  fighting;  and 
Hibas  makes  the  acts  of  the  Indian  bishop.the  cause  of  the  main  revolt,  refer 
ring  the  return  of  the  women  to  this  last  phase  of  it. 

22  On  the  Acaxee  revolt  see  Itibas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  477-92;  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jems,   i.   418-23;  Santaren's  letters,   in  Id.,  403-5;   Torquemada,  i. 
C90-2;  Cavo,  Tre*  Siylos,  i.  236-7. 

23  Alef/rc,  i.  393-4',  423-4.     The  padre's  name  is  written  Justino  by  Valle 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sdrie  iv.  vol.  iii.  129. 

2 ''  Badiraguato,  Conimeto,  and  Alicamac  were  the  towns  formed;  and  Sta 
Maria  Tecuchuapa,  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  Bacapa,  and  San  Ildefonso  Tocorito 
in  the  Cantarapa,  or  Carantapa,  region. 

25  This  cannot  be  the  Bamoa  near  San  Felipe;  but  was  another  rancheria 
of  similar  name  in  the  mountains. 


THE  CANNIBALS.  317 

matter  the  padres  could  not  visit  the  Bamoas;  but 
the  latter  were  so  zealous  for  baptism  that  they  came 
to  Cantarapa  for  it  from  their  home  on  the  Rio  Sina- 
loa.  By  1G08  there  were  nine  missionaries  at  work 
under  Ruiz  as  superior,  in  the  whole  region  known  by 
the  general  name  of  San  Andres.26 

The  Xiximes  were  a  tribe  of  savages  and  cannibals, 
living  in  the  sierra  south  of  Topia  and  west  of  the 
city  of  Durango.27  They  were  the  southern  neighbors 
of  the  Acaxees,  to  whom  they  were  linguistically  allied, 
but  were  the  inveterate  foes  of  that  people,  \vhom 
they  are  said  to  have  hunted  for  food.28  It  soon  be 
came  of  vital  importance  to  subdue  these  savage  tribes, 
or  at  least  to  arrest  their  inroads  on  the  converts.  Ur- 
dinola  was  appealed  to,  and  at  his  suggestion  a  Xixime 
was  captured,  kindly  treated,  and  sent  back  to  bear 
an  offer  of  peace  and  pardon,  with  the  alternative  of 
war  and  condign  punishment  if  their  murderous  as 
saults  were  continued.  The  decision  was  for  peace, 
and  the  Xiximes  tendered  their  allegiance.  This  was 
in  1G07;  for  several  years  friendly  relations  continued, 
and  in  1609  Padre  Cueto  even  made  a  little  progress 
in  the  conversion  of  the  cannibals.29 

But  in  1610  hostilities  were  renewed,  and  Chris 
tian  natives  were  persecuted  more  than  ever.  An 
other  appeal  was  made  to  the  governor,  and  by  his 
order  the  comandante  at  San  Hipolito,  which  had 
now  been  formed  into  a  presidio  for  the  protection  of 
the  whole  district,  made  an  ineffectual  effort  for  peace 

26 The  distribution  so  far  as  given  was  as  follows:  Alonso  Ruiz,  San  Gre- 
gorio;  Floriano  Ayerve,  Bamoa;  Gonzalez  Cueto,  Otatitlan  among  the  Sabai- 
bos;  Geronimo  S.  Clemente,  Tamazula;  Jos6  deLomas,  Atotonilco;  Hernando 
Santaren,  Sierra  de  Cantarapa.  Ribas,  501-4;  Ale.yre,  i.  454-60.  Before  1010, 
besides  Andres  Tutino,  Juan  Acacio  and  Juan  Alvarez  were  serving  at  Heal 
de  Topia,  and  Diego  Acebedo  and  Gaspar  Najera  at  Cantarapa.  Valle,  in 
Doc.  l/ivf..  Mrx.,  se"rie  iv.  vol.  iii.  129,  adds  the  names  of  Diego  Castro  and 
Andres  Gonzalez.  Pedro  Gravina  succeeded  Santaren  in  1010. 

2?  See  Native  Races,  i.  571-91,  614;  iii.  718;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geoy.,  315-17, 
and  maps  in  both  works. 

28  They  used  to  compare  the  flesh  of  Indians  to  beef,  that  of  negroes  to 
pork,  and  that  of  Spaniards  to  mutton !  Ribas,  550.  The  Spanish  soldiers 
found  in  their  rancherias  thousands  of  skulls,  pots  of  human  flesh,  and  human 
eyes  served  on  maize-leaves. 

-9Alcyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  6-7. 


318  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

without  bloodshed  through  an  embassy;  but  the 
Xiximes  replied  by  a  challenge  to  fight  and  a  threat 
to  kill  and  eat  all  Christians  of  whatever  race,  and 
did  thereupon  attack  the  Real  de  las  Virgenes,  killing 
two  Spaniards  and  five  natives,  whose  entrails  they 
left,  but  carried  off  their  bodies  for  food.  The  viceroy, 
notified  of  the  critical  condition  of  affairs,  authorized 
the  governor  to  fit  out  an  expedition  to  crush  the 
rebels,  and  the  latter  accordingly  marched  from  the 
capital  in  October  1(310,  with  two  hundred  Spaniards 
and  eleven  hundred  natives,  attended  by  fathers 
Alonso  Gomez  and  Francisco  Vera.  The  two  strong 
holds  of  the  enemy  were  Jocotilma  and  Guapijuxe, 
the  former  of  which  was  entered  on  October  18th, 
without  resistance  as  it  seems.  Indeed,  no  trouble 
was  encountered,  save  that  naturally  pertaining  to 
the  march  in  so  rough  a  country,  until  Urdiriola  at 
tempted  to  secure  from  the  assembled  people  certain 
hostages  for  promised  good  behavior.  Then  aa  old 
chief  called  upon  his  subjects  to  die  rather  than  submit 
to  the  seizing  and  ironing  of  the  hostages;  a  fight  en 
sued,  and  many  of  the  natives  fell  before  they  were 
overcome.  Eleven  ringleaders  in  the  late  outrages 
were  condemned  to  death,  and  ten  were  hanged,  con 
fessing  their  crimes,  Nine  of  them  became  Christians, 
but  the  old  chieftain  bravely  refused  to  put  his  trust 
in  a  foreign  faith,  and  his  body  was  riddled  with 
arrows  after  death  by  the  Christian  natives.  One 
young  man  was  pardoned  at  the  intercession  of  Padre 
Vera. 

The  rancherias  of  the  Jocotilmas  having  been  de 
stroyed,  and  the  people  having  become  good  Spanish 
subjects,  the  governor  marched  for  Guapijuxe.  The 
Xiximes  of  this  district  were  in  arms  and  offered  at 
first  some  resistance  to  Urdinola's  ambassadors;  but 
finally  at  an  interview  the  chief  claimed  that  he  and 
his  seventeen  rancherias  had  taken  no  part  in  the 
insurrection,  and  that  their  warlike  attitude  was  only 
the  result  of  alarm  at  what  the  Jocotilmas  had  done. 


THE  DURANGO  MISSIONS.  313 

His  word  was  taken  and  full  pardon  accorded  to  his 
subjects.  The  reader  carrtiot  fail  to  wonder  at  the 
facility  with  which  the  aborigines  of  these  regions 
generally  submitted  to  the  Spaniards;  at  the  uniform 
readiness  of  the  latter  to  accept  excuses  and  accord 
pardon,  no  matter  what  outrages  had  been  committed; 
and  above  all  at  the  fact  that  the  natives  under  such 
circumstances  often  kept  their  pledges  for  years,  until 
aroused  by  new  oppression,  real  or  Fancied. 

By  the  middle  of  1611  seven  thousand  Xiximes 
were  settled  in  villages  under  Santaren  and  Gomez, 
and  three  hundred  had  been  baptized.  Peace  reigned 
from  this  time  forward,  and  these  people,  or  such  of 
them  as  were  spared  by  an  epidemic  dysentery,  be 
came  as  noted  for  their  devotion  to  the  new  faith  as 
they  had  been  for  savagism.  Before  1614  the  con 
version  had  spread  to  the  Yamoriba  mountaineers, 
where  Santa  Cruz  and  Santiago  were  founded,  and  to 
the  people  known  as  Humayas  and  Alicamas,  who 
with  the  natives  of  Oauzame,  Huecoritaine,  and  Ori- 
zame  had  been  visited  in  1611  by  fathers  Juan  del 
Valle  and  Bernardo  Cisneros.  Pedro  Gravina  and 
Juan  Mallen  were  added  before  1616  to  the  mission 
ary  force  in  the  Xixime  country.30 

In  the  Tepehuane  missions  eight  Jesuits  worked 
zealously  with  uninterrupted  success  and  without  any 
special  incidents  that  call  for  mention.31  The  central 
establishments  where  the  padres  lived  were  in  the 
south,  but  many  tours  were  made  in  the  north-west 
ern  sierras,  where  some  small  pueblos  seem  to  have 
been  founded,  as  also  in  the  south-west;  for  the  Te 
pehuane  country  bounded  the  Topia  province  on  every 

30  On  the  conversion  of  the  Xiximes  see  Ribas,  531-50,  and  Ate;/re,  ii.  6-7, 
38-40,  44,  72-3.     Ribas  says  the  viceroy  provided  four  extra  missionaries  for 
the  Xiximes,  with  church  ornaments  and  300  pesos  per  year  to  support  a 
seminary  for  children  of  chieftains.  The  same  author  speaks,  p.  543,  of  a  pre 
sidio  with  16  soldiers,  Xiximes  and  Tepehuknea. 

31  These  were  Juan  Fonte,  Diego  Orozco,  Bernardo  Cisneros,  Luis  Alavez, 
Hernanclo  Tobar,  Juan  del  Valle,  Geronimo  Moranta,  and  Andrds  Lopez. 
Geronimo  Ramirez,  the  pioneer  in  this  Held,  had  left  it  for  Michoacan  v/licre 
he  died  iii  1021. 


329  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

side  but  the  west.  Santiago  Papasquiaro,  San  Ig- 
nacio  Zape,  and  Santa  Catalina  were  the  regular  mis 
sion  cabeceras,  and  here  the  neophytes  were  supposed 
to  be  far  advanced  toward  civilization;  while  in  the 
country  round  about  were  many  prosperous  haciendas 
and  mining  camps. 

In  the  midst  of  their  prosperity  the  missions  of  the 
Guadiana  college  were  on  the  eve  of  a  bloody  revolt, 
hardly  equalled  in  the  annals  of  the  north-west.  Dur 
ing  the  summer  of  1616  the  padres  noted  signs  of 
uneasiness  among  the  hitherto  tractable  Tepehuanes, 
and  without  suspecting  its  cause  or  importance,  simply 
reported  to  the  governor  and  redoubled  their  vigilance 
and  kindness.  Little  attention  was  given  the  matter 
at  Durango,  doubtless  on  account  of  the  previous  good 
character  of  the  nation,  and  because  they  lived  so 
near  the  capital  that  revolt  seemed  unlikely.  In  the 
light  of  subsequent  events  the  governor  was  to  some 
extent  blamed,  but  apparently  without  cause.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  the  natives  complained  of  any 
special  acts  of  oppression.  The  Jesuits  were  always 
ready  enough  to  charge  soldiers  and  miners  with  out 
rages  leading  to  disturbance,  but  in  this  case  no  such 
charge  is  made.32  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the 
war  was  an  outbreak  of  religious  and  patriotic  fanati 
cism  inspired  by  a  pretended  god.  Details  respecting 
the  acts  and  teachings  of  this  particular  representative 
of  divinity  are  puerile,  probably  inaccurate,  and  not 
worth  close  examination.  True  they  are  like  the  acts 
of  other  prophets  in  these  respects;  but  some  of  the 
latter  succeeded  in  making  themselves  famous,  while 
of  this  would-be  founder  of  a  new  faith  not  even  the 
name  has  been  preserved.  He  was  probably  one  of 
the  old  medicine-men  of  the  nation,  envious  and  bitter 

32  Ribas,  629-30,  points  out  the  error  of  the  author  of  the  Grandezas  de 
Madrid,  in  attributing  the  disaster  to  the  sending  of  Tlascaltec  settlers, 
since  none  such  were  ever  sent  among  the  Tepehuanes.  He  also  defends  the 
policy  of  the  government  in  prosecuting,  with  due  care  for  native  rights,  this 
just  war  of  defence  (pp.  572,  621);  yet  he  seems  to  blame  the  governor  for 
not  heeding  the  padres'  warnings,  fearing  to  incur  expense  (p.  622). 


AN  AVENGING  DEITY.  321 

at  the  success  of  his  Christian  rivals  with  their  new 
fangled  sorceries;  yet  he  was  willing,  like  the  Sabaibo 
bishop,  to  adopt  even  from  them  a  useful  idea.  He 
had  been  baptized,  had  relapsed  into  idolatry,  and 
had  preached  against  the  Christians  in  villages  near 
Durango;  for  this  he  had  been  flogged. 

But  when  did  persecution  abate  the  ardor  or  injure 
the  cause  of  a  religious  enthusiast?  All  the  more  ear 
nestly  after  his  flogging,  but  also  with  more  caution, 
did  this  Tepehuane  messiah  continue  his  teachings, 
bearing  always  with  hiin  an  idol  and  claiming  that  the 
two,  by  some  kind  of  a  mysterious  duality,  were  God, 
and  angry  that  without  his  consent  the  Spaniards  had 
crossed  the  ocean.  No  more  were  to  be  allowed  to 
come,  and  all  here  must  be  killed,  especially  the  mis 
sionaries.  Did  the  people  refuse*  to  act  in  accordance 
with  the  divine  will,  famine,  pestilence,  storms,  and 
nameless  calamities  were  in  readiness  to  scourge  the 
land;  but  obedience  would  ensure  victory  and  happi 
ness;  the  invaders  should  perish  to  a  man;  tempests 
should  sink  all  foreign  fleets;  Indians  slain  in  battle 
should  be  raised  to  life  after  seven  days;  and  if  old, 
should  be  restored  to  youth.  The  word  of  deity  was 
pledged  to  these  results,  and  miracles,  as  is  usual  in 
such  cases,  were  wrought  as  tokens  of  power  to  fulfil. 
Divers  natives  for  incredulity  were  swallowed  up  in 
the  earth ;  and  the  prophet  appeared  in  different  forms 
and  from  different  directions,  the  more  to  arouse  the 
superstitious  admiration  of  his  disciples.33  It  is  not 
strange  that  he  was  successful.  The  teachings  of  the 
padres  were  not  calculated  to  dispel  the  native  super 
stitions,  but  only  to  direct  them  into  new  channels. 

33  The  demon  first  appeared  in  savage  form  from  the  direction  of  N.  Mexico, 
declaiming  against  Spanish  oppression  and  in  favor  of  native  independence; 
but,  making  very  little  progress  in  this  way,  he  came  again  miraculously  in 
great  splendor,  proclaiming  that  the  first  messenger  whom  they  had  not  lis 
tened  to  \va3  the  son  of  God,  but  that  he  was  the  holy  ghost,  and  not  in  a 
mood  to  urge  but  to  command.  The  people  might  obey  or  be  swallowed  up. 
Arleyni,  Chr6:i.  Zac.,  187-02.  As  early  as  1G15  a  Laguuero  at  a  Tepehuane  ball 
was  given  a  bow  said  to  have  come  from  a  great  lord,  who  had  appeared  in 
different  forms,  and  would  come  to  bring  death  to  Spaniards  and  padres. 
Alecjre,  ii.  82. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STAIES,  VOL.  I.    21 


322  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

The  friars  were  continually  aided  or  opposed  by  divine 
or  diabolical  manifestations.  They  were  always  ready 
to  give  supernatural  interpretations  to  the  petty  events 
reported  by  their  converts,  and  the  latter  now  at 
tempted  to  interpret  for  themselves. 

The  result  was  a  well  arranged,  wide-spread,  and 
almost  unsuspected  plan  for  revolt.  A  statue  of  the 
virgin  was  to  be  set  up  in  the  church  at  Zape  on 
November  21st.  It  was  to  be  a  grand  gala  day,  sure 
to  bring  together  all  the  Spaniards  for  many  leagues 
around.  It  was  therefore  deemed  a  fitting  occasion 
to  throw  off  the  mask  of  secrecy  and  begin  the  attack. 
The  natives  of  Santa  Catalina,  however,  were  moved 
by  their  avaricious  zeal  to  begin  operations  on  the  16th 
by  robbing  two  traders,  who  arrived  at  this  time  with 
their  mule-trains  of  valuable  goods  from  Culiacan,  and 
by  murdering  the  Jesuit,  Her  nan  do  de  Tobar.34  This 
murder  was  regarded  as  a  test  by  which  to  ascertain 
the  power  and  will  of  the  Christian  God  to  interfere 
in  behalf  of  his  saints.  One  of  the  traders  escaped  to  the 
hacienda  of  Atotonilco,  while  some  of  the  native  de 
pendants  bore  the  tidings  to  Guadiana.  Simultaneous 
warnings  flew  over  the  country  from  different  sources, 
and  a  body  of  Spaniards,  men,  women,  and  children, 
two  hundred  in  number  according  to  Ribas,  assembled 
at  Atotonilco.  Here  they  were  attacked  next  day  by 
the  savages  from  Santa  Catalina  with  volleys  of 
arrows,  stones,  and  insulting  taunts,  supplemented 
with  firebrands  and  red  peppers,  which  soon  forced  a 
surrender,  and  all  were  massacred  but  two,  one  of  the 
victims  being  the  Franciscan,  Pedro  Gutierrez.ys 

At  the  same  time  thirty  Spaniards  were  assaulted 
at  Guatimape;  but  just  as  they  were  on  the  point  of 
surrender  and  death,  a  band  of  horses  carne  galloping 

34  Tobar  was  35  years  of  age,  a  native  of  Culiacan,  and  had  served  some 
time  in  the  mission  of  Parras.  Ribas,  516-20. 

35  One  of  the  survivors  was  Crist6bal  Martinez  de  Hurdaide,  son  of  the 
famous  comandante  of  Sinaloa,  saved  by  a  friend  of  his  father  among  the  assail 
ants.     Padre  Gutierrez  fell  as  he  went  out  crucifix  in  hand  to  remonstrate 
with  the  foe. 


THE  TEPEHUANE  REVOLT.  323 

up  in  a  cloud  of  dust,  and  the  savages  fled  from  what 
they  regarded  as  a  large  reinforcement.  The  be 
sieged  reached  Durango  in  safety.  At  Santiago 
Papasquiaro  the  Spanish  families,  with  the  lieutenant, 
alcalde  mayor,  and  fathers  Diego  Orozco  and  Bernardo 
Cisneros,  were  besieged  in  the  church  and  held  out 
from  Wednesday  16th  to  Friday  in  the  hope  of  re 
lief.  Then  the  savages,  pretending  to  be  moved  by 
Christians  in  their  ranks,  promised  to  permit  an  un 
molested  retreat  and  abandonment  of  the  country. 
The  victims  gave  up  their  arms,  arid  as  they  marched 
in  procession  through  the  cemetery  were  brutally 
murdered,  the  padres  being  treated  with  especial  in 
dignities,  and  the  church  with  its  sacred  images  and 
ornaments  being  desecrated  by  a  rabble  intoxicated 
with  sacramental  wine — a  crime  which  inspires  in  the 
chroniclers  even  greater  horror  than  the  murders 
committed.  A  few  by  concealment  escaped,  and  met 
Captain  Martin  Olivas,  who  intrenched  himself  at 
Sauceda,  was  joined  by  Captain  Gordejuela,  and  for 
forty  days  was  able  to  protect  the  refugees,  who  gath 
ered  there  to  the  number  of  several  hundred,  making 
some  successful  sallies,  and  at  last  retiring  to  Durango. 
Captives  taken  on  several  occasions  were  hanged  after 
confessing  under  torture  the  plans  of  the  rebels  to  free 
the  country  from  all  Spaniards. 

At  San  Ignacio  Zape,  on  Friday  and  Saturday 
of  the  fatal  week,  thirty  Spaniards  and  sixty  Indian 
and  negro  servants  were  slaughtered,  together  with 
the  four  padres,  Luis  Alavez,  Juan  del  Yalle,  Juan 
Fonte,  and  Geronimo  Moranta.  A  boy  fled  to  the 
mining  camp  of  Guanacevi,  and  Alcalde  Juan  Alvear 
hastened  up  with  twelve  men  in  time  to  behold  the 
corpses,  and  was  himself  attacked  on  the  return.  At 
Guanacevi  the  alcalde  fortified  the  church  and  made 
a  successful  resistance,  although  all  other  buildings  in 
the  real  and  all  in  the  surrounding  haciendas  and 
ranches  were  destroyed.  Padre  Santaren  from  Xi- 
xime  was  on  his  way  to  the  fiesta  at  Zape,  and  was 


324  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

killed  at  Tenerapa.  The  Indians  admitted  their  regret 
at  the  necessity  of  killing  one  who  had  been  so  kind 
to  them;  his  only  fault  was  that  he  was  a  priest.30 
Padre  Andres  Lopez,  apparently  the  missionary  at 
Tenerapa,  escaped  to  the  mines  of  Inde,  where  with 
other  Spaniards  he  was  saved. 

The  city  of  Durango  was  saved,  perhaps,  by  the 
premature  outbreak,  for  the  natives  of  Tunal  arid 
other  villages  near  the  capital  were  to  have  attacked 
it  on  November  21st;  but  the  alarm  was  given  in 
time  to  guard  against  an  assault.  Large  stores  of 
war  material  were  found  in  the  pueblos,  one  chief 
having  in  readiness  the  feather  crown  with  which  he 
was  to  be  made  king  of  Guadiana.  Many  leaders  and 
suspicious  persons  were  arrested  and  executed;  women 
and  children  were  removed  to  churches  and  public 
buildings  once  at  a  false  alarm  of  impending  attack; 
prisoners  were  set  free  on  condition  of  serving  the 
king;  and  the  viceroy  was  called  upon  for  aid. 

The  Tepehuanes  could  not  draw  into  open  revolt 
the  pueblos  of  the  Acaxees  and  Xiximes,  though  they 
were  able  through  certain  disaffected  individuals  and 
bands  to  cause  much  trouble,  doubtless  receiving  aid 
and  shelter  throughout  the  war.  At  Coapa,  a  fron 
tier  pueblo,  two  chiefs  began  to  preach  sedition;  but 
Captain  Suarez  from  San  Hipolito,  warned  by  Padre 
Tutino,  hastened  to  the  spot  to  arrest  and  execute  the 
guilty  ones,  and  no  further  disturbance  occurred  among 
the  Acaxees.  The  Xiximes  were  more  troublesome, 
a  band  of  that  tribe  destroying  three  Christian  pue 
blos,  and  forcing  fathers  Gravina  and  Mallen  to  take 
refuge  at  San  Hipolito.  But  the  converts  themselves 
pursued  and  defeated  the  rebels,  thus  restoring  quiet. 
There  were  threats  to  attack  the  Real  de  Topia  and 
kill  fathers  Acacio  and  Alvarez;  but  the  alcalde  and 

30 He  was  a  native  of  Huete  in  Spain;  came  to  America  in  1588;  and 
served  a  short  time  in  Puebla  before  coming  north  to  Sinaloa  and  Topia, 
where  he  baptized  some  50,000  persons.  Once  he  was  seen  to  bare  his  back 
and  require  two  Indians  to  flog  him  without  mercy.  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos, 
508-16,  gives  a  full  account  of  his  life  and  character. 


WAR  WITH  THE  REBELS.  325 

comandante  Sebastian  de  Alvear — the  Alveares  were 
an  office-holding  family  it  seems — fortified  the  place, 
holding  sixty  men  in  readiness,  and  no  attack  was 
made.  Next  the  Tepehuanes  tried  to  arouse  the  Can- 
tarapa  villages,  and  Padre  Acebedo  retired  to  San 
Felipe;  but  the  natives  remained  faithful,  and  the 
padre  soon  returned  to  Tecuchuapa  with  a  guard  of 
six  soldiers.  The  natives  of  this  village  proved  their 
fidelity  by  marching  out  and  attacking  the  Tepehua 
nes;  but  somewhat  later,  being  hard  pressed,  they 
decided  to  transfer  their  residence  to  Sinaloa.  Dur 
ing  the  war  some  outrages  were  committed  in  the 
south-west  on  the  route  between  Nombre  de  Dios 
and  Chametla,  the  home  of  the  Humes  and  southern 
Tepehuanes,  the  region  adjoining  Nayarit;  and  the 
natives  of  the  coast  took  some  advantage  of  if  they 
did  not  engage  directly  in  the  revolt.37  The  burning 
of  Acaponeta  and  other  troubles  in  that  vicinity  are 
elsewhere  noticed.  Neither  from  the  Tarahumares 
of  the  north,  nor  from  the  Laguneros  of  the  east,  do 
the  rebels  seem  to  have  derived  any  material  aid. 

In  Mexico  war  against  the  apostate  rebels  was  de 
cided  upon  by  the  political  arid  approved  by  the  eccle 
siastical  authorities.  Orders  were  given  for  troops 
and  money,  the  former  to  be  raised  in  the  north  and 
the  latter  to  be  paid  from  the  cajas  reales  of  Zacatecas 
and  Durango.  But  early  in  1617,  before  anything 
had  been  accomplished  under  the  viceroy's  orders, 
Governor  Alvear,  deeming  the  safety  of  the  capital 
assured,  marched  north  with  seventy  soldiers  and  one 
hundred  and  twenty  Indians,  to  visit  the  scenes  of  the 
late  massacres,  succor  the  places  still  holding  out,  and 
chastise  such  bands  of  rebels  as  he  might  be  able  to 
overtake.  On  the  summit  of  the  Cuesta  del  Gato, 
reached  only  after  a  fight  of  which  no  details  are 
given,  he  found  the  bodies  of  Pedro  Rendon,  a  regidor 
of  Durango,  and  of  the  Dominican  friar  Sebastian 

"Arlcgui,  Chrtn.  Zac.,  192-7. 


326  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Montano,  tenth  in  the  list  of  martyred  friars  who  fell 
in  this  revolt.  Succor  was  left  at  Guanacevi,  where 
the  Spaniards  still  held  out  in  their  defence,  though 
all  about  them  was  in  ruins.  Whether  Inde  had  yet 
been  abandoned  does  not  appear  clearly  from  the 
records. 

It  is  not  possible  to  construct  from  the  meagre  data 
any  complete  and  consecutive  account  of  this  expedi 
tion.  During  January  and  February  the  army  in  two 
divisions,  one  of  which  was  under  Captain  Montano, 
visited  all  the  deserted  missions  in  the  northern  Tepe- 
huane  district.  The  victims  were  found  and  given 
Christian  burial,  save  the  missionaries,  four  or  five  of 
whom,  with  bodies  untainted  and  the  blood  still  fresh 
in  their  wounds,  were  removed  to  Guadiana.38  Sev 
eral  minor  encounters  took  place,  but  the  foe  wras 
always  repulsed  with  some  loss,  and  the  Spanish  force 
was  not  adequate  to  effectual  pursuit  in  such  a  coun 
try.  Captives  were  forced  by  torture  to  confess  and 
were  put  to  death,  one  of  these  being  the  chief  Pablo, 
whose  treachery  had  caused  the  massacre  at  Santiago. 
It  was  found  that  many  negroes,  mulattoes,  and  half- 
breed  Spaniards  had  joined  the  rebels,  and  even  one 
of  their  leaders,  named  Mateo  Canelas,  belonged  to 
the  latter  class.  The  most  decisive  conflict  took  place 
at  Tenerapa,  where  the  savages  had  assembled  their 
women  and  children  and  had  established  their  chief 
depot  of  arms  and  supplies  under  the  care  of  a  pro 
tecting  idol.  Alvear  and  Gordejuela  attacked  this 
place  at  dawn  on  February  12th  or  13th,  killed  thirty 
warriors,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight,  capturing  two 
hundred  and  twenty  men,  women,  and  children,  res 
cuing  a  few  Spanish  children  and  captive  servants, 
and  taking  a  large  amount  of  supplies,  which  included 
much  of  the  plunder  from  the  missions.  The  victo 
rious  army  was  received  at  Guadiana  in  the  middle 
of  February  with  great  rejoicings,  and  in  March 

38Arlegui,  Chr6n.  Zac.,  244-5,  says  that  Padre  Gutierrez  and  the  other 
martyrs  were  buried  at  Papasquiaro. 


ALVEAR'S  CAMPAIGNS.  327 

fitting  honors  were  paid  to  the  remains  of  the  martyr 
missionaries.39  Here,  as  at  various  points  on  the  inarch, 
captive  instigators  of  revolt,  both  men  and  women, 
were  hanged. 

On  his'  return  Alvear  found  two  companies  of  reen- 
forcements  under  captains  Sebastian  Oyarzabal  and 
Hernando  Diaz,  and  determined  to  start  again  with 
out  delay  against  the  foe.  The  Jesuit  chroniclers 
Ribas  and  Alegre  do  not  attempt  a  full  description  of 
this  second  entrada,  simply  stating  that  the  army 
marched  over  two  hundred  leagues  through  a  moun 
tainous  country  and  destroyed  some  of  the  rebels' 
rancherias.  They  secured  a  large  amount  of  plunder, 
especially  of  live-stock,  captured  many  women  and 
children,  tortured  a  few  spies,  and  defeated  the  foe 
whenever  they  could  be  found.  One  of  the  most 
famous  leaders,  Gogojito,  was  killed  in  battle,  and  it 
was  noted  that  three  arrows  pierced  his  tongue  in 
punishment  for  past  blasphemy. 

Padre  Alonso  del  Valle  accompanied  the  army,  and 
in  a  letter  gives  a  full  account  of  all  that  was  accom 
plished,  although  he  writes  before  the  expedition  was 
quite  completed.40  From  this  account,  which  geo 
graphically  at  least  is  very  confusing,  it  appears  that 
this  expedition,  leaving  Durango  February  25,  1C  17, 
was  at  first  directed  to  the  south-west,  to  Guarizame 
and  La  Quebracla,  the  home  of  the  Humes,  and  to  the 
Xixime  region,41  subsequently  returning  to  the  Papas- 
quiaro  region.  The  natives  of  the  south-west,  while 
not  openly  allies  of  the  Tepehuanes,  seem  to  have 

39  Ribas  speaks  of  a  triumphal  entry;  but  Alegre  says  the  governor  went 
on  his  second  expedition  without  entering  the  capital. 

40  I'allc,  Carta  xobre  la  Campafia  contra  Tepekuanes  Rebddcs,  1617.     In  N. 
Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  90-129;  also  MS.  Valle  writes  from  Llanos  de  Guatimape, 
May  9,  1018 — which  should  probably  be  1617.     Alegre  calls  him  P.  Alonso 
de  Valencia. 

*l  La  Quebrada,  whose  nine  Hume  villages  are  named  elsewhere,  bordered 
on  Cocoritame,  a  Tepehuane  town;  and  on  Humase,  Yamoriba,  and  Zapimi, 
Xixime  towns.  Gucayas,  Sta  Fd,  Cacampana,  Remedies,  Zamoitua,  Yamo- 
yoitua,  Basis,  Vasisy,  Guapijuxe,  Huahuapa,  Teuchius,  San  Pedro,  and  Coapa 
are  mentioned  apparently  as  Xixime  towns;  and  other  places  in  the  s.  \y. 
were  Sariaiia,  Texame,  and  Zamora.  The  places  which  seem  to  be  located  in. 


328  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

been  always  ready  enough  to  shelter  them.  It  is  not 
my  purpose  to  follow  the  different  divisions  of  Alvear's 
forces  in  the  complicated  intricacies  of  their  campaign, 
in  which  each  day's  events  were  very  like  those  of 
the  day  before  or  the  day  after.  Hundreds  of  villages 
and  rancherias  were  visited,  though  few  Tepehuanes 
were  found,  and  all  other  tribes  had  been  entirely 
innocent,  or  at  least  they  said  so,  and  were  willing  to 
make  peace.  Seventeen  was  the  whole  number  of 
rebels  killed  down  to  the  9th  of  May,  but  the  number 
included  the  famous  Gogojito,  whose  head  Padre  del 
Valle  held  in  his  hand  while  he  chanted  the  te  deum 
laudarnus.  Rewards  for  Tepehuane  heads  were  offered 
to  the  warriors  of  other  tribes. 

At  the  beginning  of  1618  the  Tepehuanes  were 
scattered  in  small  bands  throughout  the  intricate  bar 
rancas  of  the  Sierra  Madre  in  their  own  territory  or 
in  that  of  other  tribes  more  or  less  closely  allied  to 
them.  They  had  murdered  ten  friars,  with  perhaps  two 
hundred  Spaniards  of  all  ages  and  both  sexes.  They 
had  devastated  the  whole  district  of  central  Duranofo, 

O      " 

destroying  a  large  amount  of  mining  and  agricultural 
property,  and  retarding  the  industrial  progress  of  the 
country  by  at  least  fifty  years.  Yet  after  all  their 
outrages  they  had  failed  in  their  plan,  and  were  now 
in  a  condition  worse  than  ever.  They  had  been  able  to 
make  no  organized  resistance,  had  been  defeated  in 
every  encounter,  and  were  but  poorly  repaid  by  the 
expense  of  800,000  pesos  inflicted  upon  the  royal 
treasury  in  addition  to  the  loss  of  quintas  and  diezmos. 
They  had  lost  a  thousand  warriors  including  their  best 
chieftains;  many  of  their  women  and  children  were 
captives;  their  fields  had  been  ravaged;  and  most  of 
their  plunder  had  been  lost.  Above  all  their  god  had 
utterly  disappointed  them;  not  one  of  his  predictions 

Tepehuane  territory  proper  are:  Sierra  de  Arratia,  Sta  Catalina,  Francosa, 
Organos,  Crnces,  Ramos,  Fuenterrabfa,  Yoracapa,  Tenerapa,  Vasapa,  Vaqui- 
tame,  Otinapa,  Xicoripa,  Palmitos,  Coneto,  Moxitome,  Jomuleo,  Cacaria, 
Bocas,  Pinos,  Canatan,  and  Sauceda,  with  a  great  number  of  orthographical 
variations. 


END  OF  THE  REBELLION.  329 

had  come  to  pass;42  and  in  person  even  he  had  disap 
peared  from  the  scene.  Truly  their  last  state  was 
worse  than  the  first.  Padre  Lopez,  the  only  survivor 
of  the  Jesuit  band,  shrewdly  suspecting  that  the  reb 
els  were  beginning  to  think  upon  the  evil  of  their 
ways,  sent  out  an  old  woman,  with  his  prayer-book  as 
a  talisman,  to  prepare  the  way  for  a  new  spiritual  con 
quest.  The  Tepehuane  rebellion  was  at  an  end.43 

Peace  restored,  missionary  work  went  on  in  a 
quietly  prosperous  uneventful  way  that  has  left  but 
meagre  record.  In  the  mountains  of  the  west  the 

o 

Jesuits  labored  in  the  villages  of  the  Acaxees,  Xixi- 
mes,  and  allied  tribes,  meeting  no  serious  obstacles 
and  gradually  increasing  the  culture  if  not  the  number 
of  their  flocks,  but  not  attempting  any  extension  of 
the  field  for  more  than  a  decade.44  Between  1630 

42  Yet  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac.,  192-7,  tells  us  that  the  demon  caused  the 
killed  to  appear  alive  and  still  fighting  so  that  the  natives  thought  he  was 
keeping  his  promise. 

43  Authorities  on  the  Tepehuane  revolt  are  Ribas,  302-3,  508-20,  567-72, 
597-627,  631-47,  708-10;  Alegre,  ii.  82-92,  repeated  in  Dice.   Univ.,  x.  539- 
43;  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac.,  91-2,   187-200,  244-5;  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist., 
iii.  90-129,  also  MS.;  Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  53-8,  107-9,  150-1;  Ddvila, 
Continuation,  MS.,  223-7;  Tamaron,   Visita,  MS.,   32-7;   Gonzalez  Ddvila, 
Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  252-3.     Ribas,  629,  says  that  he  obtained  his  information 
from   the  records  of  investigations  made  by  order  of  viceroy  and  bishop. 
Many  inaccurate  reports  were  sent  to  Mexico  and  Spain.     Ribas  also  speaks 
of  a  battle  at  Tenerapa  where  Capt.   Bartolome'  Juarez  was  in  command. 
After  the  day  was  far  spent  and  no  advantage  gained,  he  remembered  Padre 
Gravina's  counsel  to  '  trust  in  God. '     As  he  raised  his  visor  to  lift  his  eyes  to 
heaven  he  saw  Gravina  in  person  holding  a  crucifix  and  flogging  himself. 
Victory  immediately  followed,  and  the  captain  related  the  miracle,  though 
the  padre  begged  him  not  to.     Arlegui,  91-2,  198,  200,  describes  a  great  bat 
tle  on  the  plains  of  Cacaria,  where  the  governor  with  a  small  force  attacked 
25,000  Indians  and  killed  15,000  of  them  in  a  fight  of  five  hours.     The  same 
writer  states  (p.  197)  that  the  Tepehuanes  outraged  women  before  killing 
them;  and  he  relates  several  miracles,  among  them,  that  an  image  of  the  vir 
gin  at  Cacaria  was  transferred  at  the  burning  of  the  church  to  Durango  where 
it  was  found  locked  in  the  sagrario.     A  short  account  given  in  Noticias  de  las 
Expediciones,  MS.,  and  print,  also  in  Monumentos  Domin.  Exp.,  MS.,  244-5, 
is  full  of  errors.     See  also  for  brief  and  unimportant  mention,  Cavo,   Tres 
Siglos,  i.  261-2;  Apostolicos  A  fanes,  31;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.   104-6;  Zama- 
cois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  283-6;  Ramirez,  Hist.  Dur.,  14;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol., 
2da  ep.  ii.  335-6;  Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  139-40;  Bdtrami,  Mex.,  i.  282-3;  Mayer's 
Mex.  Aztec,  i.  185-6;  Alvarez,  Estudios,  iii.  194-209. 

44  In  1618  Padre  Lomas  had  been  transferred  to  the  Tepehuane  field  in  aid 
of  Lopez;  P.  Juan  Alvarez  died  in  1623;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  other 
unrecorded  changes  were  made  in  the  missionary  personnel.  Alegre,  ii.   113, 
141;  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  169. 


330  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

and  1640,  however,  the  conversion  was  extended 
southward  over  the  Humes  and  Hinas,  kindred 
mountain  tribes  and  probably  branches  of  the  Xiximes, 
living  in  La  Quebrada,  about  the  head- waters  of  the 
Rio  Humase,  called  Rio  PiastJa  nearer  the  sea.45  We 
have  seen  the  people  of  this  district  friendly  and  sub 
missive  to  Governor  Alvear  and  Padre  del  Valle  in 
1617;  and  even  earlier  Santaren  had  baptized  children 
there.  In  1630  the  Humes  of  Humase  and  Guarizame 
voluntarily  applied  at  Guadiana  for  instructors,  and 
were  visited  by  Padre  Estrada.46  In  the  same  year, 
perhaps,  Padre  Cueto  entered  the  Hina  lands,  baptized 
many  children,  and  formed  a  pueblo  of  Espiritu  Santo 
at  Queibos,  or  Quilitlan.  Circumstances  prevented 
him  from  remaining  then,  but  he  came  back  a  year 
or  two  later  to  resume  his  work,  soon  founded  San 
Sebastian  de  Guaimino,  was  joined  by  Diego  Jimenez, 
and  subsequently  formed  the  pueblo  of  Santiago  at  or 
near  Queibos.47 

The  natives  were  less  tractable  than  formerly.  A 
year  of  famine  added  to  the  padre's  difficulties.  Apos 
tates  there  were  to  urge  revolt,  and  not  a  few  converts 
ran  away.  Things  looked  so  dark  that  the  governor 
was  called  upon  to  pacify  the  country  by  an  armed 
entrada.  After  some  delay  Captain  Juarez  from  San 
Hipolito  undertook  the  task  by  order  of  the  governor 
in  the  autumn  of  1633.  The  natives  made  no  resist 
ance,  but  came  to  Yamoriba  in  November  to  render 
allegiance  and  exchange  gifts.  Juarez  then  passed 
through  the  Hina  country48  without  incident  requir- 

45  The  Hume  pueblos  were  Guarizame,  Toministame,  Queibos,  Yacaboytia, 
Acuz,  Yomocoa,  Tomisitua,  Zipamoytia,  and  Mosas;  those  of  the  Hinas  were 
Guaimino  (San  Sebastian),  Iztlan  (San  Francisco  Javier),  Queibos  (Quilitlan 
or  Espiritu  Santo,  possibly  not  identical  with  the  Hume  Queibos),  and  San 
tiago  (near  the  preceding,  or,  according  to  Orozco,  identical  with  it).  See 
.A7".  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  96;  Ribas,  550,  etc.;  Alerjre,  ii.  195,  etc.;  Orozco  y 
£erra,  Geog.,  316-17.  There  is  evidently  a  blunder  in  Orozco's  references. 

**  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  183-4,  199-200. 

47Alegre  calls  the  second  padre's  name  Pedro  instead  of  Diego.  The 
authorities  speak  of  Santiago  as  the  sixth  pueblo  formed,  by  what  system  of 
counting  is  not  very  apparent. 

48  The  places  named  on  the  tour  were  San  Pedro  del  Rio,  Santiago,  La 
Concepcion,  Santa  Apolonia,  and  San  Ignacio,  where  Juarez  remained  37  days. 


THE  VlUGEN  DEL  HACHAZO.  331 

ing  mention;  and  thus  were  the  people  permanently 
reduced,  or  at  least  we  hear  of  no  further  troubles. 
Father  Gravina  took  charge  of  the  Hume  missions  in 
connection  with  Santa  Maria  Otais  in  1633,  but  died 
two  years  later,  and  was  succeeded  among  the  Humes 
by  Jimenez  and  at  Santa  Maria  by  Francisco  Serrano. 
San  Pablo  was  soon  founded  with  two  hundred  and 
fifty  natives.49 

The  Tepehuanes  were  very  gradually  gathered  in 
from  their  mountain  retreats  to  the  old  pueblo  life.  For 
a  year  or  two  fathers  Lopez  and  Lomas  worked  alone, 
and  it  is  not  strange  that  their  efforts,  persistent  as 
they  were,  and  by  no  means  unsuccessful,  have  left 
no  definite  record,  coming  as  they  did  immediately 
after  the  revolt  with  its  more  exciting  scenes.  In 
1620  four  new  padres  were  sent  to  this  field.  Papas- 
quiaro  and  Santa  Cataliria  were  rebuilt,  while  both 
Spaniards  and  Indians  began  to  settle  anew  in  Gua- 
nacevi,  Atotonilco,  and  Sauceda.6J  About  1623  San 
Ignacio  Zape  was  rebuilt.  Here  the  image  of  the 
virgin,  whose  dedication  was  to  have  been  the  signal 
for  revolt,  was  found  in  a  well  with  a  cut  in  the  left 
cheek.  It  was  sent  to  Mexico  by  a  pious  captain,  who 
made  a  vow  to  repair  it,  and  on  its  return  was  set  up 
at  Zape  on  August  14th,  as  good  as  new,  save  the 
scar  on  the  cheek  which  could  never  be  obliterated,  no 
matter  what  pigments  were  applied.51  A  minor  revolt, 
leading  to  no  serious  results,  under  two  brothers  from 
Zape,  Don  Felipe  and  Don  Pedro,  is  recorded  in  1638. 

49  fiibas,  550-7 1 ,  including  a  letter  from  Padre  Jimenez.  A legre,  ii.  195-201 . 

°°  San  Simon  became  also  a  large  colony,  many  Tarahumares  being  brought 
from  San  Pablo  Valley  to  settle  there.  One  Oriarte  is  named  as  one  of  the 
last  rebel  chieftains  to  submit,  and  he  was  executed  in  San  Pablo  Valley. 
Akrjre,  ii.  140-4,  153-4.  Antoneli,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  <§p.,  ii.  337, 
refers  to  Zape ,  Hist,  del  Jlachazo,  as  an  authority  on  the  rebuilding  of  Papas- 
quiuro. 

51  The  image  was  known  as  Vir 


up 

ii.  144-G.  Arlcgtu,  Chrdn.  Zac.,  62-3,  attributes  the  virgin  with  the  hatchet- 
wound  to  the  Franciscan  establishment  at  Mezquital,  where  he  says  the  out 
rages  during  the  revolt  had  been  greatest.  Ho  adds  that  when  the  Spaniards 
attempted  to  lift  the  image  for  removal  to  Durango  it  refused  to  be  removed 


S32  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

It  arose,  as  the  natives  claimed,  from  oppressive  acts 
of  Padre  Suarez,  or  as  the  missionaries  state,  from  a 
reprimand  administered  for  disorderly  conduct  to  Don 
Felipe.  In  the  same  year  ten  friars,  who  had  lost 
their  lives  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  were  proposed  at  Rome 
for  the  honors  of  martyrdom.  As  a  rule  the  recon 
verted  Tepehuanes  were  the  most  faithful  of  neo 
phytes.52 

Passing  northward  we  find  the  upper  Vizcaya,  the 
modern  Chihuahua,  divided  aboriginally  by  linguistic 
lines  into  three  great  districts,  occupied  by  the 
Apaches  in  the  north,  the  Conchos  in  the  south-east, 
and  the  Tarahumares  in  the  south-west,  with  numer 
ous  minor  intermixtures  of  other  tribes  which  require 
no  special  notice  here,  since  my  purpose  is  merely  to 
give  such  a  general  idea  of  tribal  geography  as  will 
contribute  to  the  reader's  convenience  in  following  the 
course  of  events.53  The  Tarahumares,  mountaineers 
for  the  most  part,  were  the  leading  element  in  Chi 
huahua,  as  were  the  Tepehuanes  in  Durango;  and  as 
the  latter  had  on  the  \vest  the  Acaxee  and  Xixime 
districts,  so  in  connection  with  Tarahumara,  but  con 
nected  historically  during  this  period  with  Sonora, 
we  find  west  of  the  sierra  the  Chinipas  and  Guaza- 
pares,  as  well  as  a  district  in  the  south-west  about 
Baborigame  that  was  probably  Tepehuane.  It  is  also 
most  convenient  for  purposes  of  historical  narration 
to  add  to  the  Concho  district  the  north-eastern  por 
tion  of  Durango,  the  haunt  of  Tobosos  and  Cabezas 
as  well  as  Tepehuanes.  Neither  the  mission  districts 

until  a  Franciscan  friar  took  hold  of  it,  when  it  became  as  light  as  a  feather. 
A  good  account  of  the  Hachazo  also  in  Tamaron,  Vixita,  MS.,  32-7.  See 
Alegre,  ii.  194,  224-5;  Reyes y  Fuentes,  Libro  del  Ori'jen  delColeyio  de  Durango, 
MS.,  for  an  account  of  progress,  endowments,  etc.,  of  the  Jesuit  college, 
1632-9. 

52  Antoneli,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geocj.,  2da  ep.,  ii.  337,  says  that  the  Tepehuanes 
were  not  fully  subdued  until  1690,  when  the  pueblos  of  Papr.squiaro,   Sta 
Catalina,   and  Atotonilco  were  formallzados,   and  an  extension   of    lands 
granted. 

53  See  Ocozco's  map  on  p.  310  of  this  volume.    For  tribal  details  see  Native 
Races. 


TARAHUMARA  BAJA.  333 

nor  historic  periods  are  more  definitely  marked  in  the 
north  than  in  the  south;  the  geographical  confusion 
in  village  names  is  even  greater;  and  the  matter  is 
in  some  cases  still  further  complicated  by  the  presence 
of  two  religious  orders  working  side  by  side. 

The  work  of  conversion  in  Tarahumara  Baja,  on 
and  about  the  boundary  between  the  modern  Durango 
and  Chihuahua,  was  begun  by  Father  Juan  Fonte  in 
1607.  He  repeated  his  visit  in  1611,  and  succeeded 
not  only  in  baptizing  many  children,  but  in  drawing 
out  from  the  mountains  a  large  number  of  families, 
with  which  he  seems  to  have  founded  a  Tarahumare 
village  in  San  Pablo  Valley,  apparently  in  the  region 
of  the  modern  Balleza.  Of  the  early  progress  of  this 
pueblo,  which  for  many  years  could  have  had  no  reg 
ular  padre,  we  know  nothing.  We  have  seen  that 
this  nation  took  no  active  part  in  the  Tepehuane  re 
volt  of  1G16.  It  is  said,  however,  that  just  before 
that  outbreak  a  Tepehuane  chief  attempted  to  poison 
the  Tarahumare  mind  against  the  Jesuits  and  their 
work;  but  after  the  preacher  of  sedition  had  been 
almost  suffocated  by  an  inflammation  of  the  throat 
sent  upon  him  by  the  Jesuits'  master,  he  repented 
and  thereafter  spoke  nothing  but  good  of  the  mission 


aries.54 


There  seem  to  have  been  no  permanent  missions  or 
resident  padres  in  Tarahumare  territory  until  1630, 
although  Padre  Lomas  and  others  taught  as  far 
north  as  the  region  about  Parral  at  an  earlier  date. 
At  this  time  a  voluntary  demand  for  missionaries 
was  made  to  Governor  Velasco,  together  with  a 
promise  to  settle  on  whatever  site  he  might  select. 
Captain  Juan  Barraza,  with  Padre  Juan  Heredia, 
made  a  tour  accordingly  through  the  sierra  as  far 

54Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac.,  200-1,  speaks  of  a  Tarahumare  revolt  in  1625 
which  lasted  two  years,  during  which  time  the  nation  was  nearly  destroyed 
by  generals  Retama  and  Alday.  A  particularly  destructive  battle  took  place 
in,  ir  Ixichiniva,  where  the  field  in  later  times  was  covered  with  bones.  No 
other  author  mentions  such  a  war,  though  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  Tara- 
humares  committed  some  outrages  on  the  Franciscan  establishments  among 
the  Conchos,  and  were  punished  by  Spanish  raids. 


334  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

north  as  Nonoava.  They  obtained  four  hundred 
natives,  who  were  brought  to  the  southern  verge  of 
their  national  territory  and  settled  in  a  new  town 
called  San  Miguel  de  las  Bocas,  just  south  of  the 
modern  Durango  line,  and  near  the  Rio  Florido,  or 
Espiritu  Santo  Valley.  A  few  months  later  Gabriel 
Diaz,  a  Portuguese  Jesuit,  took  Heredia's  place,  and 
soon  founded  a  second  pueblo  in  the  same  vicinity 
called  San  Gabriel,  of  whose  subsequent  history 
nothing  is  known.  A  Spanish  settlement  was  made 
in  1631  at  Parral,  in  the  midst  of  rich  mines,  but  we 
learn  nothing  of  any  padre  of  that  date.  It  may  be 
supposed  that  other  northern  tours  were  made  and 
more  neophytes  brought  down  to  San  Miguel;  but 
the  work  of  founding  regular  mission  in  Tarahumara 
proper  did  not  begin  until  1639-40,  as  will  be  related 
in  the  next  chapter.55 

The  Franciscan  annals  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  from  1600 
to  1640  are  almost  a  blank,  notwithstanding  the 
researches  of  Padre  Arlegui,  although  the  hiatus  in 
his  work  is  less  noticeable  by  reason  of  its  lack  of 
chronological  arrangement.  The  most  definite  record 
on  the  subject  is  that  of  an  investigation  in  1622  by 
the  Franciscan  authorities  of  the  Zacatecas  province. 
At  this  time  the  testimony  of  half  a  dozen  missionaries 
was  taken,  but  the  result  was  merely  a  list  of  Fran 
ciscan  establishments,  the  incidental  mention  of  some 
friars'  names,  and  a  few  details  of  special  service  and 
suffering  in  connection  with  the  various  revolts.  It 
was  estimated  that  over  thirty  Franciscans  had  lost 
their  lives  on  the  northern  frontier,  and  that  over 
14,000  natives  had  been  converted.  While  the  friars 
had  rendered  valuable  service  in  restoring  order  after 
the  different  revolts  against  the  Jesuits,  it  was  claimed 
that  there  had  never  been  any  revolt  in  Franciscan 
missions.  Fourteen  convents  had  been  established  in 

^Alcgre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  44,  58-9,  184-5;  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac., 
200-1;  Apostdlicos  Afanes,  225;  Orozco  y  Ecrra,  CartaEtnoy.,  322. 


FRANCISCAN  MISSIONS.  335 

the  past  twenty  years,  and  twenty-seven  were  now  in 
existence.  Those  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  with  perhaps 
one  or  two  exceptions,  were,  San  Antonio  Guadiana, 
Nombre  de  Dios,  San  Francisco  Chalchihuites,  Santa 
Barbara  in  the  valley  of  San  Bartolome,  San  Juan 
del  Rio,  San  Francisco  Mezquital,  San  Estevan  Sal- 
tillo,  San  Sebastian  del  Venado,  San  Pedro  y  San 
Pablo  Topia,  Concepcion  Cuencame,  San  Francisco 
Charcas,  Santa  Maria  Atotonilco,  San  Juan  Mezquital, 
Santa  Maria  Guazamota,  San  Francisco  Conchos, 
Tlascalilla,  San  Diego- Canatlan,  and  San  Buenaven 
tura  Atotonilco.56  Subsequently  there  were  founded 
San  Bernardino  in  1641,  and  Santo  Domingo  de 
Camotlan,  called  the  thirty-first  convent,  in  1642. 
The  Franciscans  suffered  to  some  extent  during 

O 

the  Tepehuane  revolt,  one  of  their  friars,  Padre  Pedro 
Gutierrez,  having  been  killed  as  already  related;  but 
less  than  the  Jesuits  because  they  had  little  to  do 
with  the  rebel  tribes,  and  because  their  convents  were 
as  a  rule  near  the  Spanish  settlements.  That  their 
mission  policy,  as  implied  by  their  writers,  \vas  better 
calculated  to  prevent  trouble  than  that  of  the  Jesuits, 
may  be  questioned.  Their  troubles  came  later.  They 
rendered  important  service,  however,  in  restoring 
peace  after  the  great  rebellion.  North-eastern  Du- 
rango  above  the  Rio  Nazas,  with  eastern  Chihuahua, 
the  home  of  the  Conchos,  constituted  from  the  first 
in  a  certain  sense  a  Franciscan  district;  though  the 

56  Zacatecas,  Information  de  los  Conventos,  Doctrmas,  y  Conversiones  que  se 
han  fundado  en  la  Provincia  de  Zacatecas,  1622.  MS.  In  Duranfjo,  Doc.  Hist. , 
51  et  seq.  The  friars  named  in  this  report,  besides  those  of  the  south  and  of 
earlier  times,  are:  Francisco  Oliva,  of  Conchos;  Jose"  Narvona,  chaplain  of  the 
governor's  force  in  1616;  Gregorio  Sarmiento,  Lorenzo  Cantu,  Cristobal  Espi- 
nosa,  Geronimo  Bautista,  Domingo  Cornejo,  Rodrigo  Novantes,  Francisco 
Capillas — all  of  whom  toiled  in  the  revolt  of  1616;  Pedro  Gutierrez,  killed  in 
that  revolt;  Francisco  Adame  and  Andre's  Heredia,  in  Topia  1602  and  1616 
respectively;  Francisco  Santos,  of  Cuencame  in  1622;  and  Geronimo  Pangor, 
of  Tlascalilla.  Padres  Geronimo  Zarate  and  Ignacio  Cardenas  are  said  to  have 
brought  Tlascaltec  families  and  settled  them  at  five  points  on  the  frontier. 
Colotlan,  Venado,  San  Miguel  Mesquitic,  Chalchihuites,  and  Saltillo.  The 
two  newest  convents  were  those  of  Canotlan  and  Atotonilco.  Their  founding, 
and  those  of  the  later  establishments,  are  mentioned  in  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac. , 
90-5,  116.  He  adds  Milpillas,  founded  in  1619  and  later  transferred  to  Lajas. 


336  ANNALS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

establishment  at  Mapimi  seems  not  to  have  been  con 
tinuously  maintained;  and  the  order  in  that  region  had 
less  influence  than  the  Jesuits  at  Tizonazo  after  1G40. 

The  first  definitely  recorded  expansion  seems  to 
have  been  from  the  central  establishment  at  San 
Bartolome,  now  Allende,  when  Padre  Alonso  Oliva 
founded  in  1604  the  twenty-first  convent  of  the  Pro- 
vincia  de  Zacatecas,  at  San  Francisco  de  Comayaus,  or 
Conchos.57  Oliva  spent  about  forty  years  among  the 
Conchos,  and  died  jn  Mexico  in  1612.  He  looked  no 
one  in  the  face,  deeming  himself  unworthy,  and  he 
wore  constantly  an  iron  girdle  with  sharp  prongs 
rooted  in  his  flesh.  He  was  accompanied  to  Mexico 
by  several  Concho  chiefs,  and  his  business  was  to  ob 
tain  license  for  new  conversions.58  Parral,  or  San 
Jose,  since  Hidalgo,  was  founded  as  I  have  said  in 
1631—2,  and  was  from  that  time  a  kind  of  presidio, 
occupied  by  a  small  military  force  for  the  protection 
of  this  frontier.53  From  the  annals  of  a  subsequent 
revolt  it  appears  that  before  1645  the  pueblos,  or  mis 
sions,  tended  by  Franciscans  were  San  Bartolome, 
San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  San  Pedro,60  Atotonilco, 
Mascomahua,  and  perhaps  Mapimi  in  the  south. 

The  Monclova  region  of  Coahuila,  north  of  the  lake 
district  of  Parras  and  Saltillo,  is  said  to  have  been 
first  visited  by  the  Franciscan  friar  Antonio  Saldu- 
endo  in  1603.  He  gathered  the  natives  into  several 
mission  towns  and  remained  three  years,  the  field  of 
his  labors  being  called  Valle  de  Estremadura;  but  his 
crops  were  destroyed  by  the  Tobosos  and  other  hostile 
tribes,  and  he  was  forced  to  retire.  The  next  visit 
and  the  beginning  of  Coahuila  annals  proper  must  be 
dated  more  than  sixty  years  later.61 

57  Torquemada,  Monarq.  Ind.,  iii.  345,  says  that  in  1609  Oliva  gathered 
4,000  Conchos  in  a  settlement,  20  leagues  beyond  Santa  Barbara. 
^Arlcgui,  Chrin.  Zac.,  83-4,  306-14. 

59  Calle,  Mem.  Not.,  97;  Alegre,  ii.  190,  220,  250  vecinos  in  1645. 

60  Although  Arlegui,  Ckron.  Zac.,   106-7,  says  that  San  Pedro  was  not 
founded  until  1649,  meaning,  perhaps,  re -founded  or  supplied  with  a  resident 
padre. 

61  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  se"rie  iii.  torn.  iv.  421;  serie  iv.  torn.  iii.  14;  Orozco  y 
JEferra,  Carta  Etnog.,  301;  Arlegui,  Chron.  Zac.,  141. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

VIZCAYAN    HISTORY. 
1641-1700. 

LIST  OF  GOVERNORS  AND  BISHOPS — SOUTHERN  DISTRICTS — A  TIERBA  DE 
PAZ — TOPIA — ZAPATA'S  VISIT  A — LAGUNA  REGION — SECULARIZATION  AND 
DESTRUCTION — TEPEHUANE  MISSION s — TARAHUMARA —  MAP — FRANCIS 
CAN  TERRITORY — TOBOSO  RAIDS — CONCHO  REVOLT  —MURDER  or  FRIARS 
— CERRO  GORDO — TARAHUMARE  REVOLT — CAMPAIGNS  OF  CARRION, 
BARRAZA,  AND  FAJARDO — VILLA  DE  AGUILAR — NEW  REBELLION — MAR 
TYRDOM  OF  GODINEZ  AND  BASILIO — SPANISH  REVERSES— PEACE — THIRD 

OUTBREAK — EXTENSION  OF  JESUIT  MISSIONS — FRANCISCAN  PROGRESS — 
CASAS  GRANDES — JUNTA  DE  LOS  Rios — EL  PASO  DEL  NORTE — JESUITS 
VERSUS  FRANCISCANS — STATISTICS  OF  1678 — PRESIDIOS — BORDER  WAR 
FARE — TARAHUMARE  REVOLT  OF  1690 — MARTYRDOM  OF  PADRES  FORONDA 
AND  SANCHEZ. 

FRANCISCO  BRAVO  DE  LA  SERNA  was  ruler  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya  in  1640,  and  the  list  of  his  successors  as 
governors  and  captain-generals  down  to  1700  was 
substantially  as  follows:  1642-8,  Luis  Valdes;1  1648- 
51,  Diego  Fajardo,  or  Guajardo;  1654-61,  Enrique 
Davila  y  Pacheco;2  1662—5,  Francisco  de  Gorraez 
Beaumont;  1665—70,  Antonio  de  Oca  Sarmiento;3 
1670,  Bartolome  Estrada,  ad  interim;  1670-3,  Jose 

1  April  30,  1648,  ce"dula  arrived  at  Mexico  naming  Oidor  Gomez  de  Mora 
to  take  the  residencia  of  the  late  Gov.  Valde"s.  Guija,  Diario,  6. 

2  Ddvila  had  been  governor  of  Yucatan.  Cogolludo,  Hint.  Yuc.,  731-2.    He 
became  corregidor  of  Mexico  in  1661.  Guijo,  Diario,  457. 

3  In  1669  Juan  de  Gdrate  y  Francia  was  sent  from  Mexico  to  investigate 
charges  against  Oca,  his  predecessor,  and  others,  made  by  a  renegade  Jesuit. 
Garate  removed  the  governor,  and  a  ruler  ad  interim  was  appointed'  by  the 
viceroy.     Mota-Padilla,  400,  says,  however,  that  the  governor  ad  interim  was 
appointed  by  the  president  and  audiencia  of  Guadalajara,   there  being  a 
quarrel  between  those  two  authorities  on  the  subject.     But  in  1774  Gdrate 
was  fined  12,000  pesos  and  suspended  from  office  for  irregularities  in  taking 
the  residencia.     llobles,  Diario,  82,  87,  164:  iii.  261-2;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex., 
i.  320. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    22  (  337 ) 


S38  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

Garcia  Salcedo;4  1674-6,  Martin  de  Kebollar;5  1677, 
Lope  de  Sierra;6  1682,  Bartolomd  de  Estrada;  1685, 
Gabriel  Nira  y  Quiroga;  1687,  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo ; 
1690,  Juan  Isidro  de  Pardinas ;  1695,  Gabriel  del 
Castillo;  1700,  Juan  Bautista  Larrea.7  Besides  the 
names  and  dates  thus  given,  with  certain  campaigns 
and  other  acts  of  the  rulers  which  I  shall  have  occa 
sion  to  notice  in  connection  with  missionary  annals, 
there  is  nothing  to  be  added  respecting  the  political 
and  military  government  of  the  country  during  this 
century.8 

The  ecclesiastical  government,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
in  1640  in  the  hands  of  Bishop  Diego  Evia  y  Valdes. 
In  1654  he  was  transferred  to  Oajaca,  leaving  forty 
thousand  pesos  for  the  benefit  of  his  old  diocese.9 
His  successor  was  Pedro  Barrientos  Lomelin,  pre 
centor  of  the  metropolitan  church  of  Mexico,  vicar- 
general,  chancellor  of  the  university,  and  comissary  of 
the  holy  crusade.  He  took  possession  of  the  see  the 
22d  of  "December  1656,  and  died  October  18,  1658. 
Juan  de  Gorospe  y  Aguirre  was  appointed,  confirmed, 
and  consecrated  in  Mexico  in  April,  August,  and 
December  1660,  taking  possession  by  proxy  on  Octo- 

4  His  appointment  by  the  king  reached  Mexico  Oct.  2,  1C70.  Holies,  Diario, 
96,  461.     Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  314,  cites  a  letter  of  Oca  as  governor 
in  Jan.  1673.     This  may  indicate  that  Salcedo  did  not  arrive  until  1673  and 
that  Oca,  reinstated  after  his  trouble,  held  the  office  ad  interim.     Salcedo  died 
in  Spain  in  1686. 

5  Appointed  Nov.  28,  1674;  died  at  Parral  Nov.  19,  1676.  RoUes,  Diario, 
207,  224. 

6  He  was  oidor  in  Mexico,  and  started  for  Parral  Jan.  23,  1677.  fiobles, 
Diario,  230.     He  arrived  with  Fr.  Antonio  Valdes  on  April  21st.  Nueva  Viz- 
caya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iii.  298-300. 

7  In  addition  to  the  references  in  preceding  notes,  see  for  incidental  men 
tion  of  the  different  rulers:  Alegre,  ii.   236,  367,  389,   447-8,  463;   iii.  70; 
Nueva  Vrzcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  236;  Berrotaran,  Informe,  165,  176-7;  also  MS.; 
Morft,  Diario,  385,  407;  Seddmair,  Relation,  844-5;   Velarde,  Descrip.  Hixt., 
375;  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  41. 

8  Viceroy  Mancera,  Instruction,  489-90,  says  the  supplies  furnished  to  the 
garrisons  from  the  royal  treasury  at  Durango,  1644-73,  amounted  to  $462,342. 
Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  223,  states  that  $62,000  per  year  was  paid  to  the  N. 
Vizcaya  garrisons,  and  yet  the  troops  were  destitute,  and  it  was  hard  to  fill 
the  ranks  at  an  annual  cost  of  450  pesos  for  each  soldier;   1667,  hanging  of  an 
ex -alcalde,  Fernando  de  Armindes,  for  robbery.  Robles,  Diario.  ii.  48. 

9Calle,  Mem.  Not.,  95,  gives  some  details  of  the  ecclesiastical  organization 
and  revenues  in  1645.  Eibera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  182,  mentions  some  slight  dis 
sensions  between  political  and  ecclesiastical  authorities. 


LIST  OF  BISHOPS.  309 

ber  13,  1662,  and  in  person  the  next  year.  He  died 
September  21,  1671,  leaving  in  the  episcopal  archives 
a  manuscript  record  of  his  literary  talent  and  religious 
zeal.  Juan  de  Ortega  Montanes,  inquisitor  of  Mexico, 
was  next  appointed,  confirmed,  and  consecrated  in 
1673— 5 ;  but  was  transferred  to  the  bishopric  of  Guate 
mala  before  coming  to  Durango.  Fray  Bartolome  de 
Escaiiuela,  a  Franciscan,  was  promoted  from  the 
bishopric  of  Puerto  Rico  to  that  of  Guadiana  by 
bull  of  November  16,  1676,  taking  possession  by 
proxy  August  11,  1677.  He  served  with  much  zeal, 
prepared  diocesan  regulations  approved  by  the  king, 
and  died  at  his  post  on  November  20,  1684.  Fray 
Manuel  de  Herrera,  court  preacher,  and  a  member  of 
the  Minimos  de  San  Francisco  de  Paula,  was  ap 
pointed  May  4,  1686,  and  died  January  31,  1689,  at 
Sombrerete.10  Garcia  de  Legaspi  Velasco  y  Altami- 
rano,  curate  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  canonigo,  treasurer, 
and  archdeacon  of  the  metropolitan  church  of  Mexico, 
and  honored  with  other  titles,  was  nominated  bishop  of 
Durango  in  1691,  and  took  possession  December  22, 
1692.  He  ruled  until  March  5,  1700,  when  he  was 
promoted  to  the  see  of  Yalladolid.11 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I  have  brought  the  mis 
sionary  annals — and  the  country  has  no  other — of 
Nueva  Vizcaya  proper  down  to  the  year  1640.  In 
the  present  chapter  I  continue  those  annals  to  the 
end  of  the  century,  continuing  also  in  general  terms 
for  the  reader's  convenience  and  my  own  the  subdi 
vision  of  the  territory  into  mission  districts  as  al- 

10  The  date  of  his  taking  possession  is  not  recorded,  because  the  prebenda 
ries  had  all  died  in  1687.     In  April  1688  Bishop  Herrera  visited  Mexico  to 
prevent  a  transfer  of  the  treasury  from  Durango  to  Parral.  fiobh'S,  Diario,  ii. 
494-6. 

11  On  the  bishops  of  1640-1700  see  Concilios  Provinciates,  1555-65,  370  et 
seq.;   Ramirez,   Hist.  Dur.,  21-4;   Gonzalez  Ddvila,    Teatro,  i.  250;   ii.  92; 
Giujo,  Diario,  359,  362,  365-8,  409,  411-12,  441,  445,  451,  503-4;  Itobles,  Vida 
eld  Arzob.  Cuevas,  133;   Vetancvrt,  Ciuclad  de  Mex.,  18-19;  Ftfjueroa,  Vindi- 
c'tas,  MS.,  70;  Dice.  Univ.,i.  341;  ix.  281,  446,  551;  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diecjo, 
241-2;  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  115,  138,  182-3,  200-1,  231,  236,  461,  485;  iii.  9,  38, 
111,  116;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Hex.,  145,  160;  Juarros,  Compend.  Guat., '284-5. 


340  NUEVA  VIZCAY  JLN  HISTORY. 

ready  indicated.  In  the  south  during  this  period,  as 
the  country  approximated  to  the  condition  of  a  tierra 
de  paz  in  which  surviving  natives  submitted  more  or 
less  cheerfully  to  town  life,  to  the  restraints  of  Chris 
tianity,  to  the  instruction  of  the  friars,  and  to  the 
tyranny  of  Spanish  pobladores  and  miners,  the  record 
becomes  as  is  usual  in  like  cases  meagre  and  unevent 
ful;  in  the  north  the  period  is  one  of  excitement,  of 
conquest,  of  conversion,  of  revolt,  warfare,  and  of 
martyrdom.  The  southern  districts  may  therefore 
most  conveniently  be  taken  up  first,  and  their  frag 
mentary  annals  of  progress  down  to  1700  finally  dis 
posed  of,  before  attention  is  called  to  the  bloody 
record  of  the  north. 

In  the  western  province,  which  may  still  be  called 
by  its  original  name  of  Topia,  it  was  estimated  that 
fifty  thousand  souls  had  been  saved  before  1644,  when 
eight  missionaries  were  serving  there  in  sixteen 
churches.  In  1662-3  a  pestilence  is  recorded,  during 
which  Padre  Ignacio  de  Medina  did  good  service  in 
the  Otais  district  until  a  novenario  to  San  Francisco 
Javier  abated  the  scourge.  In  1664  Atotonilco  was 
in  charge  of  Estevan  Rodriguez,  while  Diego  de  Ace- 
bedo  and  Gaspar  de  Najera  were  serving  at  Tecuchu- 
apa.12  Juan  Ortiz  Zapata  reports  in  his  visita  of 
1678  thirty-eight  pueblos  of  converts  in  the  western 
province,  divided  among  three  missions  proper  which 
were  named  Xiximes,  San  Andres,  and  Santa  Cruz 
de  Topia,  the  last  of  which  at  this  date  was  reckoned 
among  the  missions  of  Sinaloa.  Each  was  divided 
into  three  or  four  partidos  and  each  partido  was  in 
charge  of  a  Jesuit.  There  were  ten  padres,  about 
fourteen  hundred  neophytes,  and  a  scattered  popula 
tion  of  about  five  hundred  Spaniards,  or  "what  are 
called  Spaniards  in  this  country,"  as  one  Jesuit  ex 
presses  it.  I  have  deemed  the  statistics  of  this  visita 

™ffibas,  507;  Alcgre,  ii.  200,  422-3,  429-32,  437,  448-9.  Padre  Leonardo 
Jatino  is  also  named  as  one  of  the  Acaxee  missionaries.  P.  Cristobal  Robles 
served  at  Guarizame  in  1661. 


STATISTICS  OF  TOPIA.  341 

worthy  of  preservation  at  some  length  in  a  note ;  and 
between  1678  and  1700  I  find  no  record  whatever  for 
the  whole  region.13 

Turning  again  to  the  eastern  district  of  Parras, 
where  events  from  1G16  to  1640  left  absolutely  no 

13Xiximc  Mission,  a  little  s.  of  w.  from  Durango;  population,  19,000 
(1,900?);  divided  into  4  partidos: 

(1.)  Sail  Pablo  Hetasi,  26  1.  from  Dnr.,  pop.  104;  3  pueblos.  S.  Pedro 
Guarizame,  (18  1.)  w.  of  S.  Pablo,  pop.  41;  Sta  Lucia,  a  new  pueblo  E.  of  S. 
Pablo,  on  road  from  Dur.  to  Copala,  pop.  82.  Partido  under  P.  Francisco 
Medrauo,  serving  227  persons;  no  gentiles  in  the  partido. 

(2. )  .Santa  Cruz  de  Yamoriba,  ,30  1.  w.  of  San  Pablo,  pop.  48;  2  pueblos.  S. 
Bartolome"  Humase,  7  1.  w.  Guarizame,  5  1.  E.  \Yamoriba,  pop.  42.  Partido 
under  P.  Pedro  Cuesta,  serving  110  persons. 

(3.)  Santa  Apolonia,  401.  s.  of  w.  Yamoriba,  pop.  75;  3  pueblos.  Con- 
cepcion,  2  1.  E.  Sta  Ap.,  pop.  50;  Santiago  el  Nuevo  (site  recently  changed), 
4  1.  E.  Sta  Ap.,  pop.  14.  Partido  under  P.  Juan  Boltor  serving  139  persons. 

(4.)  San  Ignacio,  41.  StaAp.,  pop.  133;  5  pueblos.  S.  Geronimo  Adia, 
or  Akoya,  7  1.  N.  S.  Ign.,  pop.  200;  S.  Juan,"5  1.  s.  S.  Ign.,  pop.  75;  S.  Fran 
cisco  Cababayan  (Cabazan?),  4  1.  s.  S.  Ign.,  pop.  34;  S.  Agustin,  w.  S.  Fran., 
pop.  30.  Partido  under  P.  Diego  Jimenez,  serving  529  persons,  many  Span 
iards. 

San  Andre's  Mission,  N.  of  San  Ignacio,  70  1.  w.  Durango;  591  persons;  4 
partidos: 

(1.)  San  Ignacio  Otatitlan  on  Rio  Vegas,  34  1.  N.  S.  Ignacio  de  Xiximes, 
pop.  28;  4  pueblos.  Piaba,  once  cabecera  5  1.  w.  Otatitlan,  pop.  10;  Alaya, 
12  1.  w.  Otatitlan,  pop.  40;  Quejupa,  11  1.  x.  Otatitlan,  pop.  12.  Partido 
under  P.  Francisco  de  la  Plaza,  serving  160  persons;  7  evtancias  of  Spaniards. 

(2.)  San  Ildefonso  de  los  Remedies,  101.  N.  E.  Otatitlan,  up  the  river, 
pop.  65;  2  pueblos.  Sta  Catalina,  3  1.  S.  S.  lid.,  pop.  88.  Partido  under  P. 
Geronimo  Estrada,  serving  198  persons.  El  Palmar,  3  estanciasof  Spaniards, 
3  1.  down  river  w.  from  S.  lid. 

(3.)  San  Gregorio,  281.  E.  Otatitlan,  pop.  50;  4  pueblos.  Soibupa,  71. 
w.  S.  Greg.,  pop.  24;  S.  Pedro,  1  1.  N.  S.  Greg.,  pop.  24:  San  Mateo  de 
Tecayas,  1  1.  E.  S.  Greg.,  pop.  25.  Partido  under  P.  Fernando  Barrio,  rector 
and  visitador,  serving  125  persons. 

(4.)  Santa  Maria  Otais,  14  1.  s.  E.  S.  Greg.,  pop.  28;  2  pueblos.  Santiago 
Batzotzi,  10  1.  S.  Otais,  pop.  10.  Partido  under  Padre  Barrio,  serving  108 
persons.  Also  serves  presidio  S.  Hip61ito,  81.  distant,  and  Real  de  Guapijuxe, 

Santa  Cruz  de  Topia  Mission,  E.  of  S.  Felipe  de  Sinaloa;  1,101  persons;  3 
partidos: 

(1.)  San  Juan  Badariguato,  16  1.  E.  Mocorito  (?),  pop.  56;  Reyes  de  Coni- 
meto,  3  1.  w.  S.  Juan,  pop.  56;  Sta  Cruz,  8  1.  N.  w.  S.  Juan,  pop.  97;  S. 
Fran.  Alicamac,  8  1.  s.  S.  Juan,  pop.  43.  Partido  under  P.  Pedro  Robles, 
rector,  serving  368  (386?)  persons. 

(2.)  San  Martin  Atotonilco,  12  1.  E.  S.  Juan,  pop.  60;  6  pueblos.  Santiago 
Merirato,  4  1.  s.  Atot.,  on  Rio  Humaya,  pop.  103;  S.  Ignacio  Coriatapa,  5  1. 
s.  Atot.,  on  same  river,  16  1.  from  Culiacan,  pop.  76;  S.  Pedro  Guatenipa,  8 
1.  s.  E.  Atot.,  on  same  river,  pop.  104;  S.  Ignacio  Bamupa,  9  1.  Guat.  on  Rio 
Atotonilco,  pop.  59;  Soyatlan,  20  1.  Atot.,  10-12  1.  N.  Bamupa,  20  1.  Nabo- 
game  or  Saboguame,  pop.  124,  Partido  under  P.  Nicolas  Ferrer  (just  ap 
pointed,  P.  Andres  del  Castillo  having  recently  died),  serving  610  persons. 

(3.)  San  Ignacio  Tamazula,  40  1.  s.  E.  S.  Martin  Atotonilco,  pop.  81;  4 
pueblos.  S.  Ignacio  Atotonilco,  3  1.  E.  Tamazula,  on  same  Rio  de  la  Que- 


342  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

trace  in  written  records,  we  find  that  in  1645-6  the 
missions  were  taken  from  the  Jesuits  by  the  bishop, 
and  put  in  charge  of  the  clergy.     Something  of  the 
kind  had  been  unsuccessfully  tried  in  1641,  as  appears 
from  certain  scraps  of  correspondence  found  later  in 
the  archives.1*    As  to  the  causes  of  this  secularization, 
we  must  accept  the  Jesuit  version  in  the  absence  of 
any  other.     It  seems  that  since  the  foundation  of  the 
villa  the  hacendados  of  the  vicinity  had  coveted  the 
water  and  ditches  which  irrigated  the  fields  of  the 
neophytes,  finally  claiming  the  property  as  their  own. 
The  Jesuits  defended  the  claim  of  the  natives,  who 
appealed  the  matter  to  Governor  Alvear,  and  obtained 
a  confirmation  of  their  rights  to  the  agua  grande. 
After  his  term  of  office  had  expired,  however,  Alvear 
married  into  the  Urdiiiola  family,  and  became  himself 
proprietor  of  the  hacienda.     He  needed  the  water, 
and  paid  no  heed  to  the  rights  of  the  natives  or  to  his 
own  former  decision.     The  neophytes  now  appealed, 
at  the  padres'  advice,  to  the  audiencia,  and  once  more 
gained  their  cause;  but  the  friars  had  incurred  the 
bitter  enmity  of  Alvear,  and  of  other  prominent  Span 
iards;  and  the  latter  had  influence  enough   to  oust 
their  foes,  especially  as  the  ex-governor  and  Bishop 
Evia  were  personal  friends,  and  the  bishop  was  not  a 
friend  of  the  company.15 

When  given  up  the  missions  numbered  six,  each 
under  a  Jesuit,  and  each  having  one  or  more  pueblos 

brada,  pop.  53;  S.  Joaquin  Chapotlan,  5  1.  s.  Tamazula,  pop.  17;  S.  Jose" 
Canelas,  formerly  a  partido,  20  1.  E.  Tamazula,  up  river,  5  1.  from  Real  de 
Topia,  pop.  40.  Partido  under  P.  Crist6bal  Bravo,  serving  316  persons. 
Zapata,  Relation,  Scattered  through  this  report  is  much  unimportant  infor 
mation  about  the  condition  of  churches  and  church  ornaments,  docility  of  the 
neophytes,  etc. 

14  The  authorities  on  secularization  are  two  reports  made  in  the  next  cen 
tury  by  Jesuits  who  searched  the  archives.     They  are:  Carlo,  de  un  Padre 
ex-Jesuita,  written  apparently  as  late  as  1786;  and  Carta  del  Padre  Francisco 
Perez,  dated  Parras,  Dec.  8,  1749,  and  addressed  to  the  provincial,  in  N.  Viz- 
caya,  Doc.,  MS.,  540-52;  printed,  iv.  73-88. 

15  Morfi,  Diario,  390-3,  gives  a  similar  account  of  the  water  transaction, 
but  he  makes  the  date  of  secularization  Oct.  15,  1666.     Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  ii.  427,  436-7,  makes  the  date  1652,  and  says  the  residencia  of  Parras 
alone  remained  to  the  Jesuits. 


THE  PARRAS  MISSIONS.  343 

do  visita.16  There  were  DO  gentiles  left  in  the  district, 
and  some  progress  had  even  been  made  in  the  north. 
Bachiller  Mateo  Barraza  was  curate  at  Parras,  and 
Licenciado  Clemen te  Martinez  Bico  at  San  Pedro; 
and  as  the  two  had  all  the  limosnas  and  perquisites 
of  the  six  Jesuits,  their  position  was  for  a  time  a  very 
comfortable  one.  Two  Jesuits,  Gaspar  Contreras  and 
Luis  Gomez,  remained  at  Parras  in  charge  of  the 
company's  property,  respecting  which  there  was  no 
little  trouble  subsequently,  since  the  ex-missionaries 
were  disposed  to  surrender  only  the  church  ornaments 
and  other  articles  actually  furnished  by  the  king.  Ex 
actly  how  much  of  the  mission  property  they  event 
ually  retained,  in  addition  to  the  lands  and  cattle, 
there  are  no  means  of  determining;  but  they  seem 
to  have  kept  the  mission  books,  and  there  are  some 
indications  that  they  also  retained  their  houses.17 

At  the  very  time  of  secularization,  as  will  be  more 
fully  narrated  later  in  this  chapter,  the  pueblos  of 
the  Parras  district,  and  especially  Santa  Ana,  suffered 
from  the  raids  of  the  savage  Tobosos  and  rebellious 
Salineros  of  the  north.  After  the  change  no  further 
progress  was  made  in  conversion,  but  even  the  old 
pueblos  were  gradually  abandoned,  the  clergy  having 
neither  the  numbers,  ability,  nor  apparently  the  will 
to  attend  to  them,  being  accused  of  the  grossest  negli 
gence.  The  neophytes  of  San  Lorenzo  openly  revolted 
and  refused  to  resume  town  life  unless  under  their  old 
missionaries.18  By  the  middle  of  the  next  century, 

16  The  missions  were:  Santa  Maria  de  Parras,  with  el  Pozo,  La  Pena,  and 
Santa  Barbara;  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  la  Laguna,  with  Concepcion;  San 
Lorenzo,  with  Homo  and  Sta  Ana;  San  Sebastian,  with  San  Geronimo;  San 
Ignacio,  with  San  Juan  de  Casta;  and  Santiago,  with  San  Jos6  de  las  Abas 
and  Baicuco. 

17  In  1G74  the  clergy  tried  to  get  rid  of  attending  to  burials  and  proces 
sions,  and  also  to   acquire  the  Jesuit   cemetery.     The  Jesuits   decided   to 
abandon  the  place,  and  ordered  all  movable  property  to  be  transferred  to 
Guadiana,  leaving  a  majordomo  in  charge  of  lauds;  but  the  clergy  gave  up 
their  pretensions,  not  being  able  to  get  along  without  the  company.     By 
decreo  of  April  26,  1700,  the  right  of  administering  the  sacraments  at  Parras 
was  taken  from  the  clergy  and  given  to  the  Jesuits  (?)  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii. 
83-0. 

18  Letters  of  Padre  Contreras  of  May  1.  1653,  in  N.  Vizaya,  Doc.,  iii. 
210-16. 


344  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

and  perhaps  at  its  beginning,  no  trace  remained  of  any 
mission  save  Parras,  where  the  Jesuits  still  remained, 
and  where  large  accessions  of  Spanish  and  Tlascaltec 
population  brought  much  prosperity.  Padre  Gomez 
died  in  1652,  Padre  Arista  three  years  earlier  in 
Guatemala,  Padre  Castillo  was  at  Santa  Ana  in  1045, 
and  Padre  Munoz  is  spoken  of  as  having  died  while 
performing  the  duties  of  a  'lazy  cura.'19  In  1669 
there  appeared  in  the  air  the  form  of  a  man,  teaching 
Christian  rites,  refusing  adoration,  and  leaving  as  a 
token  a  book  so  heavy  that  the  whole  tribe  of  natives 
could  not  move  it.  Lieutenant  Governor  Antonio 
Joaquin  Sarria  notified  the  governor  of  the  vision;20 
and,  although  some  accused  the  natives  of  intoxica 
tion,  yet  as  certain  incredulous  natives  were  blown 
back  to  the  spot  by  a  sudden  gale,  there  was  no  doubt 
felt  that  San  Francisco  Javier,  lately  chosen  patron 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  had  actually  appeared  to  the 
people.  The  vision  was  at  a  time  when  the  Tobosos 
and  Cabezas  were  on  the  war-path,  but  it  effectually 
checked  hostilities  by  enabling  Sarria  to  defeat  and 
make  peace  with  the  foe.  A  chapel  was  dedicated  to 
the  saint  in  December  by  Governor  Oca  in  honor  of 
the  miracle,  and  the  patron  in  return  often  did  good 
service  for  the  country  in  times  of.  war  and  epidemic. 
Morfi  tells  us  that  the  small-pox  well-nigh  completed 
the  destruction  of  mission  Indians  in  1682,  so  that 
in  1692  there  remained  but  one  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  native  families  at  Parras,  of  which  eighty-seven 
were  Tlascaltecs,  or  at  least  claimed  to  be  such  in 
order  to  avoid  tribute.21 

In  the  Tepehuane  district  there  is  little  to  be  noted 
during  the  rest  of  the  century.  A  new  mission  of 
San  Jose  Tizonazo  had  been  founded  at  a  date  which 
cannot  be  exactly  fixed  in  the  frontier  region  between 

19  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  358-9,  in  addition  to  authorities  already 
nam«d.     The  same  writer  says  (308-9)  that  Contreras  and  Gomez  worked  in 
Saltillo,  where  the  people  offered  a  considerable  hacienda  for  a  Jesuit  college. 

20  In  a  letter  of  Sept.  3,  1C69,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  266-71. 
'zlAlegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  451-3;  Morfi,  Diaiio,  393-4. 


PROGRESS  IN  DURANGO.  345 

Inde  and  Rio  Nazas;  but  what  is  known  of  this  mis 
sion  may  be  most  conveniently  recorded  in  connection 
with  the  annals  of  the  north-eastern  district,  and 
especially  of  the  rebellion  of  1644-6,  in  which  its 
natives  known  as  Salineros  and  Cabezas  took  a  prom 
inent  part.  At  the  time  of  the  revolt  Father  Diego 
Osorio  was  in  charge  of  Tizonazo.  In  1662  Juan 
Ortiz  Zapata,  Pedro  Suarez,  Francisco  Mendoza,  and 
Bernabe  Soto  were  in  charge  at  Santa  Catalina, 
Papasquiaro,  Zape,  and  Tizonazo.22  In  1678  Padre 
Mendoza  still  remained,  but  the  rest  had  been  re 
placed  by  Francisco  Banuelos/  Diego  Saenz,  and 
Francisco  Vera.  At  this  time,  according  to  the 
visita  of  Ortiz  already  referred  to,  there  were  nine 
villages,  with  about  eight  hundred  neophytes,  and  a 
Spanish  and  mixed  population  of  about  three  hun 
dred.23  At  Guadiana  may  be  noted  two  rich  endow 
ments  of  real  estate  and  money,  which  put  the  Jesuit 
colegio  for  the  first  time  on  a  sound  financial  basis, 
and  the  falling  of  the  Jesuit  church  in  1647,  for  the 
rebuilding  of  which  3,000  pesos  were  contributed  in  a 
single  day.24  The  drought  and  famine  of  1667  were 
followed  by  a  pestilence,  especially  deadly  in  the  cap 
ital,  where  whole  families  were  swept  away  and  no 
remedies  proved  effectived  But  when  the  governor 
and  bishop  bethought  them  to  choose  as  patron  of 
the  reino  San  Francisco  Javier,25  the  plague  ceased 

2'2Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  206-9,  267-8,  428. 

23  The  partidos  and  pueblos  of  the  Tepehuane  mission  were  as  follows: 

(1.)  Santiago  Papasquiaro,  pop.  73,  and  54  Spaniards;  3  pueblos;  S. 
Andre's  Atotonilco,  3  1.  E.  Papasq.,  at  junction  of  rivers,  pop.  70;  San  Nico 
las,  3  1.  w.  Papasq. ,  pop.  146  Xiximes.  Partido  under  P.  Diego  Saenz,  serv 
ing  509  persons.  Two  Spanish  cstancias  and  8  ranches. 

(2.)  Santa  Catalina,  10  1.  N.  Papasq.,  pop.  108;  presidio  of  Tepehuanes, 
3  1.  s.  Partido  under  P.  Francisco  Banuelos,  rector,  serving  220  persons. 

(3. )  Nuestra  Senora  del  Zape,  formerly  S.  Ignacio,  12  1.  N.  w.  Sta  Cata 
lina,  on  source  of  Rio  Nazas,  pop.  52;  San  Jose',  once  S.  Simon,  and  also 
called  Potrero,  3  1.  N.  Zape,  pop.  113.  Partido  under  P.  Francisco  Mendoza, 
serving  171  persons. 

(4.)  San  Jos6  Tizonazo,  13  1.  from  Rio  Nazas,  and  (the  same?)  from  San 
Juan  Inde,  pop.  83,  from  Sin.  and  Son. ;  Sta.  Cruz,  14  1.  N.  E.  Zape,  on  Rio 
Nazas,  s.  w.  Tizonazo,  pop.  84.  Partido  under  P.  Francisco  Vera,  serving 
199  persons. 

^Aleyiv,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  194,  224,  369-71. 

25 'Angel  velocisimo  de  la  paz,  que  con  su  patrocinio  quitase  de  las  manos 


346  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

its  ravages.  That  there  might  be  no  uncertainty  of 
the  saint's  agency  in  the  matter,  the  pest  was  allowed 
to  break  out  again,  to  be  promptly  checked  by  new 
rites,  after  which  no  one  died  save  a  priest  who 
prayed  for  the  fate  that  might  be  best  for  him. 
After  the  setting-up  of  the  patron's  images  and  the 
observance  of  his  day  were  enforced  throughout  the 
country  by  the  decree  of  December  1668,  he  took 
upon  himself  the  care  of  all  Vizcayan  interests,  and 
his  miraculous  interferences  and  cures  were  of  fre 
quent  occurrence,  one  of  the  latter  being  wrought 
upon  the  governor  himself. 

It  was  in  June  1639  that  fathers  Geronimo  Figue- 
roa  and  Jose  Pascual  were  sent  to  extend  the  con 
quest  of  Tarahumara  northward.  At  Parral  they 
were  met  by  the  native  caciques,  assembled  at  Gov 
ernor  Serna's  request  to  welcome  their  missionaries 
and  to  be  impressed  with  their  holiness  by  the  edify 
ing  sight  of  all  the  government  officials  kneeling  to 
kiss  the  friars'  hands.  Pascual,  just  out  of  his  novi 
tiate,  stayed  at  San  Miguel  to  learn  the  language 
under  the  tuition  of  Padre  Diaz ;  while  Figueroa  went 
north-west,  and  at  San  Felipe,26  or  San  Geronimo 
Huexotitlan,  for  it  is  not  quite  clear  which  was  first 
founded,  the  first  baptism  of  adults  took  place  the 
15th  of  August.  The  padre  was  fortunate  in  having 
several  early  opportunities  to  control  the  elements 
and  thus  work  on  the  superstition  of  the  natives;  he 
was  kind  and  energetic  as  well,  and  his  work  pros 
pered.  In  1642  he  was  living  at  Huexotitlan,  when 
Governor  Valdes  visited  the  pueblos  to  appoint  na 
tive  governors  and  captains,  who  contributed  nothing 

de  Dios  el  azote  de  su  justa  indignacion.'  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  in.  257-66.  See 
also  Alegre,  ii.  447-8.  An  epidemic  also  in  1662.  Id.,  ii.  428-9. 

26  San  Felipe  was  on  the  Rio  Conchos,  17  leagues  below  San  Pablo,  that  is 
17  1.  N.  of  the  modern  Balleza.  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  Hi.  319-20,  et  al.  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  220-1,  both  in  relating  the  foundation,  and  later  in 
speaking  of  the  revolt,  erroneously  identifies  this  pueblo  with  the  later  S. 
Felipe  el  Real,  on  the  site  of  the  modern  Chihuahua.  S.  Ger6nimo  was  7  1. 
a  little  N.  of  E.  from  San  Pablo. 


JESUITS  IN  TARAHUMARA. 


347 


to  later  progress.  Except  an  epidemic  in  1647,  mi 
raculously  checked  at  San  Miguel  by  a  statue  of  that 
saint — statue  so  potent  for  good  that  it  caused  an 
infant  dying  on  its  mother's  breast  to  exclaim  '  Sancte 


NORTHERN  NUEVA  VIZCAYA,  1700. 


Michael,'  resume  its  suckling,  and  recover*7 — there 
is  not  much  to  say  of  the  Tarahumare  field  for  some 
years.  Before  1648  there  were  six  pueblos  in  addition 

27 N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  iii.  179,  etc.;  Alegre,  ii.  236,  268-9. 


348  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

to  San  Felipe  and  San  Geronimo,  only  two  of  which, 
San  Francisco  Borja  arid  Satevo,  are  named.  Two 
new  padres,  Cornelio  Godinez  and  Vigilio  Maez,  with 
possibly  a  third,  Gabriel  Villar,  were  in  charge  of 
the  missions.  In  1648  hostilities  broke  out;  but  prior 
troubles  in  the  adjoining  Concho  territory,  chiefly 
affecting  the  Franciscan  missions,  but  also  to  some 
extent  those  of  the  Jesuits  in  Tarahumara  and  Te- 
pehuana,  demand  our  first  attention. 

The  year  1644  was  one  of  disturbances  throughout 
the  east,  involving  the  Franciscan  stations  at  San 
Francisco,  Mezquital,  Mapirni,  and  San  Bartoloine, 
with  those  of  the  Jesuits  at  Tizonazo  and  San  Miguel. 
Neophytes  often  ran  away  to  join  roving  bands;  the 
Tobosos  redoubled  their  petty  raids ;  murders  and  rob 
beries  were  frequent  at  settlements  and  ranches  and 
on  the  roads.  Complaints  were  rife  against  the  padres 
of  both  orders;  and  the  bishop  was  so  far  convinced 
that  the  Jesuits  were  at  fault,  or  perhaps  so  hostile 
to  the  society,  that  he  temporarily  suspended  Padre 
Cepeda  at  Tizonazo.  There  was  no  difficulty  in  de 
feating  the  savages  whenever  they  could  be  met. 
Captain  Juan  Barraza  marched  from  Parral  with 
two  hundred  and  sixty  men,  and  drove  the  Tobosos 
with  much  loss  to  the  Rio  del  Norte.  Meanwhile 
another  hostile  band  attacked  Inde,  where  they  killed 
some  Spaniards,  destroyed  such  property  as  they  could 
not  remove,  and  fled  as  fast  as  their  plunder  would 
permit;  but  chanced  to  meet  Barraza' s  returning  com 
pany,  lost  their  booty,  and  were  scattered  after  con 
siderable  loss  of  life. 

Despite  reverses  the  Tobosos  were  able  to  form  an 
alliance  with  the  Cabezas,  a  warlike  band  of  Tizonazo 
district,  whose  conversion  was  interrupted,  as  is  im 
plied,  by  Cepeda's  removal,  and  to  continue  their 
outrages  with  renewed  fury.  In  small  swift  bands 
they  ravaged  the  country  for  months  with  the  pecu 
liar  guerilla  warfare,  ever  the  most  dreaded  in  this 
region,  and  by  far  the  most  difficult  to  resist.  One 


REVOLT  OF  THE  COXCHOS.  349 

party  attacked  a  mule-train,  killed  a  dozen  men,  and 
lied  to  the  mountains.     If  pursued  they  scattered,  and 
the  worst  that  could  befall  them  was  the  loss  of  their 
plunder  and  a  few  men;  but  during  the  pursuit  half 
a  dozen  unprotected  ranches  had  perhaps  been  pil 
laged  by  other  bands.     It  was  the  beginning  of  the 
typical  Apache    warfare    of  later   years.     The   only 
limit  to  the  damage  done  was  the  comparatively  small 
number  of  scattered  inhabitants  and  ranchos  in  the 
country,  the  detachments  of  savages  as  a  rule  not  being 
large  enough,  after  the  first  outbreak  and  alarm,  to 
attack  the  larger  towns  with  any  hope  of  success. 
Barraza  was  an  experienced  and  brave  Indian-fighter, 
but  with  the  means  at  his  command  he  could  afford  no 
adequate  protection.     Contradictory  orders,  mingled 
it  seems  with  personal  jealousies,  further  impaired  his 
effective  action,  and  at  the  end  of  the  year  he  was 
relieved  of  command  in  the  field  in  favor  of  Francisco 
Montano  de  la  Cueva  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
governor  and  captain-general,  an  officer  who,  to  say 
the  least,  was  no  more  successful  than  his  predecessor.23 
The  reign  of  terror  continued  in  1645,  and  the  sav 
ages  by  their  success  gained  new  allies.     The  Christ 
ians,  except  runaways  in  small  parties,  had  hitherto 
remained  faithful;  but  now  the  Conchos,  most  docile 
of  all,  openly  revolted.     On  March  25th  the  Francis 
cans,  Tomd,s  Zigarran29  and  Francisco  Labado,  while 
celebrating  the  incarnation  at  San  Francisco  de  Con 
chos,  were  murdered  in  church.     San  Pedro  was  next 
attacked,  but  the  padres  escaped  to  Satevo.     Atoto- 
nilco,  San  Bartolome,  San   Luis,  and   Mascomahua 
were  pillaged  and  destroyed,  all  being  abandoned  by 
the  missionaries,  as  was  Tizonazo  further  south,  be 
fore   the  end  of  April,30  although  in  the  mean  time 

23  N.  Vizcaj/a,  Doc.,  iii.  130-5;  Alegre,  ii.  244-57.     Many  petty  details  of 
depredations  are  given. 

29  So  Arlegui  calls  him;  Alegre  makes  the  name  Felix  Cigaran;  and  Cepeda 
writes  it  N.  Ligaran. 

30  P.  Nicolas  Cepeda  narrates  these  events  with  much  detail  in  letters  to 
the  provincial  dated  April  28th  and  Sept.  llth,  at  S.  Miguel.  Cepeda,  Icela- 


330  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

according  to  Arlegui  thirteen  of  the  rebel  leaders  had 
been  taken  and  hanged. 

Father  Diego  Osorio  retired  from  Tizonazo  to  Inde; 
while  the  Jesuits  of  the  northern  frontier  gathered  at 
San  Felipe  by  order  of  the  superior,  who  was  unable 
to  get  from  Montaiio  what  he  deemed  a  suitable  guard. 
The  mining  camp  of  Inde,  the  Jesuit  mission  at  San 
Miguel,  perhaps  a  Franciscan  establishment  at  Ma- 
pimi,  and  the  garrisoned  settlement  at  Parral,  with  a 
few  undestroyed  haciendas  and  mines  in  the  vicinity 
of  each,  were  now  the  only  points  held  by  the  Span 
iards.  The  Conchos  and  other  northern  tribes  seem 
to  have  been  content  with  the  expulsion  of  their  mis 
sionaries;  but  the  Tobosos  kept  up  their  raids,  and  the 
Salineros  of  Tizonazo  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  depredations  during  the  summer  and  fall  of 
1645.  South-eastward  they  attacked  Mapimi,  Ramos, 
Cuencame',  San  Pedro,  and  Santa  Ana.  Twenty 
natives  were  killed  at  San  Pedro,  Castillo  being  for 
tunately  absent;  and  eight  Spaniards  lost  their  lives 
at  Santa  Ana.  The  raiders  were  kept  from  Parras 
by  the  reported  presence  there  of  a  large  force.  Ge- 
ronimo  Moranta,  named  for  a  former  missionary,  was 
leader  of  the  Salineros,  who  had  besides  a  native 
bishop  empowered  to  say  mass  and  administer  the 
sacraments.  Sixty-two  was  the  whole  number  of  vic 
tims  during  the  summer,  and  a  Jesuit  writer  of  the 
time  goes  fully  into  details  of  thefts,  murders,  and 
other  outrages.31  Any  attempt  on  my  part  to  follow 
here  the  complicated  movements  of  native  warriors 
and  Spanish  soldiers  during  the  autumn  would  have 
neither  practical  value  nor  interest. 

Governor  Valdes,  having  divided  his  force  into 
several  companies  under  captains  Montaiio,  Francisco 
Trevino,  Barraza,  Cristobal  Nevares,  or  Narvaez,  and 

don  de  lo  Sucedido  en  esto  reino  de  la  Vizcaya,  1644-5,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc., 
iii.  130-72;  also  MS.    Arlegui  the  Franciscan  chronicler,  Chrtin.  Zac.,  245-8, 
describes  this  revolt  much  less  fully  than  does  the  Jesuit  historian  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  250-2,  who  follows  Cepeda  evidently. 
31  Cepeda,  Relation,  148-72,  followed  by  Alegre,  ii.  252-7. 


SAVAGE  WARFARE.  051 

Bartolome  Acosta,  made  all  possible  effort  in  accord 
ance  with  the  ideas  and  methods  of  the  time.  The 
nature  of  the  warfare  has  already  been  indicated; 
small  bands  of  savages  when  overtaken  abandoned 
their  plunder  and  ran  away;  larger  bodies  when  cor 
nered  made  peace  and  subsequently  ran  away,  leaving 
their  hostages  to  be  hanged.  Many  threatened  points, 
however,  received  protection;  the  number  of  rebels 
killed  in  pursuits  arid  skirmishes — for  there  were  no 
battles — was  large  in  the  aggregate,  and  tliat  of  cap 
tives  and  hostages  put  to  death  perhaps  still  larger.32 
Cerro  Gordo  was  a  kind  of  rendezvous  for  the  savages 
at  first,  but  was  subsequently  held  by  the  Spaniards 
as  a  fortified  camp  and  centre  of  operations,  develop 
ing  into  a  permanent  presidio.  By  November,  when 
there  was  but  little  left  to  steal  at  unprotected  points, 
the  fires  of  war  seem  to  have  burned  out.  From 
north  and  south  the  natives  came  in  and  surrendered 
to  the  officers  from  whom  they  could  get  the  best 
terms.  The  villages  from  Tizonazo  to  Conchos  were 
reoccupied,  and  the  penitent  rebels  were  distributed 
where  they  could  best  be  watched.  The  reoccupation 
is  much  less  fully  recorded  than  the  war ;  but  it  seems 
that  several  new  rancherias  were  now  reduced  for  the 
first  time  to  pueblo  life.  Many  hostile  bands  re 
mained  unsubdued,  but  were  quiet  for  a  few  years. 
Bishop  Evia  now  revived  his  plans  for  secularization, 
and  even  sent  parochial  clergy  to  take  charge  of 
Tizonazo,  San  Miguel,  and  two  Franciscan  missions 
not  named ;  but  the  governor  and  his  officers  protested 
so  earnestly  that  under  new  priests  the  country  could 
not  be  kept  in  subjection,  that  the  bishop  had  to  curb 
his  dislike  of  the  religiosos,  and  for  a  time  give  up 
his  scheme. 

Padre  Cepeda's  views  respecting  the  country's 
condition  and  the  causes  of  the  war  are  worthy  of 

32  Hanging  was  the  usual  method  of  execution;  but  one  old  woman  for  her 
sorceries  was  thought  to  merit  poisoning.  Her  stomach,  however,  was  proof 
against  any  available  poison,  and  the  rope  had  to  be  used. 


352  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

notice.  Secular  officials,  he  says,  cared  nothing  for 
the  natives  save  so  far  as  they  might  be  utilized  as 
laborers.  They  would  not  cooperate  with  the  padres 
to  bring  back  runaways  or  to  prevent  immorality. 
The  Spaniards  not  only  forced  or  enticed  the  natives 
to  the  mines,  but  imposed  upon  them  there  no  re 
strictions  of  life  and  conduct.  Five  years  of  drought 
had  left  the  ground  parched  and  barren,  the  streams 
dry,  and  the  mines  unproductive  or  bankrupt.  The 
miners  after  working  for  months  were  refused  their 
pay  except  on  condition  of  working  longer,  and  were 
finally  paid,  if  at  all,  in  goods  at  exorbitant  prices. 
Thus  the  natives  had  really  to  run  away  or  to  remain 
in  absolute  slavery.  The  largest  villages  had  not 
over  fifty  or  sixty  inhabitants,  and  most  of  them  not 
over  twenty.  Another  cause  of  disaster  was  the 
reverend  writer's  excessive  sinfulness,  and  his  neglect 
to  supplicate  with  God  as  fervently  as  he  ought.33 

The  fire  of  revolt  was  not  extinguished,  but  only 
smouldering  and  creeping  by  twigs  and  roots  and 
leaves  over  the  country  in  search  of  new  fuel,  which 
was  found  in  the  Tarahumare  nation,  and  the  confla 
gration  broke  out  hotter  than  ever.  The  evil  influences 
leading  to  the  outbreak  of  1645  had  been  at  work  as 
we  have  seen  upon  this  nation  and  had  filled  the  minds 
of  the  Jesuits  with  grave  apprehensions  for  the  future. 
These  influences  as  described  by  one  of  the  padres  I 
have  just  noticed.  In  another  letter  Cepeda  alludes 
to  another  similar  cause  of  trouble  in  the  Spanish 
settlement  at  Parral,  where  were  many  natives  entirely 
free  from  any  moral  or  religious  restraint;  where  the 
Spaniards,  secure  in  the  protection  of  their  garrison, 
cared  nothing  for  the  natives,  opposed  the  Jesuits, 
and  even  imputed  to  them  unworthy  motives.34  The 
effect  of  such  a  settlement  in  a  mining  region  upon 

33  Cepeda,  Pelacion,  140-3.     Letter  of  April  28th. 

34  Cepeda,  Pelacion,  144-8.     The  writer  claims  that  if  the  Jesuits  should 
cease  their  work  every  pueblo  in  the  region  would  disappear  in  three  months. 


TARAHUMARE  REVOLT.  353 

missionary  work  on  the  frontier  may  readily  be  im 
agined.  The  Jesuits  had  attributed  the  Tepehuane 
revolt  of  1610  to  native  superstitions;  but  they  believed 
that  of  the  Tarahumares  to  be  due  largely  to  Spanish 
oppression.  Padre  Pascual  affirms  as  a  fact,  learned 
from  experience,  that  this  people  were  never  traitors 
nor  robbers,  but  fought  for  what  they  deemed  their 
rights  or  to  avenge  their  wrongs.35  These  character 
istics  of  the  nation  will  account  for  some  notable  dif 
ferences  between  the  warfare  to  be  described  and  the 
guerilla  tactics  of  the  last  revolt. 

The  retirement  of  the  Jesuits  to  San  Felipe  did 
not  last  Ion  of.  In  the  beginning  of  1646.  if  not  earlier, 

^  O      ^  O  ' 

they  resumed  work  in  their  respective  pueblos,  eight 
in  number,  where  they  accomplished  much,  despite 
adverse  influences,  and  were  joined  by  Padre  Cornelio 
Godinez,  who  came  in  1648  to  extend  the  conversion 
to  more  distant  rancherias  in  the  north.  But  the 
same  year  four  chiefs,  Supichochi,  Tepox,  Ochavarri, 
and  I3on  Bartolome — honored  in  the  records  with 
the  usual  orthographical  variations — of  unconverted 
tribes  in  the  interior,  planned  the  destruction  of 
Spaniards  and  their  institutions.  They  tried  to  form 
an  alliance  with  disaffected  Tepehuanes  through  the 
cacique  of  San  Pablo ;  but  failure  in  this,  when  Gov 
ernor  Valdes  hanged  the  chief  on  whom  they  relied, 
did  not  discourage  them.  They 'gained  over  some 
apostates  from  the  pueblos  and  confidently  expected 
larger  accessions  when  open  war  should  begin. 

In  May  or  June  the  padre  at  San  Felipe  sent  five 
Spaniards  and  fifty  natives  to  protect  or  remove  a 
large  amount  of  grain  and  live-stock  at  San  Francisco 
Borja,  a  visita  of  San  Felipe,  reported  to  be  threat 
ened,  with  an  attack.  The  night  after  their  arrival 
they  were  surrounded,  the  house  was  fired,  and  the 
Spaniards  with  forty  neophytes  after  a  brave  defence 
were  slain.  The  loss  was  much  smaller  than  it  would 

85  Letter  of  June  29,  !Go2,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  188. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    23 


354  NUEVA  VIZCAFAX  HISTORY. 

have  been  had  not  the  assailants  spared  all  converts 
of  pure  Tarahumare  blood,  especially  those  from  San 
Felipe,  wishing  to  conciliate  rather  than  exasperate 
the  people  of  that  town.  The  latter  were  divided  in 
opinion,  but  the  prompt  arrival  of  a  small  guard  from 
Parral,  with  the  padre's  shrewd  action  in  locking  up 
the  women  and  children  of  both  faithful  and  disaf 
fected,  turned  the  scale  to  the  side  of  loyalty.  Cap 
tain  Juan  Fernandez  Carrion  started  from  Parral 
with  a  hundred  volunteers,  and  enlisted  at  Huexoti- 
tlan  two  hundred  native  allies  at  the  suggestion  of 
Father  Pascual,  who  accompanied  the  army  from  that 
place.  The  orders  were  to  try  gentle  means;  but  all 
hope  of  success  in  this  way  was  destroyed  by  a  dis 
obedient  officer's  destruction  of  property  belonging  to 
natives  with  whom  he  was  treating  for  peace,  and  in 
a  few  skirmishes  nothing  was  effected.  Carrion  re 
turned  to  Parral,  leaving  a  guard  for  the  padres  at 
San  Felipe.36 

The  governor  now  sent  Barraza  with  his  company 
of  forty  regulars  from  Cerro  Gordo.  He  also  ap 
pointed  two  ' persons'  as  Pascual  calls  them,  evidently 
priests,  to  go  with  Barraza  and  perform  the  duties  of 
peace-makers;  but  they  behaved  so  badly  and  were 
so  evidently  unfit,  in  Jesuit  eyes  at  least,  for  the 
duty,  that  Pascual  by  a  hurried  trip  to  Durango  in 
duced  Valdes  to  annul  the  objectionable  appointments 
in  favor  of  Father  Maez.  Then  Barraza  penetrated 
late  in  the  autumn  to  a  valley  in  the  north-west  about 
which  the  foe  had  gathered  in  strong  positions  and 
showed  no  disposition  to  parley.37  Consequently  the 
company  encamped  in  the  valley,  sending  back  for 
supplies  and  reinforcements. 

A  new    governor,  Diego  Fajardo,  had  just   been 

36  According  to  Pascual  the  battles  took  place  at  a  place  called  Fariagiqui, 
and  on  Carrion's  return  he  passed  the  Franciscan  pueblo  of  Babaroyagua  and 
Satevo,  whence  Padre  Maez  accompanied  him  to  San  Felipe. 

37  The  author  of  the  Alzamiento  speaks  of  a  fight  in  which  Capt.  Castillo 
killed  several  natives  and  took  captives  who  revealed  the  positions  and  num 
bers  of  the  foe.    The  same  writer  calls  the  valley  Guarucarichiqui  (Carichic  ?). 


FAJARDO'S  CAMPAIGN".  355 

appointed,  a  son  of  Mars  who  at  once  advanced  in 
person  by  forced  marches,  and  with  forty  soldiers  and 
three  hundred  native  auxiliaries  joined  Barraza  in 
January  1 649.  Without  delay  he  began  offensive  oper 
ations,  and  after  a  vigorous  campaign  of  about  three 
months  in  the  mountains  forced  the  foe  to  sue  for 
peace.  The  Tarahumares  promised  entire  submission 
and  future  good  conduct,  and  as  they  brought  in  the 
heads  of  the  four  leaders  as  gages  of  good  faith  their 
protestations  were  accepted  with  the  usual  undue 
haste.38  Then  Fajardo  selected  a  site  for  a  new  Villa 
de  Aguilar,  left  a  corporal  with  thirty  men  and  sup 
plies  for  eight  months,  and  hastened  back  to  his  capi 
tal  and  newly  married  wife,  stopping  only  at  Parral 
to  enlist  pobladores  for  his  new  villa,  of  whom  he 
obtained  only  four. 

Aguilar  was  on  the  Rio  Papigochic,  called  Rio 
Yaqtii  across  the  mountains  in  Sonora.  The  country 
was  not  only  rich  in  minerals  but  fertile  and  attrac 
tive,  and  a  mission  was  founded  only  a  league  from  the 
town,  with  the  ideathat  the  m  issionary  might  attend 
to  both  settlers  and  neophytes.  It  was  called  La 
Purisima  de  Papigochic,  and  was  probably  identical 
in  sight  with  the  modern  Concepcion.  Padre  Godinez, 
called  Bendin  by  Alegre,  was  sent  here  by  Pascual 
who  was  now  superior,  and  there  was  considerable 
prosperity  for  a  time,  the  padre  being  faithful  and  con 
verts  plentiful.  The  villa  did  not  flourish,  chiefly  on 
account  of  its  distance  from  military  protection. 
Their  isolation,  however,  had  not  the  slightest  effect 
to  inspire  prudence  in  the  half-dozen  who  came  to 

38  Pascual  represents  Fajardo 's  campaign  as  an  assault  on  one  of  the  foe's 
strongest  peiioles,  which  was  carried  after  a  brave  resistance,  whereupon  the 
natives,  amazed  at  the  governor's  valor,  made  haste  to  sue  for  peace.  But  the 
author  of  the  Ahamiento  gives  a  much  fuller  account,  showing  the  campaign 
to  have  been  a  long  and  complicated  one,  though  not  involving  much  hard 
fighting.  Names  of  places  mentioned  are  Valle  de  Cieneguilla,  Valle  del 
Aguila,  Pachera,  Temaichic,  Tomachic,  and  Tesorachic.  The  foe  was  pursued 
across  the  sierra  to  the  land  of  the  Guazapares,  and  the  governor  encamped  a 
month  on  the  Pdo  Tomachic,  whence  he  sent  out  detachments  against  the 
scattered  bands  of  Tarahumares.  killing  large  numbers.  Two  of  the  leaders 
were  not  given  up  until  after  he  had  left  the  country. 


356  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

dwell  at  Aguilar,  nor  in  the  soldiers  of  the  guard.  In 
all  the  annals  of  the  north-west  hardly  an  instance 
can  be  found  where  Spanish  settlers  in  time  of  peace, 
however  precarious  their  situation,  took  any  pains  to 
conciliate  the  good-will  of  the  natives.  They  bravely 
met  danger  when  it  became  necessary  to  fight,  but 
rarely  sought  either  from  a  sense  of  justice  or  policy 
to  avert  it.  Here  they  soon  treated  the  neophytes  as 
slaves,  laughed  at  the  padre's  protests,  and  became 
openly  violent  toward  him. 

The  Tarahumares,  finding  themselves  oppressed  and 
the  missionary  unable  to  protect  them,  decided  that 
Christianity  was  a  delusion,  and  set  to  w^ork  to  right 
their  wrongs  by  a  new  rebellion.  It  was  at  the  end 
of  1649  that  signs  of  approaching  trouble  began  to  be 
manifest  to  Diego  de  Lara  in  command  at  Aguilar, 
and  he  warned  Father  Godinez  to  take  refuge  with 
the  guard;  but  the  padre  refused  to  believe  that  his 
kindness  could  be  forgotten  by  the  natives.  Lara 
arrested  a  few  bad  characters,  and  the  danger  seemed 
averted,  although  preparations  for  revolt  still  went  on 
under  the  chiefs  Teporaca,  Don  Diego,  and  Don  Luis. 
In  May  1650  a  mother  attributed  her  daughter's  death 
to  the  rite  of  extreme  unction,  and  the  eloquent  Tepo 
raca  used  the  consequent  excitement  to  alienate  the 
few  who  still  were  friendly  to  their  missionary.  On 
June  4th  the  storm  burst  on  Papigochic;  Godinez  and 
his  soldier  companion  were  murdered;  house,  church, 
and  sacred  property  was  destroyed,  and  the  neophytes 
flecl  to  the  sierra.39 

Comandante  Lara  sent  to  Parral  for  aid  and  went 
out  to  recover  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  finding  the  soldier 
mutilated  but  not  the  padre.  Captain  Barraza  from 
Cerro  Gordo  and  Captain  Morales  from  Parral  hast 
ened  by  the  governor's  order  to  Aguilar,  and  marched 
against  the  foe,  fortified  two  thousand  strong  on  a 

"Pascual  says  that  the  farms  round  the  villa  were  also  destroyed  and  that 
some  of  the  vecinos  were  killed.  Alegre  gives  details  not  mentioned  by  Pas- 
cual,  having  apparently  consulted  other  documents. 


DEFEAT  OF  THE  SPANIARDS.  357 

lofty  penol.  Morales  by  some  seniority  of  rank 
claimed  the  right  to  lead  the  first  attack,  and  began 
the  assault  with  three  hundred  Spaniards  and  auxili 
aries.  He  fought  from  dawn  to  sunset,  had  many 
men  wounded,  was  unable  to  reach  the  summit,  and 
retreated  to  where  Barraza,  guarding  the  baggage, 
had  erected  some  hasty  fortifications  which,  as  an  old 
Indian-fighter,  he  suspected  would  be  needed.  It  was 
decided  to  await  reinforcements  before  renewing  the 
attack;  but  the  enemy  were  not  so  patient.  They 
came  down  to  the  valley  and  attacked  the  camp  after 
giving  formal  notice  and  allowing  Padre  Maez  time  to 
say  mass.  This  they  repeated  every  day  for  a  week, 
fighting  well  with  arrows  from  morning  to  night. 
The  Spaniards  acted  on  the  defensive,  were  hard 
pressed,  and  would  have  retreated  to  Aguilar,  'but 
were  hemmed  in  on  all  sides.  On  the  seventh  day,  by 
a  feigned  retreat,  the  savages  drew  Morales  out  of 
camp  and  into  an  ambush;  but  Barraza  marched  out 
to  the  rescue  and  only  one  Spaniard  was  lost.  The 
foe  had  increased  it  is  said  to  six  thousand  in  number, 
while  both  food  and  ammunition  were  failing  in  camp; 
the  only  hope  of  safety  lay  in  escape  to  the  villa,  and 
by  the  utmost  precaution  and  good  luck  in  the  dark 
ness  of  a  rainy  night  the  escape  was  effected  without 
loss.40 

Mortified  at  his  captain's  failure,  Governor  Fajardo, 
who  was  already  residing,  temporarily  at  least,  at 
Parral,  resolved  to  attack  the  Tarahumares  in  person, 
and  Padre  Pascual  went  with  him  to  Aguilar.  With 
out  delay  he  assaulted  the  penol,  the  scene  of  Morales' 
defeat,  and  in  the  first  day's  fight  was  himself  re 
pulsed  with  some  loss.  Next  day  by  dividing  his 
force  and  attacking  at  two  points  he  gained  some 
advantage  and  killed  the  leader  of  the  foe,  but  was 
unable  to  reach  the  mesa,  losing  three  soldiers  and 
many  native  allies,  and  being  himself  wounded.  The 

4U  Meanwhile  Pascual  says  a  party  from  Sonora  had  been  defeated,  and 
much  of  the  live-stock  driven  from  Aguilar. 


358  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

enemy  in  their  turn  fled  in  the  darkness  of  the  night, 
and  the  sudden  rising  of  the  streams,  for  it  was  now 
the  rainy  season,  prevented  any  effectual  pursuit.  The 
valiant  governor  returned  to  Parral;  but  Captain 
Barraza  remained  to  ravage  the  country  and  harass 
the  fugitive  rebels,  until  finally  in  the  summer  of 
1651  a  new  peace  was  patched  up.  Papigochic  was 
again  inhabited  by  converts,  whom  with  the  vecinos 
of  Aguilar,  Padre  Jacome  Antonio  Basilio  was  sent 
to  care  for,  in  place  of  the  martyred  Godinez. 

The  peace,  or  truce,  lasted  until  the  Tarahurnares 
were  ready  for  a  new  outbreak  in  the  spring  of  1652. 
Padre  Basilio  had  founded  several  small  pueblos  in  the 
vicinity  and  had  no  doubt  of  ultimate  success  despite 
sundry  warnings  from  faithful  neophytes.  On  March 
2d  Teporaca  appeared  before  Aguilar.  One  part  of 
the  force  assaulted  the  town,  while  another  drove  off 
the  cattle,  ravaged  the  fields,  and  cut  off  every  ave 
nue  of  escape.  At  midnight  the  work  of  destruction 
was  renewed,  church  and  houses  were  burned,  and  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  Spaniard  saved  his  life. 
Basilio,  not  quite  dead  from  arrow  wounds  and  blows 
of  clubs,  was  hanged  at  dawn  to  the  arm  of  the  cross; 
and  as  he  expired  a  beautiful  child  was  seen  to  issue 
from  his  mouth  and  mount  to  heaven.  The  southern 
missions  of  San  Felipe,  San  Geronimo,  and  San  Pablo 
took  no  part  in  this  war,  though  Teporaca  used  all 
his  powers  of  diplomacy  to  draw  them  into  his  ranks. 
The  hope  of  effecting  this  was  probably  wha't  kept 
him  from  attacking  those  missions  till  it  was  too  late 
to  do  so  with  any  chance  of  success.  That  God  op 
posed  his  unholy  schemes  is  the  Jesuit  way  of  stating 
it.  At  Satevo  and  San  Lorenzo  all  property  was 
destroyed  and  the  same  fate  overtook  seven  or  eight 
Franciscan  pueblos,41  but  the  padres  had  retired  by 
superior  orders. 

At  this  critical  time  the  governor  was  obliged  to 

41  Santiago,  Sta  Isabel,  San  Andre's,  San  Bernabe",  San  Gregorio,  Yaguna, 
San  Diego  Guachinipa,  and  San  Bernardino.  Alegre,  ii.  394. 


THE  WAR  CONTINUED.  359 

march  against  the  Tobosos,  leaving  to  General  Car 
rion  the  defence  of  the  missions  which  Pascual 
threatened  to  abandon  altogether  if  a  guard  were  not 
left,  deeming  the  Tarahumares  more  to  be  dreaded 
than  the  eastern  savages.  The  rebels  profited  by 
Fajardo's  absence  to  renew  their  efforts,  and  two  thou 
sand  of  them  assembled  at  a  rancheria  near  San  Felipe 
to  await  the  arrival  of  Teporaca  from  the  north.  For 
tunately  Fajardo  gained  a  speedy  arid  decisive  victory 
over  the  Tobosos,  and  returned  before  a  junction  of 
the  rebel  forces  could  be  effected.  The  ensuing  cam 
paign  is  not  very  fully  recorded,  but  it  was  evidently 
the  most  hotly  contested  one  of  the  war.  The  Tara 
humares  were  kept  from  attacking  the  pueblos,  forced 
to  act  for  the  most  part  on  the  defensive,  and  slowly 
retired;  nevertheless,  by  their  bravery,  knowledge  of 
the  country,  and  strength  of  positions,  they  had  the 
best  of  nearly  every  encounter,  inflicting  much  loss 
upon  the  Spaniards.42 

Once  at  Tomochic  the  Spaniards,  attempting  a  sur 
prise,  were  themselves  surprised  and  attacked  in  a 
narrow  pass,  whence  they  with  great  difficulty  escaped. 
For  two  days  they  retreated  fighting;  and  on  the  third 
the  foe  drew  near  to  engage  in  a  hand-to-hand  fight, 
which  was  contrary  to  their  usual  tactics,  but  would 
have  been  fatal  to  the  soldiers,  whose  ammunition  was 
nearly  gone.  A  soldier  now  stepped  out  without 
orders,  and  had  the  good  luck  to  kill  the  leader  of  the 
foe  at  the  first  shot,  and  the  comparatively  harmless 
warfare  with  arrows  was  resumed.  Again,  assaulting 
the  peiiol  of  Pisachic,  Fajardo  was  repulsed,  with  forty- 
two  men  wounded.  A  proposed  renewal  of  the  assault 
next  day  would,  it  is  claimed,  have  been  still  more 
disastrous;  but  Don  Diego,  a  friend  of  the  governor 
and  a  reluctant  rebel,  persuaded  the  enemy  by  argu 
ment  in  council  to  abandon  the  penol  in  the  night. 

42  Alcgre  states  that  Gov.  F.  first  attacked  Teporaca  without  success,  and 
then  transfcred  his  attention  to  the  force  near  San  Felipe,  where  for  a  long 
time  he  was  equally  unfortunate.  The  original  makes  no  clear  distinction 
between  the  two  rebel  forces. 


SCO  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

At  last  the  fortune  of  war  was  changed  on  the  arrival 
of  reinforcements,  and  particularly  by  the  accession 
of  friendly  Tarahumares,  who,  as  the  rebels  retired 
from  the  pueblos,  deemed  it  safe  to  espouse  the  Span 
ish  cause.  Their  knowledge  of  the  country  did  much 
to  equalize  the  combatants,  and  Captain  Narvaez  \vas 
able  after  a  series  of  minor  successes  to  defeat  the 
main  body  of  the  foe.  After  this  defeat,  as  was  usual 
in  north-western  warfare,  the  natives  were  ready  for 
peace  and  pardon,  and  the  only  condition  required  was 
the  giving-up  of  Teporaca.  This  leader  fought  des 
perately,  but  was  captured  and  hanged,  scornfully 
rejecting  baptism  and  denouncing  his  countrymen  as 
cowards.  The  Christian  natives,  as  seems  to  have 
been  their  usage,  barbarously  riddled  with  arrows  the 
body  of  the  impenitent  chief. 

Peace  being  thus  restored  both  padres  and  neo 
phytes  resumed  their  labors,  the  former  full  of 
confidence  as  usual  that  the  Tarahumares  would  give 
them  no  further  trouble.  Five  missionaries,  Jose 
Pascual,  Geronimo  Figueroa,  Gabriel  Villar,  Vigilio 
Maez,  and  Rodrigo  del  Castillo,  took  their  stations  at 
San  Felipe,  San  Pablo,  Huexotitlan,  Satevo,  and  San 
Miguel,  respectively.  A  pestilence  devastated  the 
villages  for  two  months,  Toboso  incursions  were  never 
ending,  six  years  of  drought  had  well  nigh  ruined 
agricultural  industries;  yet  for  these  very  reasons 
perhaps  spiritual  prospects  seemed  flattering,  and  the 
padres  had  nothing  to  fear  but  hard  work  and  a 
somewhat  annoying  tendency  to  drunkenness  on  the 
part  of  their  otherwise  faithful  converts.  This  was 
the  state  of  affairs  in  June  1G52.43  At  or  about  the 
cessation  of  hostilities,  Bishop  Evia  renewed  his  efforts 


,  Noticias  de  las  misiones  saca'las  de  la  Anna  del  Padre  Jose  Pa*- 
cual,  anode  1651,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  179-209.  MS.  copy  also  in  my 
Library.  This  narrative  is  dated  San  Felipe,  June  29  (1652),  and  is  the  lead 
ing  authority  on  the  Tarahumara  war.  The  other  original  authority  is  Aha- 
miento  de  los  Indios  Tarahmare.s  y  su  Asiento  afio  de  1646  (9),  in  It/.,  172-8; 
which  though  very  brief  narrates  certain  parts  of  the  subject  more  fully  than 
.Pascual's  report.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  365-74,  382-3,  389-98,  405, 
follows  these  documents  very  closely,  though  there  are  occasional  indications 


MISSION  ANNALS.  361 

toward  secularization,  and  again  sent  clergymen  to 
replace  Jesuits  at  San  Miguel  and  Tizonazo.  The 
society  was  compelled  to  yield  temporarily,  but  the 
superior  appealed  to  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara, 
obtained  a  stay  of  proceedings,  and  finally  a  royal 
order  that  the  Jesuits  were  not  to  be  disturbed,  since 
the  country  was  not  yet  prepared  for  any  such  change. 
Missionary  annals  of  Tarahumara  for  the  next 
tv/enty  years  and  more  may  be  passed  over  briefly. 
The  padres  were  obliged  to  be  content  for  the  most 
part  with  holding  their  own  in  the  old  pueblos;  and 
the  obstacles  encountered,  though  doubtless  real  and 

'  O 

serious  enough  to  them  at  the  time,  are  commonplace 
and  monotonous  in  the  record.  There  were  seasons 
of  famine  and  pestilence  as  in  1662  and  1666;  yet 
even  such  afflictions  were  not  unmixed  evils,  as  for 
example  at  Satevo,  where  a  person  died  without 
confession^  and  the  strange  actions  of  a  horse  over 
his  grave  frightened  the  masses  into  penitence. 
Intoxication  and  communion  with  the  devil  were  the 
native  weaknesses,  resulting  occasionally  in  deser 
tion  of  the  towns,  to  which  end  the  system  of  personal 
service  in  the  mines  also  contributed.  The  doctrina 
was  taught  in  the  native  languages  and  in  Mexican, 
but  not  apparently  in  Spanish.  Figueroa  seems  to 
have  succeeded  Pascual  as  superior,  and  his  reports 
are  the  chief  authority  for  the  history  of  this  period.44 
Padre  Juan  Sarmiento  went  to  San  Francisco  Javier 
Satevo  in  1665,  where  his  presence  quelled  threatened 
disturbance.  Pedro  Escalante  about  San  Felipe 
worked  wonders  with  a  relic,  extracting  with  it  an 
aching  tooth  that  had  resisted  all  secular  instruments. 
Bernabe  de  Soto  served  at  Tizonazo  in  1662. 

In  1668,  by  Figueroa's  report,  there  were  five  parti- 
dos,  each  with  its  padre,  the  new  pueblos  named  being 

that  he  saw  other  papers,  which,  like  these,  he  does  not  name.  Cavo,  Tres 
Sl'jlos,  ii.  34-5,  barely  mentions  this  war.  See  also  Guijo,  Diario,  219;  Alva- 
rc:.;  Estudioa  Hint.,  iii.  244-54;  Mayer's  Hex.  Aztec,  i.  203-6. 

"Figueroa,  Puntos  de  Anua,  1652-68,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  217-30. 
See  ako  Alegre,  ii.  427,  436,  441,  444-8. 


362  KUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

Nativiclad,  San  Mateo,  and  San  Ignacio.  Spiritually 
all  went  swimmingly ;  souls  were  sent  to  heaven,  the 
friars  consoled,  and  God  glorified;  even  the  native 
appetite  for  strong  drink  being  held  in  check  by  want 
of  corn  for  distillation.  In  material  wealth  and  in 
dustries  these  five  missions  were  the  most  flourishing 
in  the  country.  But  politically  all  went  amiss;  offi 
cials  were  careless  or  corrupt,  irregularities  went 
unpunished,  thefts  and  even  murders  were  but  too 
common.  As  a  nation  the  Tarahumares  were  quiet, 
but  a  few  local  troubles  occurred,  and  the  Tobosos 
continued  their  raids  for  plunder.  Three  such  incur 
sions  into  Tarahuniara  territory  are  noted  between 
1652  and  1662;  and  in  1667  Padre  Kodrigo  del  Cas 
tillo  on  the  road  from  Inde  to  his  mission  of  San 
Miguel  was  stopped  by  a  hostile  band.  Five  Span 
iards  and  ten  natives  with  him  were  killed;  but  his 
own  life  was  spared,  apparently  from  fear  that  he 
could  in  some  mysterious  way  send  disaster  upon  the 
murderers,  as  they  said  the  Franciscans  had  done. 
Yet  notwithstanding  this  fear  the  padre  had  to  bring 
about  the  peaceful  surrender  by  the  guard  of  a  band 
of  cattle.  He  died  the  next  year  from  grief  at  this 
event,  after  completing  a  new  church  in  honor  of 
Saint  Michael.45 

The  first  extension  of  the  field  was  in  1673.  Dur 
ing  the  long  interval  since  Father  Basilio's  murder 
nothing  had  been  done  in  the  north-west  about  Papi- 
gochic  and  Aguilar;  but  now,  under  the  miraculous 
protection  of  San  Francisco  Javier,  the  patronage  of 
Governor  Salcedo,  and  the  valor  of  Lieutenant-gov 
ernor  Sarria,  it  was  deemed  possible  to  reopen  this 
field  of  labor.  After  a  grand  preliminary  assemblage 
of  political  functionaries,  military  officials,  native 
caciques,  and  Jesuit  padres  at  Huexotitlan  on  Sep- 

45  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  51,  says  that  the  Tarahumares  after  fighting  20 
years  were  defeated  in  1671  by  GOO  men  under  Capt.  Nicolas  Barraza !  In 
1070,  according  to  Apostolicos  Afanes,  227,  they  were  persuaded  to  be  con 
verted  and  many  missions  rose!  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  237,  also  puts  the  end 
of  the  revolt  in  1670. 


FRANCISCAN  DISTRICT.  303 

teniber  30th,  fathers  Francisco  Barrionuevo  and  Juan 
Manuel  Gauiboa  started  the  1st  of  November  attended 
by  a  few  Spaniards  and  a  party  of  natives  under  the 
friendly  cacique  San  Pablo.  Early  in  1674  Barrio 
nuevo  was  replaced  by  Jose  Tarda,  and  the  mission 
of  San  Bernabe  was  soon  founded  with  its  three 
villages  of  Cuitzochic,  Curiguarichic,  and  Corachic.46 

A  line  from  Durango  in  the  south  to  Tutuaca  in 
the  northern  sierra  just  above  the  big  bend  of  the 
Yaqui — passing  through  San  Juan  $Q\  Rio,  Tizonazo, 
San  Miguel,  Parral,  Satevo,  Concepcion,  and  Yepo- 
mera — would  form  in  a  general  way  a  boundary  be 
tween  the  Jesuit  and  Franciscan  districts  of  Nueva 
Yizcaya  down  to  the  end  of  the  century.  The  sera 
phic  order  occupied  with  their  scattered  convents  the 
broad  regions  of  the  east  and  north;  but  the  records 
of  their  work  are  even  more  fragmentary  than  the 
work  itself.  This  was  always  a  tierra  de  guerra, 
scourged  by  Tobosos,  Apaches,  and  other  savage 
tribes,  having  as  a  rule  no  other  Spanish  settlements 
than  presidio  garrisons.  Within  this  field  the  Fran 
ciscans,  after  the  revolt  of  1G45-6,  founded  ten  or 
twelve  missions,  several  of  which  were  destroyed  be 
fore  1700.  Of  their  progress  in  the  south,  that  is  in 
eastern  Durango,  nothing  is  known,  save  that  the 
establishments  at  Mapimi  and  Cuencame  were  prob 
ably  kept  up,  and  that  the  order  had  a  doctrina  at 
San  Juan  del  Rio,  where  Padre  Estevan  Benitez  with 
a  party  of  soldiers  was  murdered  by  the  Indians  in 
1686.  In  the  central  region  about  San  Bartolome 
San  Pablo  is  said  to  have  been  reoccupied  in  1649, 
San  Francisco  de  Conchos  in  1667 — which  would  im 
ply  a  previous  abandonment  not  definitely  recorded — 
and  Atotonilco  at  a  date  not  given  but  after  1663, 
while  Julimes  was  founded  in  1691.  In  1656  a  kind 

"Alcrjre,  ii.  463-70.  I  have  added  a  <c'  to  the  names,  but  there  is  no 
dependence  to  be  placed  on  the  orthography  and  no  apparent  possibility  of 
fixing  the  exact  localities. 


364  NUE  VA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

of  branch  convent  was  formed  at  Parral,  causing  in 
later  years  some  slight  misunderstanding  with  the 
Jesuits,  who  claimed  exclusive  control  of  Tarahu- 
mara.47 

Respecting  the  time  when  the  Franciscans  began 
to  extend  their  field  toward  the  north-west  we  have 
Arlegui's  statement  that  San  Antonio  de  Casas  Gran- 
des  was  founded  in  1640,  which  is  doubtless  an  error. 
He  also  notes  the  foundation  of  Santa  Maria  de  la 
Natividad  in  1660,  San  Pedro  Namiquipa  in  1663, 
Santiago  Babonoyaba  in  1665,  Santa  Isabel  Tarci- 
mares  in  1668,  and  San  Andres  in  1694.43  From  an 
expediente  in  the  archives,  the  documents  of  which  are 
dated  from  1667  to  1669,49  it  appears  that  in  the  sec 
ond  year  of  Governor  Beaumont's  rule,  probably  in 
1663,  he  heard  that  the  people  called  Sumas  of  Casas 
Grandes,  Torreon,  and  Carretas,  desired  padres  and 
that  the  country  was  in  every  way  adapted  to  the 
requirements  of  a  mission  and  settlement.  He  there 
fore  commanded  Captain  Andres  Garcia  to  pass  over 
from  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  settle  there,  and  obtained 
for  the  mission  a  missionary,  Padre  Andres  Baez, 
Paez,  or  Perez,  by  paying  the  expense  out  of  his  own 
pocket.  Two  years  later,  in  1665,  when  Antonio 
Valdes  became  provincial,  Pedro  Aparicio  and  Nico- 
ld,s  Hidalgo  were  sent  to  replace  Baez,  Beaumont  still 
paying  their  salary  of  three  hundred  pesos  each,  since 
the  new  governor  would  not  assume  the  responsibility. 
Aparicio  soon  died,  and  in  1667  ex-Governor  Beau 
mont  and  Governor  Oca  petitioned  the  viceroy  to 
regularly  establish  or  assume  the  expense  of  the 
three  doetrinas,  claiming  that  such  a  course  would  not 
only  promote  the  spread  of  Christianity,  but  was 
essential  to  the  protection  of  the  country  and  of  com- 

"Arlegui,  Chron.  Zac.,  97-8,  103-9,  250-1.  P.  Antonio  Valde"s,  writing 
April  29,  1C67,  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  298,  speaks  of  preparations  being  made 
to  resettle  San  Francisco  with  200  Indians  and  an  escort  of  20  soldiers  from 
Sinaloa. 

48 Chron.  Zac.,  103-9. 

49  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  231-56.  The  expediente  contains  25  documents, 
only  a  few  of  which  contain  any  information. 


FRANCISCANS  IN  CHIHUAHUA.  365 

merce  with  the  coast  provinces  and  New  Mexico. 
The  district  also  contained  a  valuable  salina.50  The 
money  and  padres  were  probably  supplied  at  an  early 
date  as  asked  for;  but  we  know  nothing  of  subsequent 
events  in  the  north-west,  except  that  Santa  Ana  del 
Torreon  with  four  pueblos  and  Santa  Maria  de  las 
Carre tas  with  three  were  destroyed  by  Apaches  before 
1700.51 

In  1697  Padre  Geronimo  Martinez,  while  making 
a  general  visita  of  the  Franciscan  missions  in  com 
pany  with  Padre  Alonso  Briones,  fqund  a  large  body 
of  natives  favorably  disposed  for  salvation,  founded 
with  them  a  new  pueblo,  and  left  Briones  in  charge. 
The  new  mission  was  called  Nombre  de  Dios,  and  was 
distant  about  a  league  from  the  site  of  the  modern 
city  of  Chihuahua,  founded  early  in  the  next  century 
as  a  real  de  minas  under  the  name  of  San  Felipe.52 
In  the  north-east  the  settlement  of  El  Paso  del  Norte 
was  founded  in  connection  with  the  New  Mexican 
establishments  before  the  great  revolt  of  1680.53  In 
1684,  or  more  likely  a  few  years  earlier,  three  Francis- 

50  Oca's  report  of  Sept.  22d,  and  Beaumont's  of  Oct.  23d,  in  N.  Vizcaya, 
Doc.,  iii.  232-6.  Padre  Paia,  commissary-general,  certifies  to  the  desira 
bility  of  the  three  doctrinas  and  makes  a  formal  demand  for  900  pesos  to  pay 
three  padres.  Oct.  llth,  Valdes,  the  provincial,  corroborates  Beaumont's 
statements.  Aug.  16th,  Capt.  Garcia  (or  Gracia)  certifies  to  having  just 
made  a  trip  to  Casas  Grandes,  to  its  prosperity  and  zeal  for  conversion,  and 
says  P.  Juan  Balboa  has  promised  to  go  there.  The  same  persons  repeat 
these  statements  in  substance  in  other  communications.  The  rest  of  the  docu 
ments  are  routine  'red  tape'  references  of  the  matter  to  various  officials,  each 
of  whom  reports  that  he  knows  nothing  of  the  subject,  but  that  MrSo-and-So 
knows  all  about  it. 

61  Arleyui,  Chrdn.  Zac.,  103.  Padre  Valdes  writes  in  April  1GG7  that  he 
has  three  padres  and  is  about  to  start  for  new  conversions.  In  June  he  had 
established  four  and  selected  sites  for  eight  more.  Thousands  of  souls  were 
perishing  between  Parral  and  Sinaloa.  It  is  not  likely  that  he  refers  in  these 
letters  to  the  Casas  Grandes  missions.  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc. ,  iii.  295-300 

52 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  314-15;  Arlegui,  Chr6n.  Zac.,  107-8.  I 
have  already  noticed  Alegre's  error  in  confounding  the  southern  San  Felipe 
with  San  Felipe  de  Chihuahua. 

wCapt.  Garcia  was  forming  a  settlement  on  the  Rio  del  Norte  when 
ordered  to  Casas  Grandes  in  1603,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  this  settlement 
was  that  of  El  Paso.  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  234.  Davis,  El  Gringo,  380,  says 
the  name  was  derived  from  the  fact  that  the  river  here  passes  the  moun 
tains.  Pike,  Explor.  Trav.,  345,  says  it  was  because  the  Spaniards  passed 
hither  at  the  revolt.  Not  from  its  being  the  passage  of  the  river,  which 
is  fordable  anywhere.  BartletCs  Nar.,  i.  184.  Of  course  all  this  is  con- 


3G6  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

cans  were  sent  down  the  river  from  El  Paso  by  Gov 
ernor  Jironza;  and  as  at  Junta  de  los  Rios,  or  the 
junction  of  the  Conchos  and  Rio  del  Norte,  the 
natives,  Conchos,  Julimes,  and  Chocolomes,  seemed 
docile  and  convertible  into  Christians;  Padre  Antonio 
Acebedo  remained  there  to  teach,  while  the  others, 
with  the  escort  of  soldiers,  made  a  tour  in  Texas.  On 
their  return  Padre  Zavaleta  remained  with  Acebedo, 
retaining  also  a  few  northern  Indians;  but  very  soon 
the  natives  revolted,  destroyed  everything,  killed  the 
New  Mexicans,  and  turned  out  the  friars  without 
food  and  almost  naked,  to  reach  El  Paso  after  much 
suffering.54  A  mission  of  Sumas  was  established  in 
1683,  eight  leagues  below  El  Paso,  and  named  Gua- 
dalupe;  but  the  natives  revolted  next  year,  destroyed 
the  mission  and  joined  the  Janos  natives  who  killed 
Father  Beltran  at  Soledad.55  Thus  incomplete  and 
unsatisfactory  do  wre  find  the  seventeenth-century 
annals  of  northern  Chihuahua. 

Returning  to  the  Jesuit  field,  south  and  west  of 
the  line  already  indicated,  we  find  that  at  San  Bernabe 
Padre  Gamboa  was  replaced  in  1675  by  Tomas  de 
Guadalajara,  wTho  with  Father  Tarda  traversed  before 
the  end  of  the  year  the  wrhole  region  to  Yepomera  and 
Tutuaca,  the  northern  limit  of  Jesuit  work  during  the 
century  as  it  was  the  limit  of  Tarahumara  proper. 
The  details  of  their  wanderings  are  given  with  con 
siderable  minuteness  in  a  report  signed  by  both 
padres,56  but  do  not  demand  extended  notice  here. 

jecture,  and  the  most  probable  origin  of  the  name  is  certainly  from  the  ford 
ing  of  the  river  at  this  point  on  some  particular  occasion.  Still  probabilities 
in  such  cases  are  often  farthest  from  truth,  and  there  is  no  direct  evidence  en 
the  point. 

54  Escalante,  Carta,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mcx.,  se>ie  iii.  torn.  iv.  121-2.  Paredes, 
Notitias  in  Id.,  213,  speaks  of  an  expedition  of  Mendoza  and  Padre  Lopez 
down  to  the  Junta  in  1684.  Villa-Seaor,  Theatre,  ii.  424-5,  says  the  Junta 
missions  were  founded  in  1660,  and  were  broken  up  by  a  revolt  two  years 
later.  The  padres,  half-dead  from  exposure,  were  rescued  by  the  governor  at 
Parral  and  sent  back  to  New  Mexico.  Some  of  the  converts  came  to  S.  Bar- 
tolome"  to  live  until  1714. 

^Escalante,  Carta,  121-2. 

50 Guadalajara  and  Tarda,  Testimonio  de  Carta  escrita  por  los  padres. . . 


JESUITS  IX  CHIHUAHUA.  3G7 

The  narrative  is  composed  for  the  most  part  of  com 
monplace  adventures,  of  puerile  stories  respecting 
miraculous  cures  and  conversions,  and  of  the  devil's 
plots  against  the  society  of  Jesus.  The  writers  con 
clude  at  the  date  of  writing  that  el  demonio  is  now 
overcome,  and  that  with  the  aid  of  additional  mission 
aries  a  grand  Jesuit  triumph  may  be  secured.  During 
the  tour  and  in  the  spring  of  1676  the  work  of  baptism 
was  begun,  native  teachers  were  left,  and  even  churches 
begun  at  Carichic,  Papigochic,  and  Tutuaca;  and  these 
with  many  other  villages  only  awaited  the  coming  of 
resident  padres  to  start  out  in  earnest  on  their  career 
of  Christianity. 

Of  the  coming  of  these  padres  and  of  their  acts  in 
the  north  for  two  years  we  know  nothing,  except  that 
in  1677  there  was  a  slight  misunderstanding  between 
the  rival  orders  respecting  boundaries.  Father  Alonso 
Mesa  objected  to  the  act  of  the  Jesuits  in  including 
the  Yepomera  district  within  their  field.  The  Jesuits 
claimed  it  as  a  part  of  Tarahumara,  and  the  Francis 
cans  apparently  because  there  were  some  Conchos 
mixed  with  the  population.  The  latter  alleged  an  old 
agreement  by  which  the  Rio  Papigochic,  or  Yaqui, 
was  made  the  boundary;  but  no  such  document  could 
be  found  when  the  matter  was  submitted  to  superior 
authority.  The  Franciscan  protest  was  perhaps  a 
mere  formality;  at  least  it  seems  to  have  had  no 
practical  effect  and  caused  no  serious  ill-feeling.57  The 
demands  of  the  two  pioneers  for  help  must  have  re 
ceived  prompt  attention,  for  as  early  as  1678  we  find 
in  this  new  northern  field — christened  mission  of  San 

al  Rev.  P.  Francisco  Jimenez  Provincial,  etc.,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iii.  272- 
94;  also  MS.  The  letter  is  dated  Feb.  2,  1076,  and  there  are  annexed  many 
other  papers  of  a  'red  tape'  order,  and  of  no  value.  The  villages  named  as 
having  been  visited  are  as  follows:  Guerucaricliic  (or  Jesus  Carichic),  S.  Jos6 
Tcmaichic,  Papigochic,  S.  Rafael  Matachic,  Sta  Cruz  (Mulatos),  Triunfo  de 
Los  Angeles,  Yepomera,  S.  Gabriel,  Napabechic,  Tutuaca,  Paquibeta,  Tairachic, 
Tosoborcachic,  8.  Jos<$  Pachera,  Tejareri,  Arisiachic,  Toserachic,  Sacachic,  and 
Tomochic.  Many  of  these  cannot  be  exactly  located,  but  some  will  be  found 
on  the  map.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  471-0,  iii.  10-11,  follows  this  re 
port  very  closely. 

57  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  10-18. 


368  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

Joaquin.  y  Santa  Ana  and  embracing  thirty-two  pueblos 
in  nine  partidos — seven  missionaries  serving  about  five 
thousand  natives  with  perhaps  one  hundred  Spaniards. 
The  new  padres  were  Francisco  Celada,  Francisco 
Arteaga,  Diego  Contreras,  Antonio  Orena,  and  Nico 
las  Ferrer.  In  the  south,  or  Tarahumara  Baja — 
thirteen  pueblos  in  five  partidos  constituting  the  mis 
sion  of  Natividad — five  padres  were  serving  over  three 
thousand  natives  and  possibly  three  hundred  Span 
iards.  The  padres  not  already  named  were  Francisco 
"Valdes,  Martin  Prado,  and  Manuel  Gutierrez  Arteaga. 
These  facts  are  gathered  from  Zapata's  visita  already 
referred  to  for  regions  farther  south  and  west,  and  the 
statistics  of  which  I  reproduce  in  a  note,  since  this 
report,  while  not  altogether  accurate,  is  the  only  ex 
isting  source  of  information  respecting  many  of  the 
pueblos.58 

58  Mission  of  Natividad,  or  of  Tarahumares  antiguos,  5  partidos,  3,818 
persons: 

(1. )  San  Miguel  de  las  Bocas,  14  leagues  N.  w.  of  Tizonazo,  near  Rio  Florido, 
pop.  236.  Under  P.  Pedro  de  Escalante,  serving  386  persons.  Ten  estancias 
of  Spaniards  tended  by  the  padre,  but  really  belonging  to  the  curates  of  Inde", 
S.  Bartolom<§,  and  El  Oro. 

(2. )  San  Felipe,  24  1.  N.  S.  Miguel,  12  1.  from  Parral,  on  Jlio  Conchos, 
pop.  312;  Sta  Cruz,  6  1.  w.  S.  Felipe,  up  river,  pop.  455;  S.  Jose",  7  1.  N.  w. 
(S.  Felipe?),  called  also  Salto  del  Agua,  pop.  101.  Under  P.  Francisco  Val- 
de"s,  serving  1,010.  Seven  estancias  and  ranches  of  Spaniards,  who  have  no 
curate. 

(3.)  San  Pablo,  17  1.  s.  S.  Felipe,  up  river,  pop.  380;  San  Juan  Atotonilco, 
2  1.  up  river  from  S.  Pablo,  pop.  113;  S.  Mateo,  down  river  (from  S.  Pablo?), 
pop.  120.  Under  P.  Martin  del  Prado,  serving  633  persons,  mostly  Tepe- 
huanes. 

(4.)  San  Ger6nimo  Huexotitlan,  7  1.  N.  E.  S.  Pablo,  6  1.  s.  Rio  Conchos, 
15  1.  from  Parral,  pop.  320;  S.  Ignacio,  5  1.  N.  S.  Geronimo,  on  Rio  Conchos; 
S.  Javier,  1  1.  N.  S.  Ignacio,  on  Rio  Conchos,  pop.  of  the  two,  434.  Under 
PP.  Manuel  Gutierrez  Arteaga  and  Gabriel  del  Villar,  serving  754  persons. 
One  estancia  of  Spaniards. 

(5.)  San  Francisco  Javier  Satevo,  30  1.  N.  Huexotitlan,  16  1.  N.  S.  Felipe, 
pop.  51G;  Cuevas  and  rancheria  of  S.  Antonio,  1  1.  E.  S.  Francisco,  near  Rio 
S.  Pedro,  pop.  242;  S.  Lorenzo,  12  1.  w.  San  Francisco,  pop.  286.  Under  P. 
Juan  Sarmiento,  serving  1,134  persons.  A  few  small  Spanish  estancias. 

Mission  of  San  Joaquin  y  Santa  Ana,  8  partidos: 

(1.)  San  Francisco  de  Borja,  or  S.  Joaquin  y  Sta  Ana,  14  1.  N.  w.  Satevo, 
pop.  376;  Sta  Ana  Yeguiachic,  3  1.  E.  Borja,  pop.  504;  Guadalupe  Saguari- 
chic,  3  1.  w.  Borja,  pop.  286;  S.  Francisco  Javier  Parnaguichic,  4  1.  s.  w. 
Borja,  pop.  150.  Under  P.  Francisco  de  Celada,  serving  1,316  persons. 

(2.)  Naa  Sra  de  Mouserrate  Nonoava,  12  1.  s.  w.  (?)  Borja,  on  Rio  Uma- 
risac,  pop.  209;  Nra  Sra  de  Copucabafia  Paguarichic,  5  1.  N.  Nonoava,  on 


STATISTICS.  369 

For  the  rest  of  the  century,  twenty  years  and  more, 
our  knowledge  of  Chihuahua  history,  in  addition  to 
what  has  already  been  said  of  the  Franciscan  estab 
lishments,  is  confined  to  a  few  imperfectly  recorded 
facts  respecting  the  hostilities  of  different  Indian 
tribes.  The  savages  of  the  eastern  and  northern 
frontiers  continued  almost  without  cessation  their 
raids  on  pueblos,  haciendas,  mining  camps,  and  trav 
ellers.  Their  system  of  warfare  has  been  sufficiently 
described,  and  about  these  later  raids  no  particulars 
have  been  preserved.  In  1685  the  king  ordered  the 
establishment  of  three  new  presidios  at  Pasaje,  Gallo, 
and  Conchos,  each  with  a  garrison  of  fifty  men  in 
addition  to  the  force  already  stationed  at  Parral  and 
the  presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo.  A  little  later  there 
were  added  in  the  north  the  presidios  of  Janos  and 

same  river,  pop.  113.     Under  P.  Francisco  de  Arteaga,  serving  352  persons. 
Several  rancherias  of  gentiles  named. 

(3.)  Jesus  Carichic,  or  Guanicarichic,  161.  N.  Nonoava,  with  Paqnibeta, 
Tamiiia,  and  Santiago  2  1.  down  river,  pop.  558;  San  Luis  Goiizaga  Tagira- 
chic,  41.  w.  Carichic,  pop.  41;  Concepcion  de  Papigochic,  31.  s.  Carichic, 
pop.  77;  S.  Casimiro  Bocarinachic,  4  1.  s  (Concepcion?),  pop.  33.  Under  P. 
Diego  de  Contreras,  serving  706  persons.  Several  rancherias  of  gentiles 
named. 

(4.)  Maria  Santisima  Sisoguichic,  14  1.  s.  w.  Carichic,  in  sierra,  pop.  179; 
Asuncion  Echoguita,  4  1.  N.  w.  Sisoguichic,  pop.  9.  Under  P.  Antonio 
Orefia,  serving  182  persons.  Two  days'  journey  w.  is  Cuteco,  bordering  on 
the  Guaznpares. 

(5.)  San  Josd  Temaichic,  14  1.  N.  E.  Sisoguichic,  pop.  150;  San  Marcos 
Pichachi,  5  1.  w.  S.  Jose,  pop.  11;  Sta  Rosa  de  Sta  Maria  Pachera,  3  1.  S. 
Jose,  pop.  0;  S.  Juan  Toraboreachic,  8  1.  E.  S.  Josd,  on  road  to  S.  Bernabd, 
pop.  92.  Under  P.  Jos<3  de  Guevara  (non-resident),  serving  203  persons. 

(6.)  San  Bernabe  Cuziguariachic,  111.  s.  E.  S.  Jose",  pop.  327;  San  Ignacio 
Coyachic,  N.  E.  Cuzig.,  pop.  4G6;  S.  Miguel  Napabechic,  9  1.  N.  Cuzig.,  pop. 
92.  Under  P.  Jose"  Tarda  (rector),  serving  912  persons.  Includes  the  mining 
camp  of  S.  Francisco  Saguarichic,  4  1.  from  S.  Miguel. 

(7.)  Purisima  de  Papigochic,  15  1.  N.  Cuzig.,  on  Rio  Yaqui,  pop.  224;  S. 
Cornelio  Paguirachic,  1^  1.  s.  Pap.,  pop.  33;  Sto  Tomas  de  Villanueva,  4  1. 
N.  Pap.,  pop.  60;  S.  Pablo  Basuchi,  5  1.  E.  Pap.,  pop.  100.  Under  P.  Nicolas 
Ferrer,  serving  450  persons. 

(S.)  Triunfo  de  Los  Angeles  Matachic,  or  San  Rafael,  18  1.  N.  Pap.,  pop., 
335;  S.  Miguel  Temeschic,  2  1.  N.  Mat.,  down  river,  pop.  64;  S.  Gabriel 
Yepomera,  1^  1.  N.  s.  Mig.,  5  1.  N.  Mat.,  pop.  118;  S.  Pablo  Ocomorachic,  6  1. 
w.  Mat.,  5  1.  from  river,  pop.  91.  Under  P.  Tomas  de  Guadalajara,  serving 
748  persons. 

(9.)  Jesus  del  Monte  Tutuaca,  22  1.  N.  w.  Matachic,  pop.  30  fam.;  S. 
Evangelista  Tosonachic,  8  1.  E.  Tutuaca,  pop.  35;  Santiago  Yepachi,  10  1.  w. 
(Tutanca?),  pop.  40;  San  Juan  Bautista  Maquina,  4  1.  (Yepachi?),  pop.  30. 
Under  P.  Guadalajara,  serving  226  persons.  Two  hundred  and  thirty  Ovas 
were  also  baptized  in  Sonora.  Zapata,  Relation,  iii.  316-43. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  24 


370  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY. 

Casas  Grandes,  with  Fronteras,  or  Corodeguachi, 
across  the  line  in  Sonora.  Forces  from  these  presi 
dios  were  constantly  on  the  move  against  the  raiders, 
striving  to  protect  Spanish  life  and  property  as  well 
as  the  mission  pueblos,  pursuing  hostile  bands,  recov 
ering  plunder  chiefly  in  the  form  of  live-stock,  occa 
sionally  killing  considerable  numbers  of  the  foe,  or 
more  frequently  capturing  women  and  children,  who 
were  for  the  most  part  distributed  among  the  soldiers 
as  servants  or  slaves.  Captain  Juan  Fernandez 
Retana  particularly  distinguished  himself  in  this  bor 
der  warfare,  and  the  Spaniards  were  nearly  always 
aided  by  large  bands  of  native  allies. 

The  Jesuit  missions  of  Alta  Tarahumara,  though 
somewhat  less  exposed  than  the  Franciscan  establish 
ments  to  outrages  of  the  savages,  were  nevertheless 
in  frequent  danger,  because  the  mountains  were  still 
infested  by  unconverted  Tarahumares  who  were  hardly 
less  to  be  dreaded  than  the  Tobosos  of  the  east  or  the 
Apaches  of  the  north;  in  fact  it  is  not  unlikely  that 
they  committed  many  of  the  depredations  attributed 
to  those  tribes.  There  were  also  one  or  two  attempts 
at  general  revolt  among  the  Tarahumares  and  their 
western  neighbors  in  Sonora,  which  are  vaguely 
alluded  to  rather  than  described.  The  most  serious 
culminated  in  1690,  after  having  been  threatened  and 
prepared  since  1685.  The  trouble  is  said  to  have 
originated  in  some  dissatisfaction  of  the  Tubares 
across  the  mountains,  of  whom  I  shall  have  more  to 
say  in  another  chapter,  but  soon  spread  to  the  Tara 
humares  and  Conchos,  and  there  assumed  formidable 
proportions.  The  meetings  of  the  rebels,  whose  re 
puted  leader  was  Corosia,  were  held  in  the  Casas 
Grandes  region,  whence  emissaries  were  sent  to  all 

O  - 

the  missions  on  both  sides  of  the  sierra.  Warnings 
came  to  the  ears  of  the  missionaries,  by  whom  they 
were  sent  to  the  military  authorities ;  but  these  warn 
ings  were  of  so  general  a  nature  and  the  points  where 
danger  wTas  to  be  apprehended  were  so  vaguely  de- 


REVOLT  OF  1G90.  371 

fined,  and  rumors  of  this  kind  were  so  common,  that 
no  extraordinary  or  effectual  precautions  were  taken. 

The  revolt  broke  out  in  April  1690.  Alegre  tells 
us  it  was  on  April  2d  when  "the  barbarians  fell  upon 
haciendas,  reales  de  minas,  and  missions  without  re 
sistance,  destroying  crops,  burning  buildings,  and  steal 
ing  all  that  came  within  their  reach,  as  far  as  the 
jurisdiction  of  Ostirnuri,  and  even  to  the  northern 
frontier  of  Nueva  Galicia."  On  April  llth  Padre 
Juan  Ortiz  Foronda,  at  Yepomera,  and  Padre  Manuel 
Sanchez,  with  Captain  Manuel  Clavero,  on  their  way 
to  Tutuaca,  were  murdered  by  the  rebels.  Villagu- 
tierre  speaks  of  a  revolt  in  which  the  Indians  flayed 
Spaniards  alive,  and  used  their  skulls  for  drinking- 
cups,  having  to  be  twice  subdued  by  Governor  Par- 
dinas.  Berrotaran  says  that  the  Tarahumares  re 
volted,  killing  some  padres,  burning  their  churches, 
and  running  away  to  the  mountains,  two  years  being 
required  to  restore  quiet.  Cavo  calls  it  a  general 
uprising  of  Tarahumares  and  Tepehuanes  in  1689,  who 
killed  the  Franciscans,  three  Jesuits,  and  all  the 
Spaniards  they  could  find,  the  causes  of  the  revolt 
being  the  oppression  of  miners  and  the  exhortations 
of  native  sorcerers.  It  would  seem  that  Alegre's 
statement  must  be  greatly  exaggerated,  for  it  would 
hardly  be  possible  for  so  extensive  a  rebellion  to  leave 
so  slight  a  record;  and  this  is  shown  even  by  the  same 
author's  remark  that  only  a  few  Tarahumares  were 
concerned,  the  war  being  waged  mainly  by  Janos,  Jo- 
comes,  Chinarras,  Sumas,  and  other  savage  bands. 
The  Pimas  of  Kino's  missions  in  Sonora  were  also, 
and  very  absurdly,  accused  by  many  of  being  involved 
in  the  matter.  I  find  no  evidence  that  the  Tepe 
huanes  were  concerned  in  the  revolt,  or  that  any 
Franciscans  were  killed. 

Captain  Salazar  from  Casas  Grandes,  Captain  Fu- 
ente  from  Janos,  Captain  Retana  from  Conchos,  with 
forces  from  Gallo  and  Cerro  Gordo,  under  Captain 
Cigalde,  and  with  other  companies  under  captains7 


372  NUEVA  VIZCAYAN  HISTORY 

Medina,  Salaises,  and  Mendivil,  were  ordered  at  once 
to  the  scene  of  the  outbreak,  and  Governor  Pardinas 
marched  in  person  from  Parral  to  Papigochic,  and 
thence  to  Yepomera,  where  his  head-quarters  were 
fixed.  We  know  nothing  of  the  campaigns  by  which 
this  grand  combination  of  Vizcayan  forces  proceeded 
to  restore  peace  to  the  country;  but  we  are  told  that 
Father  Salvatierra,  coming  up  from  the  old  Guaza- 
pare  field,  where  he  had  kept  the  western  Indians  for 
the  most  part  quiet,  did  more  than  all  the  military 
force  to  bring  back  the  fugitives  to  their  villages. 
There  were  subsequent  disturbances  on  the  Sonora 
frontier  in  which  the  Tarahumares,  like  the  savage 
tribes  of  Chihuahua,  were  more  or  less  directly  impli 
cated,  but  we  have  no  definite  information  on  the 
subject.59 

b9AIe(jre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  53-4,  70-3;  Villagutierre,  Tlist.  Conq.  Itza, 
210-11;  Berrotaran,  Jnforme  acerca  de  los  Presidios  de  N.  Viz.,  164-71; 
Cavo,  Trex  Siglos,  ii.  74-5,  91.  The  last  writer  cites  Apendice  al  Cristiano 
Feliz  del  Nuratori,  relation  de  Sinaloa,  and  Duyc,  Hist.  Manuscrita.  See 
also  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  266-7;  Alvarez,  Estudlos  Hist.,  iii.  295-301;  and 
Zamacoi*,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  451-2,  all  following  Cavo  or  Alcgre;  also  Sigiitnza 
y  Gonyora,  Carlo,  al  Almirante,  MS.,  6. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

NEW  MEXICO,  COAHUILA,  AND  TEXAS. 
1600-1700. 

ANNALS  OF  NEW  MEXICO — PROSPERITY,  REVOLT,  AND  RECONQUEST— COA 
HUILA — ENTRIES  OF  SALDUENDO  AND  LARIOS— THE  EARLIEST  MISSIONS — 
FOUNDING  OF  MONCLOVA — RULERS— FRANCISCANS  FROM  QUERETARO  AND 
JALISCO — MISSION  CHANGES — TEXAS — RESUME  FOR  SIXTEENTH  CEN 
TURY — EXPEDITIONS  FROM  NEW  MEXICO — ONATE  IN  QUIVIRA— THE  JUMA* 
NAS— Rio  NUECES— CAPTAIN  VACA— MARTIN  AND  CASTILLO — COUNTRY 
OF  THE  TEJAS — PE^ALOSA'S  PRETENDED  ENTRADA— EFFORTS  OF  LOPEZ 
AND  MENDOZA — FATHER  PAREDES'  REPORT  —  NORTH-EASTERN  GEOG 
RAPHY — THE  NAME  TEXAS — FRENCH  PROJECTS — PENALOSA  AGAIN— 
LA  SALLE'S  EXPEDITION — FORT  ST  Louis — DISASTROUS  FATE  OF  THE 
COLONY — PESTILENCE  AND  MURDER— SPANISH  EFFORTS — BARROTO'S 
VOYAGES— LEON'S  EXPEDITION — SECOND  ENTRADA — FATHER  MASANET 
AND  HIS  FRIARS  —  MISSIONS  FOUNDED — EXPEDITION  OF  GOVERNOR 
TERAN  DE  LOS  Rios — NUEVA  MONTANA  DE  SANTANDER  Y  SANTILLANA — 
ABANDONMENT  OF  TEXAS. 

IN  New  Mexico,  the  history  of  which  province  is 
merely  outlined  here  to  be  fully  recorded  in  a  later  vol 
ume,  prosperity  ceased  for  a  time  after  the  conquest  of 
1599.  Friars  and  colonists  were  content;  but  the  cap 
tain-general,  Onate,  viewing  the  new  province  merely 
as  a  stepping-stone  to  grander  conquests,  shaped  his 
policy  without  reference  to  the  interests  of  Francis 
cans,  settlers,  or  natives.  A  quarrel  ensued;  drought 
and  improvidence  brought  famine;  and  Onate  returned 
from  the  north-eastern  plains  in  1601  to  find  the 
country  deserted,  the  colony  having  retired  to  Chihua 
hua.  A  war  on  paper  in  Mexico  and  Spain  resulted 
in  the  sending-back  of  the  friars  to  reoccupy  the  mis 
sions,  in  modifying  Onate's  ambitious  schemes,  and  in 
the  furnishing  of  reinforcements  by  the  aid  of  which 

(373; 


374  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

the  governor  in  1G04-5  made  an  exploration  westward 
and  down  the  Colorado  to  its  mouth.  Subsequently 
and  before  1630  Santa  Fe  was  founded,  to  be  the  capi 
tal  instead  of  San  Juan.  In  1608  nine  padres  were 
at  work;  in  1626  there  were  forty-three  churches,  and 
baptisms  numbered  thirty-four  thousand.  Thirty  new 
friars  came  in  1629;  and  the  next  year  fifty  mission 
aries  were  serving  sixty  thousand  converts  in  ninety 
pueblos.  In  these  years  was  New  Mexico's  greatest 
prosperity,  though  the  decline  was  not  very  marked 
for  half  a  century,  a  period  the  anrials  of  which  are 
made  up  of  changes  in  political  and  military  and  mis 
sionary  officials,  of  a  few  expeditions  of  defence  or 
exploration  into  the  adjoining  regions,  of  two  or  three 
vaguely  recorded  and  promptly  suppressed  attempts 
at  revolt  by  the  Pueblo  converts,  and  of  the  usual 
petty  items  of  local  mission  progress. 

Then  came  upon  the  province  the  greatest  disaster 
that  ever  befell  Spain  on  the  northern  frontier,  if  not 
indeed  in  any  part  of  America.  In  August  1680, 
during  the  rule  of  Governor  Otermin,  in  a  general 
and  skilfully  planned  revolt  of  the  neophytes,  four 
hundred  Spaniards,  including  twenty-one  Franciscan 
friars,  were  killed,  and  the  survivors  were  driven  out 
of  the  province,  which  for  more  than  a  decade  was 
left  in  possession  of  its  aboriginal  owners.  The  Span 
iards  established  themselves  at  El  Paso  in  the  south, 
in  which  region  they  did  some  missionary  work  as 
already  related  in  this  volume,  while  the  New  Mexi 
cans,  after  a  little,  fought  among  themselves,  and  thus 
threw  away  their  chances  for  continued  independence. 
Otermin  and  his  successors  made  several  reconnois- 
sances  and  unsuccessful  attempts  to  reoccupy  the 
pueblo  towns.  In  1692  Governor  Vargas  retook 
Santa  Fe  without  bloodshed,  and  received  the  sub 
mission  of  many  other  towns,  but  left  no  garrisons. 
The  next  year  he  returned  with  a  large  colony  and 
occupied  Santa  Fe  after  a  hard-fought  battle.  The 
reconquest  was  completed  after  much  fighting  in  1694; 


NEW  MEXICO.  375 

the  friars  resumed  their  labors;  new  missions  and 
even  villas  were  established.  In  1696,  however,  five 
missionaries  and  twenty  other  Spaniards  lost  their 
lives  in  a  new  revolt,  and  many  towns  were  aban 
doned;  but  all  submitted  and  were  pardoned  before 
the  end  of  the  year,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the 
date  of  New  Mexico's  permanent  submission  to  Span 
ish  rule.  The  feeble  remnants  of  once  powerful  na 
tions  made  no  further  organized  resistance.  The 
western  pueblos  were  yet  independent;  but  with  the 
exception  of  Moqui  they  renewed  their  allegiance  be 
fore  the  end  of  the  century. 

Coahuila  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  the  region 
north  of  latitude  26°,  between  the  Bolson  de  Mapimi 
on  the  west  and  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  on  the 
east  and  north.  It  did  not  include  the  southern 
region  of  Parras  and  Saltillo  until  late  in  the  next 
century.  The  northern  country  was  visited  as  we 
have  seen  in  1603  by  Padre  Antonio  Salduendo,  who 
toiled  there  for  two  or  three  years  until  forced  to 
abandon  the /field  by  raids  of  the  wild  Tobosos.  The 
next  visit  was  by  Padre  Juan  Larios,  of  the  Jaliscan 
college  of  Franciscans,  about  the  year  1670.1  Three 
or  four  years  later  other  friars  of  the  same  province 
came,  and  the  mission  of  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo  was 
founded  about  1675,  the  exact  date  being  unknown, 
the  founding  of  Nadadores  a  few  leagues  distant  being 
a  year  or  two  later.'2 

1  Morft,  Diario,  421 ;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carta  Etnog.,  301;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve, 
221-31.  Frejes  gives  many  particulars  about  Larios'  operations,  but  of  doubt 
ful  authenticity.  He  says  the  padre  was  stopped  on  the  road  in  Durango 
and  forced  by  strange  natives  to  accompany  them.  Their  first  cry  was  'Coa 
huila  ' — hence  the  name.  He  was  miraculously  preserved  from  Toboso  attacks; 
and  three  years  after  his  entry  was  joined  by  padres  Este"van  Martinez,  Man 
uel  de  la  Cruz,  and  Juan  Larrcro.  The  first  missions  were  then  founded  with 
the  500  natives  subdued  by  Larios.  Also  mention  in  Mexico,  Infornie  de  la 
Com.  Pesq.,  1874,  G2. 

'Arze  y  Porteria,  In  forme  de  las  Misiones  de  Coahuila,  1787,  295,  says 
there  is  no  record  of  the 'date  either  in  mission  or  government  archives.  In 
RcviUa  Gi</edo,  Carta  de  L7  Lie.  1703,  25-8,  the  date  of  founding  S.  Miguel  is 
1675  or  1C7C.  The  mission  of  Nadadores  is  called  Nra  Sra  dc  Victoria  and 
Sta  Rosa.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carta  Etnog.,  302,  says  that  Santa  Rosa  de  Nada- 


376  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

It  was  about  1676  that  Bishop  Santa  Cruz  of  Gua 
dalajara  extended  his  diocesan  visit  to  this  country, 
and  established  four  new  pueblos,  distributing  grain 
and  live-stock,  and  perhaps  sending  some  Tlascaltec 
families  to  serve  as  models  to  the  natives.3  In  1682 
came  Bishop  Leon  Garavito,  who  founded  a  cofradia 
at  San  Miguel  and  gave  some  live-stock  and  blankets 
for  a  hospital.4 

Rumors  of  French  encroachments,  of  which  I  shall 
have  more  to  say  in  this  chapter,  impelled  the  viceroy 
in  1687  to  establish  the  villa  and  presidio  of  Santiago 
cle  Monclova,  named  for  himself,  and  often  called 
Villa  de  Coahuila.  The  site  was  half  a  league  from 
San  Miguel,  and  the  colony  sent  consisted  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  families,  including  two  hundred 
and  seventy  armed  men.5  The  comandante  was  prob 
ably  Captain  Andres  de  Leon,  who  at  least  was  gov 
ernor  of  the  province  a  year  or  two  later.  Leon  made 
two  entradas  to  Texas,  to  be  noted  later;  and  was 
succeeded  by  Domingo  Teran  de  los  Rios,  who  in 
1691  was  made  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  but 
retired  to  Mexico  in  1692.  Whether  he  returned  to 
Coahuila  is  not  clear;  but  Francisco  Cuervo  y  Valdes 
and  Pedro  Rabago  de  Teran  are  mentioned  as  gov 
ernors  about  tlie  end  of  the  century  and  beginning  of 
the  next.6 

dores  was  first  founded  in  1C77,  40  leagues  N.  W.  of  Coahuila,  moved  to  near 
the  river  Nadadores  on  account  of  Toboso  raids,  and  finally  in  1G93  with  the 
addition  of  eight  Tlascaltec  families  on  the  site  7  1.  N.  w.  of  Coahuila.  The 
same  author  names  San  Francisco  de  Coahuila^  1.  N.  of  Monclova,  no  date; 
and  San  Buenaventura  de  las  Cuatro  Cie"negas,  founded  by  P.  Manuel  de  la 
Cruz  in  1673  (?)  20  1.  w.  of  Coahuila,  moved  G  1.  nearer  to  Contotortes,  aban 
doned,  and  reestablished  in  1693,  L5  1.  from  Nadadores,  where  it  remained 
until  1747. 

sI;/le*iasyConv.,  Rel,  293;  Dice.  Univ.,  iv.  376;  Arze  y  PorteHa,  Informe, 
295-8.  According  to  the  latter  the  natives  soon  abandoned  Nadadores  to  the 
Tlascaltecs. 

4  Garcia,  Informe  acerca  de  las  Misiones  del  Rio  Grande.  21-2;  Arze  y 
Porteria,  Inf.,  296-7.  See  also  mere  mention  of  the  Coahuila  missions  in 
1674  and  J67S,  in  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  244,  249. 

5 Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,i.  262;  Id.,  Hixt.  Jala-pa,  i.  101;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej., 
\.  446;  Larenaudiere,  Mex.  Guaf.,  227;  Mayers  Mex.  Aztec.,  i.  217;  Espinosa, 
Orima,  409,  467;  Doc.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  58. 

c  Garcia,  Informe,  37-8;  Espmona,  Cr6n.,  408,  463-4;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs, 
ii.  73;  Guerra  entre  Mex.  y  Est.  Un.,  8;  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  p.  iii, 


FRANCISCAN  MISSIONS. 


377 


After  the  founding  of  Monclova  the  Jaliscan  friars 
continued  their  labors;  and  the  Queretaro  Franciscans 
also  entered  this  field.  Padre  Damian  Masanet  of 
the  latter  had  established  a  mission  as  early  as  1688; 
and  in  the  same  year  fathers  Francisco  Hidalgo,  Fran 
cisco  Estevez,  and  Escaray  came  to  Monclova.  Not 


COAIICILA. 

being  encouraged  by  either  ecclesiastical  or  secular 
authorities,  they  went  eastward  and  founded  Dolores 
at  the  place  called  Boca  de  Leones  in  Nuevo  Leon. 
After  two  years  they  had  to  give  up  this  mission  to 
a  curate;  and  Hidalgo  went  to  serve  at  Masanet 's 
establishment.  About  the  name,  identity,  and  fate 


378  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

of  this  mission  there  is  much  uncertainty.  Masanet 
calls  it  San  Salvador  in  Santiago  Valley,  and  states 
that  it  was  given  up  to  a  curate  in  1691,  when  he 
with  Hidalgo  went  to  Texas;7  but  Espinosa  and  Arri- 
civita,  the  standard  chroniclers  of  the  Queretaro 
province,  call  the  mission  Santiago  in  Candela  Valley, 
and  say  that  it  was  given  up  to  the  Jaliscan  friars.8 
Meanwhile  it  was  in  1688  that  Padre  Francisco 
Penasco  of  the  Jaliscan s  founded  Nombre  de  Jesus 
Peyotes,  some  forty  or  fifty  leagues  northward  from 
Monclova  at  a  place  called  San  Ildefonso.  This  mis 
sion  was  broken  up  after  two  years  by  hostile  natives; 
but  subsequently  had  a  new  lease  of  life  in  the  same 
place  for  four  years  under  Father  Agustin  Carrera.9 
In  1690  the  mission  of  San  Bernardino  de  Candela  was 
established  with  the  aid  of  some  Tlascaltecs.  Four 
teen  of  these  Tlascaltec  families  were  also  added  to 
San  Miguel  at  Monclova;  and  in  1694  ten  more  fami 
lies  were  brought  from  Saltillo  for  San  Bernardino. 
At  this  time  Nueva  Tlascala  seems  to  have  come  into 
existence ;  and  before  the  end  of  the  century  the  Tlas 
caltecs  with  a  few  Spanish  settlers  were  the  leading 
element  in  all  the  establishments  about  Monclova, 
such  as  San  Miguel,  San  Bernardino,  and  Nadadores, 
only  a  small  number  of  native  converts  remaining 
under  Franciscan  care.10  In  1692  San  Buenaventura 
was  reestablished  near  Nadadores.11 

A  mission  of  San  Antonio  Galindo  Montezuma  was 
established  in  1698  by  the  Jaliscans  at  Las  Adjuntas 
near  the  junction  of  the  rivers;  but  on  account  of 

''Masanet,  Diario,  MS.,  125.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carta  Etnoy.,  302,  calls  it 
Santiago  de  Valladares,  in  Candela  Valley,  formed  with  natives  from  Boca 
de  Leones,  and  suppressed  in  1747. 

8 Espinosa,  Crdnica,  90-2,  412;  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  210-13,  590-1. 
Arricivita  also  writes  Santiago  de  Calera,  and  says  it^was  joined  to  Caldera, 
and  both  given  up  to  the  Jaliscans. 

9  Garcia,  Informe,  30;  Arze  y  Porteria,  Informe,  301;  Morfi,  Diario,  433-4; 
Orozco  y  Berra,  Carta  Etnoc/. ,  302-3. 

i0Arzey  Porter ia,  Informe,  292;  Garcia,  Informe,  54;  llevilla  Giyedo,  Carta, 
445.  The  latter  makes  S.  Francisco  Tlascala  founded  in  1G90,  identical  with 
the  older  Nadadores  of  1G77.  See  also  G-rdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  GO; 
Mexico,  Inf.  Cron.  Pesq.  1876,  62. 

11  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carta  Etnog.,  302. 


PLANS  FOR  THE  FUTURE.  379 

Toboso  raids  and  the  irregular  conduct  of  white  set 
tlers,  it  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  same  year  fathers 
Bartolome  Adame  and  Manuel  Borrego  refounded 
Nombre  de  Jesus  in  a  new  site  near  that  of  the  later 
villa  of  Gigedo,  where  it  remained  permanently.12  It 
was  also  in  1698  that  the  Queretaro  friars,  Hidalgo 
and  Diego  de  Salazar,  established  the  mission  of 
Dolores  at  La  Punta,  or  Lampazos,  in  Nuevo  Leon. 
The  next  year  Salazar  crossed  the  Rio  Sabinas,  and 
founded  San  Juan  Bautista,  of  which  Hidalgo  pres 
ently  took  charge.  Troubles  with  the  Indians  soon 
caused  the  abandonment  of  San, Juan;  but  Hidalgo 
was  joined  by  padres  Antonio  Olivares  and  Marcos 
Guereiia,  with  whose  aid  in  January  1700  President 
Salazar  rebuilt  the  mission  on  a  site  farther  east  near 
the  Rio  Grande,  whence  Olivares  made  an  entrada  to 
the  Rio  Frio  in  Texas.  Bishop  Galindo  came  to  this 
.region  in  December,  and  at  a  Christmas  junta  of 
bishop,  governor,  friars,  and  officers  at  Dolores,  great 
things  were  planned  for  the  future.  Olivares  was 
sgrit  to  Mexico  for  aid;  and  the  result  will  appear  in 
annals  of  the  next  century.13 

It  is  my  purpose,  as  elsewhere  explained,  to  in 
clude  in  these  volumes  on  a  certain  scale,  the  history 
of  Texas,  down  to  the  time  when  that  country  ceased 
to  be  a  Spanish  or  Mexican  province.  Obviously  the 
record  could  not  be  omitted  from  a  History  of  the 
North  Mexican  States,  however  slight  may  seem  to 
some  the  connection  between  the  gulf  coast  province 
and  the  Pacific  States.  The  peculiarity  of  territorial 
relations,  however,  justifies,  as  my  limits  of  space  ne 
cessitate,  a  more  general  treatment  than  is  accorded 
to  other  parts  of  the  country.  Minor  details  must 
be  for  the  most  part  omitted;  as  also,  except  in  a 

12  Morf,  Diario,  424-5,  433-4;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carfa  Etnoy.,  302-3.  Re- 
villa  Gigcdo,  Carta,  445;  MS.,  26-8,  regards  this  as  the  original  founding. 
Peyotes  was  the  name  of  a  plant  growing  in  the  region  of  the  original  site. 

^L^pii/osa,  Cranica,  4GO-4,  528;  Arricivita,  Crou.  Seraf.,  215-10,  237-42; 
Morft,  Diario,  440-1;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carlo,  Etnog.,  303. 


380  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

very  general  sense,  the  investigation  of  those  broad 
and  fascinating  questions  of  geographicc^l  and  histori 
cal  development  by  which  a  history  of  Texas  may  be 
so  plausibly  extended  over  all  the  gulf  states,  the  Mis 
sissippi  Valley,  and  even  Canada — all  of  the  Spanish 
and  French  north-east.  Yet,  notwithstanding  these 
necessary  limitations,  I  shall  endeavor  to  present  a  satis 
factory  sketch  of  the  country's  annals,  and  even  to  throw 
new  light  on  more  than  one  phase  of  the  subject. 

All  that  belongs  to  the  earliest  period  of  Texan 
history,  that  preceding  the  year  1600,  I  have  occasion 
to  record  in  other  parts  of  this  work;  and  brief  men 
tion  will  suffice  here.  At  this  period  all  the  north 
eastern  continent  above  Pdnuco,  well  nigh  a  tierra 
incognita,  was  covered  in  a  general  way  by  the  name 
Florida.  That  portion  since  called  Texas  had  no 
name,  boundaries,  or  attention;  yet  it  was  several 
times  visited  during  the  sixteenth  century.  The 
voyages  of  Ponce  de  Leon  and  others  to  the  Florida 
peninsula  need  not  be  recapitulated.  In  1519  Alonso 
Alvarez  Pineda,  in  the  service  of  Garay,  coasted  the 
gulf  and  discovered  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
which  he  called  the  Espiritu  Santo. u  Panfilo  de 
Narvaez,  appointed  to  rule  the  unknown  province  of 
the  western  gulf  coast,  started  in  1528  with  a  large 
company  of  Spaniards  to  follow  the  shore  from  Florida. 
They  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  Europeans  to  visit 
Texas.  Indeed  all  perished  in  that  country,  except 
such  as  died  on  the  way  before  reaching  it,  and  except 
also  Cabeza  de  Vaca  who  with  three  companions 
crossed  Texas  from  the  mouth  of  the  San  Antonio, 
regarded  by  this  party  as  identical  with  the  Espiritu 
Santo,  to  the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte  in  1535  on  his 
way  to  the  Pacific.  It  is  not  possible  to  fix  exactly 
the  route  followed,  which  was,  however,  much  farther 
south  than  has  generally  been  supposed,15  probably  not 

14  Navarrete,  Col.  Viages,  iii.  64,  148,  and  map.     Several  other  rivers  far 
ther  west  and  south  are  noted  on  the  map  without  names. 

15  For  full  details  see  p.  60  et  seq.  of  this  volume. 


COEOXADO  AND  SOTO. 


381 


above  latitude  32°  at  any  point.  Next,  between 
1540  and  1543,  Texan  territory  was  revisited  by  two 
parties  of  Spaniards  from  the  east  and  west.  Fran 
cisco  Vazquez  de  Coronado  from  the  Rio  Grande 


MAP  OF  TEXAS. 

Valley  of  the  later  New  Mexico  went  far  out  into  the 
plains  eastward  and  north-eastward  to  Quivira,  doubt 
less  crossing  northern  Texas.16  The  other  party  was 
that  of  Hernando  de  Soto,  who  not  only  navigated 

16  See  p.  82  et  seq.  of  this  volume;  and  for  full  details  Hist.  N.  Hex.  and 
Ariz.,  this  series. 


382  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

the  Mississippi,  called  by  him  the  Rio  Grande  de 
Florida,  from  about  latitude  34°  to  its  mouth,  but 
made,  as  did  his  successor  Moscoso,  a  tour  far  to  the 
westward.  There  is  little  doubt  that  one  of  these 
tours  led  the  wanderers  into  Texas.17  The  routes  of 
Soto  and  Coronado  were  far  to  the  north  of  that 
followed  by  Cabeza  de  Yaca;  like  the  latter  they 
cannot  be  exactly  traced;  and  it  is  possible  that  they 
crossed  each  other.  In  1549-59  two  unsuccessful 
attempts  were  made  by  Cancer  and  Luna  y  Arellano 
to  occupy  the  gulf  coast  east  of  the  Mississippi;  and 
it  is  vaguely  recorded  that  about  the  middle  of  the 
century  a  few  survivors  from  a  Spanish  treasure-ship 
wrecked  in  Florida  found  their  way  to  Pdnuco  by 
land.  Without  alluding  even  en  resume  to  the 
successive  efforts  of  Spain,  France,  and  England  on 
the  Atlantic  shores  of  Florida  and  the  Carolinas,  it 
may  be  noted  here  that  the  Spaniards  were  in  actual 
possession  of  Florida  from  1565,  when  St  Augustine 
was  founded.  Finally  we  have  seen  that  in  the  expedi 
tions  to  New  Mexico  from  1581  to  1598  the  Spaniards 
repeatedly  trod  the  soil  of  western  Texas  along  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande;  while  two  parties, 
those  of  Espejo  and  Sosa,  followed  the  course  of  the 
Rio  Pecos  still  farther  east;  and  one  party  at  least, 
under  Humana,  penetrated  the  buffalo  plains  for 
some  distance  north-eastward. 

f 

Seventeenth-century  annals  may  be  presented  in 
three  periods,  or  topics.  The  first,  one  that  has  re 
ceived  no  attention  in  current  histories  of  Texas, 
covers  more  than  eighty  years  and  relates  wholly  to 
what  was  learned  and  conjectured  about  the  country 
by  Spaniards  from  the  interior.  On  the  coast  nothing 
was  done  or  attempted.  Governor  (Mate  of  New 
Mexico  marched  with  eighty  men  in  search  of  Qui- 
vira  in  1601,  accompanied  by  padres  Yelasco  and 
Vergara,  After  crossing  the  buffalo  plains — home  of 

17  See  Hist.  North-west  Coast,  i.  15,  this  series. 


GRATE'S  EXPLORATIONS.  383 

the  roaming  vaquero  bands — he  was  joined  by  a  large 
force  of  Escanjaques,  who  when  the  friars  tried  to 
prevent  their  outrages  on  the  Quiviras,  turned  against 
the  Spaniards  and  lost  a  thousand  of  their  number  in 
battle.  Oilate  reached  the  borders  of  Quivira,  and 
the  people  after  the  slaughter  of  the  Escanjaques 
became  friendly,  desired  an  alliance,  and  proposed  a 
raid  into  the  territory  of  the  Aijaos,  not  far  away, 
where  gold  was  said  to  be  abundant;  but  the  gov 
ernor  deemed  his  force  too  small  for  further  advance. 
His  route  is  represented  as  having  been  in  a  winding 
course  north-eastward  for  over  two  hundred  leagues, 
to  a  latitude  of  39°  or  40°,  corresponding  in  a  general 
way  with  that  of  Coronado.  There  is,  however,  no 
agreement  in  details,  and  no  possibility  of  determining 
even  approximately  where  he  went.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  the  northern  trend  and  latitude  are  exaggerated.18 
In  1606  the  Quiviras  are  said  to  have  come  to  New 
Mexico  to  ask  Onate  for  aid  against  the  Aijaos;  and 
in  1611  the  governor  made  another  expedition  to  the 
east,  discovering  a  river  called  the  Colorado.19  In 

lsNuevo  Mexico,  Memorial,  1602,  198-9,  209-25;  Id.,  Di*curso  y  Prop., 
53-8;  Salmeron,  Relaciones,  26-30;  Ntd,  Apunt.,  91-4;  Paredes,  Notic'ms, 
21G-17;  Torquemada,  i.  671-3;  Ludovicus  Tribal  dw,  in  Purchas,  His  Pil- 
yrimes,  iv.  15G5-6;  Davis1  Span.  C'onq.,  273-5;  Shea's  Exped.  Penalosa,  91-2. 
The  date  is  given  by  most  as  1599;  several  say  Onate  started  from  Sta  Fe, 
not  yet  founded;  Paredes  makes  the  year  1606,  substitutes  the  Aijaos  (writ 
ten  also  Aijados,  Ahijados,  Aixaos,  and  Aixas)  for  the  Escanjaques,  and 
makes  the  route  nearly  300  leagues  eastward.  He  perhaps  partially  confounds 
this  with  a  later  occurrence.  Salmeron  says  the  Aijaos  have  and  work  much 
gold,^which  they  call  tejas.  Two  of  the  tribe  Avere  taken  and  sent  to  Mexico 
and  Spain,  where  their  knowledge  of  gold  caused  much  wonder.  Niel  says 
the  Escanjaques  lived  100  leagues  N.  E.  of  New  Mexico.  The  Quiviras,  ac 
cording  to  Salmeron,  said  that  the  shortest  route  to  their  country  was  to  the 
north  via  Taos. 

19  On  the  visit  of  the  Quiviras,  Shea,  Exped.  Petialosa,  92,  cites  a  Relation 
imbiada  del  Nuevo  Mexico,  testimony  taken  by  the  governor  in  1629.  Of  the 
eastern  expedition  it  is  said  that  Onate  (probably  his  successor)  discovered 
the  Canlbaros  lakes  of  unknown  identity,  and  also  a  Itto  Colorado,  which 
seerns  to  be  that  of  the  Cadaudachos,  or  the  Palizada.  Barreiro,  Ojeada,  7; 
Pino,  Noticias,  5.  The  report  is  not  of  much  importance,  the  original  author 
ity  being  unknown.  Davis,  El  Gringo,  73-4;  Span.  Conq.,  276-7,  changes 
the  Canibaros  to  'Cannibals,'  and  thinks  the  stream  was  the  Canadian. 
Shea,  p.  93,  says  the  river,  identified  by  some  with  the  Palizada,  or  Missis 
sippi,  was  apparently  the  Red  River.  He  mentions  also  without  date  or 
authority  an  entrada  of  PP.  Ortega  and  Yaiies,  who  went  100  1.  into  the 
Apache  country,  then  50  1.  east  and  50  1.  north  to  a  large  river  of  San  Fran- 


384  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

later  years  Father  Juan  cle  Salas  visited  the  Jumanas 
about  one  hundred  and  twelve  leagues  eastward  of 
Santa  Fe,  gaining  their  good  will,  so  that  when  the 
new  friars  came  in  1629  fathers  Estevan  Perea  and 
Didaco  Lopez  were  able  to  accomplish  much  toward 
their  conversion,  besides  entering  into  friendly  nego 
tiations  with  the  Aijaos  and  Quiviras  some  thirty  or 
forty  leagues  farther  east.  But  the  friars  did  not 
remain  long  in  their  new  field.20  In  1632  the  friars 
Juan  de  Salas  and  Diego  Ortega  with  a  small  guard 
again  visited  the  Jurnanas,  and  named  the  river  on 
which  they  lived  Rio  de  Nueces  from  the  nuts  grow 
ing  there.  The  natives  were  still  friendly  and  Ortega 
remained  with  them  for  six  months.  Again  in  1634, 
the  date  being  possibly  a  misprint,  Captain  Alonso 
Vaca  and  party  went  out  some  three  hundred  leagues 
eastward  to  the  great  river  across  which  was  Quivira. 
In  1650  captains  Hernan  Martin  and  Diego  del  Cas 
tillo  went  two  hundred  leagues  to  the  Jumanas  on  the 
Kio  Nueces.  They  remained  in  the  country  six 
months,  and  went  down  the  river  south-eastward  for 
fifty  leagues  through  the  countries  of  the  Cuitoas, 
Escanjaques,  and  Aijaos,  until  they  reached  the  home 
of  the  Tejas.  This  party  found  some  pearls  which 
were  sent  to  the  viceroy.  In  1654,  by  the  viceroy's 
order,  the  governor  sent  Diego  de  Guadalajara  with 
thirty  soldiers  and  two  hundred  allies  to  the  Jumanas 

20  Benavldes,  Reqveste  JRemonst.,  92-103.  The  author  was  custodian  of  the 
New  Mexican  missions.  The  padres  were  preceded  and  aided  by  a  lady 
preacher,  whom  Benavides  at  first  supposed  to  be  Sor  Maria  de  la  Ascension, 
an  old  nun  of  Carrion,  Spain;  but  whom  he  later  identified  with  Maria  de 
Jesus  of  the  Agreda  convent,  who  had  often  since  1G20  been  carried  by  the 
heavenly  hosts  to  preach  in  New  Mexico.  She  mentioned  the  Chillescas, 
Cambujos,  and  Titlas  east  of  Quivira.  She  could  speak  all  their  dialects  on 
the  ground,  but  not  in  Spain.  Benavides,  in  Palou,  Vida  de  Serra,  331-41. 
The  friar  mentions  the  Japies  and  Xabatoas  in  the  Quivira  region.  Snea  cites 
the  Spanish  original  of  Benavides'  Memorial,  and  another  tract,  Tanto  que  se 
sacd,  1631,  but  omits  the  distance  and  direction  of  the  Jumanas  from  Santa 
Fe\  He  notes  that  on  De  1'Isle's  map  of  1700  the  Jumanas  and  Japies  are 
put  north  of  the  Missouri,  with  the  Xabotaos  between  them  and  the  Quiviras. 
According  to  Barcia,  Ensayo  Cron.,  266,  P.  Nicolas  Lopez,  perhaps  the  friar 
mentioned  by  Benavides,  tried  later  to  get  permission  to  undertake  the  •con 
version  of  the  eastern  tribes,  visiting  Mexico  and  sending  a  memorial  to 
Spain. 


PEftALOSA'S  STORY.  385 

on  the  Nueces.  It  was  learned  that  the  Cuitoas, 
Escanjaques,  and  Aijaos  were  at  war.  Andres  Lopez 
was  sent  to  investigate,  and  after  advancing  thirty 
leagues  eastward  defeated  the  Cuitoas  in  a  battle  that 
lasted  all  day,  took  some  prisoners  and  some  hides, 
and  returned  to  the  Nueces;  after  which  the  whole 
company  returned  to  Santa  Fe.21  As  will  be  seen 
the  river  thus  visited  and  named  Nueces  was  not  the 
one  which  bore  that  name  later,  but  one  much  farther 
north. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  there  were  other  expeditions 
to  the  eastern  plains,  -but  none  such  are  recorded 
until  1G62.  Early  in  March  of  t"hat  year,  if  we  may 
credit  the  narrative,  Governor  Diego  de  Penalosa  of 
New  Mexico  marched  from  Santa  Fe  "to  discover  the 
lands  of  the  east,"  in  command  of  eighty  soldiers  and 
a  thousand  native  allies,  accompanied  by  padres  Mi 
guel  de  Guevara  and  Nicolas  de  Freitas,  the  latter 
of  whom  wrote  the  rec  >rd.  The  route  until  early  in 
June  was  to  the  east  for  two  hundred  leagues,  over 
the  most  fertile  and  delightful  plains.  Then  they 
c-ame  to  a  great  river  called  the  Mischipi,  where  were 
found  the  Escanjaques  three  thousand  strong  on  their 
way  to  attack  their  foes,  the  Quiviras.  With  these 
newr  allies,  turning  northward,  the  Spaniards  followed 
the  river  for  a  few  days  until  they  saw  a  great  sierra 
in  the  north-east  and  the  great  city  of  Quivira  on 
another  fine  river  at  or  near  its  junction  with  the  one 
that  had  been  followed.  The  Quiviras  were  friendly, 
but  ran  away  when  their  city  was  attacked  by  the 
Escanjaques,  who  could  not  be  controlled.  Penalosa 
entered  the  city  and  extinguished  the  flames  kindled 
by  his  allies  but  could  find  no  people;  and  he  started 
to  return  on  June  llth,  being  presently  attacked  by 
seven  thousand  ungrateful  Escanjaques  and  having  to 

_ 21  Paredes,  Noticias,  214-18.  According  to  Escalante,  Carta,  125,  about 
this  time  some  families  of  backsliders  from  Taos  went  out  into  the  buffalo 
plains,  fortified  a  place  called  Cuartalejo,  and  remained  until  the  governor 
sent  a  force  under  Archuleta  to  bring  them  back.  They  had  some  copper 
implements  from  the  Quivira  tribes. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    25 


386  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

kill  one  thousand  of  them  in  battle.  Four  months 
after  his  return,  a  Quivira  cacique  with  seven  hundred 
followers  came  to  Santa  Fe  with  gifts  to  render  thanks 
for  the  punishment  of  their  foes,  and  give  new  infor 
mation  about  the  great  cities  of  the  interior.22 

The  events  just  noted  fill  but  a  small  part  of  the 
narrative,  which  is  chiefly  made  up  of  the  most  extrava 
gant  praises  of  the  fertility  and  natural  resources  of  this 
north-eastern  paradise;  of  falsehoods  about  the  city 
of  Quivira,  the  streets  of  which,  lined  with  buildings 
of  three  or  four  stories,  extended  for  leagues  in  every 
direction,  farther  than  the  Spaniards  had  time  to  ex 
plore,  though  they  counted  thousands  of  houses;  with 
reports  from  the  Quiviras  of  still  greater  wonders 
beyond,  notably  in  the  land  of  the  Aijaos,  called  also 
Teguayo,  beyond  the  sierra,  where  were  rich  gold 
mines  known  also  to  the  English  in  Virginia  and  the 
French  in  Canada;  and  with  various  interpolated  ex 
pressions  of  geographic  theory  or  opinion  respecting 
the  interests  of  Spain.  It  is  not  necessary  to  present 
these  vagaries  in  detail;  for  I  am  convinced  that  the 
whole  narrative  is  a  mere  fabrication  by  Penalosa,  and 
that  no  such  expedition  was  made  by  him.  The  story 
was  founded  on  Onate's  expedition  of  1601,. supple 
mented  by  rumors  current  in  New  Mexico,  eked  out 
with  a  fertile  imagination;  though  the  governor  may 
possibly  have  made  some  slight  explorations  in  the 
east.  The  close  resemblance  of  this  entrada  in  sev 
eral  leading  features  to  that  of  Ouate  must  have'  been 

22  Freytas,  Relation  del  Descubrimiento  del  Pais  y  Ciudad  de  Quivira,  echo 
por  D.  Diego  Dionisio  de  Penalosa,  etc.  Escrita  por  el  Padre  Fr.  Nicolas  de 
Freytas,  etc.  Printed  with  an  English  translation,  and  notes  on  Penalosa, 
Quivira,  and  La  Salle's  expedition,  in  Shea's  Expedition  of  Don  Diego  de  Pe 
nalosa,  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  from  Santa  Fe  to  the  River  Mischipi  and 
Quivira  in  1662.  New  York,  1882.  8vo,  100  p.  This  is  a  most  interesting  and 
important  contribution  to  the  earliest  history  of  Texas,  though  I  cannot 
agree  with  the  editor's  views  respecting  Penalosa's  expedition.  A  copy  of 
Freitas'  relation — copied  by  Navarrete  for  the  Spanish  archives  in  1791  and 
this  by  Buckingham  Smith  in  1S56 — was  given  by  Peiialosa  in  1684  to  Seig- 
nelai,  French  minister  of  the  navy.  The  original  is  said  by  Penalosa  to  have 
been  sent  to  the  king  of  Spain  in  1663,  with  a  printed  memorial  by  Don 
Diego  himself,  not  known  to  be  extant.  There  is  no  question  of  the  genuine 
ness  of  the  document  as  published  by  Shea. 


A  FICTION.  387 

noted  by  the  reader.  Penalosa  was  a  reckless  adven 
turer  from  South  America,  whose  name  it  will  be 
remembered  was  connected  with  Admiral  Fonte's 
famous  and  fictitious  voyage  to  the  north-west  coast 
in  1640.  There  are  many  petty  items  of  circumstan- 
cial  evidence  bearing  on  this  subject,  for  which  I  have 
no  space;  but  especially  is  it  to  be  noted  that  Father 
Paredes,  custodian  of  New  Mexico  during  Penalosa's 
term  of  office,  in  a  special  report  on  eastern  explora 
tion  drawn  out  by  Penalosa's  own  projects,  does  not 
mention  any  expedition  whatever  by  that  officer.  This 
is  to  me  conclusive.  The  governor  desired  to  engage 
in  north-eastern  conquest,  and  doubtless  exaggerated 
the  rumored  wealth  of  those  regions  in  memorials  to 
viceroy  and  king;  but  that  he  sent  the  fictitious  nar 
rative  in  question  to  Spanish  authorities  may  be 
doubted.  It  is  more  probable  that  he  wrote  it  later 
for  use  in  France,  in  connection  with  projects  of  which 
I  shall  have  more  to  say  presently;  and  that  he  falsely 
stated  it  to  be  a  copy  of  Freitas'  relation  previously 
sent  to  Spain. 

We  hear  no  more  of  matters  on  the  eastern  plains 
until  1683,  after  the  Spaniards  had  been  driven  from 
New  Mexico  and  were  at  El  Paso  in  the  south 
awating  an  opportunity  for  a  new  conquest  of  the 
north.  A  native  of  the  Jumana  tribe  came  to  El 
Paso  with  a  request  for  friars  to  convert  his  people, 
bringing  also  a  report  about  the  province  of  the  Tejas, 
represented  as  one  of  the  most  fertile  and  rich  in 
America,  Padre  Nicolas  Lopez,  the  vice-custodian, 
resolved  to  visit  the  country  in  1684,  with  padres 
Juan  de  Zavaleta  and  Antonio  Acebedo.  Governor 
Jironza  organized  a  volunteer  guard  under  Juan  Do 
mingo  de  Mendoza.  The  party  went  down  the  Rio 
del  Norte  to  the  Conchos  junction,  where  Acebedo 
remained,  and  thence  out  into  the  plains  across  the 
Rio  Pecos,  called  the  Salado,  and  after  many  days 
reached  a  rancheria  of  mixed  Jumanas  and  Hedio- 
dondos.  Then  they  returned  to  the  Junta  de  los 


388  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

Rios,  and  on  the  way  occurred  trouble  between  Men- 
doza  and  the  volunteers,  causing  scandal  among  the 
gentiles  and  mortification  to  the  friars.  Padre  Lopez 
subsequently  visited  Mexico  and  sent  memorials  to 
Spain,  with  a  view  to  undertake  the  conversion  of 
the  eastern  tribes;  and  Mendoza  also  became  enthu 
siastic  in  the  project,  averring  that  he  had  visited 
Quivira  in  1684  and  penetrated  within  twenty  leagues 
of  the  Tejas.23 

Meanwhile  Penalosa  had  left  New  Mexico  in  1664, 
and  had  made  earnest  efforts  to  interest  the  govern 
ment  in  his  projects  of  north-eastern  conquest.  But 
he  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  the  inquisition, 
by  which  body  he  was  accused  of  talking  against  the 
church  and  the  santo  officio,  and  of  saying  things  bor 
dering  on  blasphemy.  He  was  sentenced  in  Febru 
ary  to  march  through  the  streets  bareheaded,  carrying 
a  green  candle  in  his  hand.  This  he  did,  attracting 
much  attention  by  his  handsome  person,  proud  bear 
ing,  and  fashionable  attire.24  It  is  also  said  that  his 
property  had  been  confiscated  and  that  he  had  been 
left  nearly  three  years  in  prison.  However  this  may 
have  been,  he  sailed  in  1669,  went  to  the  Canaries, 
visited  London,  and  finally  turned  up  in  Paris,  as  we 
shall  see.25  In  the  mean  time  his  proposition  to  con 
quer  the  rich  realms  of  Quivira  and  Teguayo  had 
attracted  some  attention  at  court,  and  by  a  royal 
cedula  of  December  1678  an  investigation  was  ordered 
with  no  recorded  results.  In  1685  the  order  was 
repeated  in  connection  with  rumors  of  French  pro 
jects.  Viceroy  Laguna  called  on  Padre  Alonso  Pa- 
redes,  for  many  years  a  missionary  in  New  Mexico, 
for  a  report,  which  was  rendered  apparently  in  1686, 
and  which  is  the  best  statement  extant  respecting 

23  Esccdante,  Carta  de  1778,  121-2;  Barcia,  Ensayo  CronoUgico  para    a 
Historia  Gen.  de  la  Florida,  266. 

24  Robles,  Diario,  56-7;  Alaman,  Disertaciones,  iii.  app.,  35-6;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  v.  412-13. 

25  Biographical  sketch  of  Penalosa  quoted  from  Margry,  in  Shed's  Exped., 
8-12. 


PAREDES'  REPORT.  389 

the  current  ideas  of  north-eastern  geography  among 
intelligent  men  not  personally  interested  in  any  ad 
venturous  scheme  of  conquest.26 

Paredes  gives  a  chronologic  account,  utilized  in  the 
preceding  pages,  of  the  -successive  expeditions  to  the 
east.  He  pronounced  the  current  reports  of  eastern 
wealth,  magnificence,  and  civilization  to  have  no 
foundation  in  actual  discoveries.  But  he  admitted 
the  existence  of  tribes  living  by  agriculture  and  far 
superior  to  the  roaming  savages.  His  idea  was  that 
these  savages  occupied  a  strip  along  the  gulf  coast 
about  fifty  leagues  in  width ;  that  the  roaming  Apache 
bands  inhabited  the  territory  in  'the  west  adjoining- 
New  Mexico  to  the  extent  of  one  hundred  leagues 
and  more ;  and  that  between  the  two  were  the  superior 
tribes  whose  country  was  also  about  one  hundred 
leagues  wide.  These  tribes  were  the  Tejas  in  the 
south  extending  a  hundred  leagues  from  the  Rio  del 
Norte  to  the  Nueces;  and  the  Quiviras  from  the 
Nueces  northward  to  an  unknown  distance.  There 
are  indications,  however,  in  his  own  narrative,  that 
his  Rio  Nueces  was  not  the  stream  now  bearing  that 
name,  but  the  Colorado  or  even  Brazos,  farther  north; 
and  that  such  was  the  case  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
the  Tejas  were  found  in  later  years  between  the 
Colorado  and  Trinidad;  though  the  Jumanas  were 
found  as  far  south  as  the  Guadalupe.  In  the  matter 
of  rivers,  however,  there  is  hopeless  confusion,  as  is 
natural  enough  in  describing  a  slightly  explored 
country  where  the  streams  are  so  numerous.  The 
author  gives  an  accurate  idea  of  the  Rio  del  Norte, 
Pecos,  or  Salado,  and  of  the  Colorado  of  the  west; 
but  he  describes  the  Nueces  as  rising  north-east  of 
the  pueblo  of  Pecos,  flowing  east  and  south,  and 
becoming  equal  to  the  Rio  del  Norte  in  size;  and  he 

26  Paredes,  Utiles  y  Curiosas  Noticias  del  Nuevo-Mcxico,  Cilola,  y  otras 
naciones  covfnantes. .  .Copia  tie  un  informehecho  d  S.  M.  sobre  las  tierras  del 
Nuevo  Mexico  (16SG).  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii.  torn.  iv.  211-25.  The 
author  at  the  time  of  writing  was  definidor  and  procuradqr-general  of  the 
Franciscans  in  Mexico. 


390  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

describes  only  one  other  river,  a  very  large  one  flow 
ing  through  the  middle  of  Quivira,  probably  into 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  and  formed  of  two  branches  from 
the  east  and  north.  I  have  deemed  it  best  to  present 
some  details  in  a  note.  It  is  probable  that  the  con 
fusion  is  increased  by  typographical  defects.27* 

27  Sta  F<§  is  in  37.  °  Farther  N.  in  38°  or  39°  are  sierras  from  which  on  one 
side  rivers  run  to  the  western  ocean,  as  the  Rio  Grande  (Colorado  of  the 
West),  and  on  the  other  to  the  east.  The  Rio  del  Norte  rises  in  these  Mts 
and  flows  S.,  and  later  somewhat  E.,  entering  the  sea  in  26°.  The  Salado 
(Pecos)  rises  in  the  same  Mts,  flowing  s.  to  join  the  Norte.  The  Rio  Nueces 
rises  in  the  same  region,  N.  E.  of  Pecos,  flows  between  E.  and  S.,  and  after 
200  1.  is  equal  to  the  Norte  and  80  1.  distant  from  it  at  the  Conchos  junction. 
(This  distance  would  point  to  the  Colorado,  and  the  source  to  the  Canadian.) 
On  this  river  lived  the  Jumanas,  Cuitoas,  Escanjaques,  and  Aijaos,  before 
reaching  the  Tejas.  The  Tejas  live  in  28°,  250  1.  from  Sta  Fe;  their  country 
extending  100  1.  from  the  Norte  to  the  Nueces  (the  lat.  favors  the  modern 
Nueces,  the  extent  from  the  Norte  points  to  the  Brazos),  and  adjoining  the 
Quiviras  in  the  N.  The  Aijados  join  the  Quiviras  in  the  JST.,  and  the  Tejas  in 
theE. 

North  of  Sta  F3  and  perhaps  30  or  40  1.  N.  of  the  Mts  already  mentioned 
is  the  lofty  Sierra  Blanca;  and  in  the  same  direction  in  54°  are  very  high  and 
inaccessible  sierras,  covered  with  snow,  extending  far  N.  and  E.  Beyond  these 
Mts  is  the  Strait  of  Anian.  From  the  eastern  slopes  of  these  Sierras  Ne- 
vadas  run  the  rivers  that  water  the  country  N.  E.  of  Florida,  where  the 
foreigners  are,  such  as  the  Pohuatan,  Clmare,  S.  Lorenzo,  and  Jordan  from 
38°  to  34.°  From  the  s.  E.  slopes  run  rivers  to  Florida;  from  the  southern 
slopes  to  Quivira.  From  the  Sierra  Blanca  a  river  runs  E.;  joins  another 
coming  s.  from  the  Sierra  Nevada;  the  two  form  the  Rio  Grande  which  flows 
250  1.  a  little  s.  of  E. ;  then  turns  s.  for  30  1. ;  then  makes  a  new  turn  to  the 
right,  flows  through  the  middle  of  Quivira,  and  is  apparently  the  river  that 
enters  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo.  (It  is  evident  that  several  rivers  are  in 
some  way  united  in  one  to  form  the  extraordinary  course  here  described; 
which  they  are  I  do  not  venture  to  decide.  That  portion  running  through 
Quivira  would  seem  to  be  the  Trinidad,  Red,  or  Arkansas.  It  is  elsewhere 
stated  that  this  stream  is  100  1.  above  the  Nueces,  the  boundary  between  the 
Tejas  and  Quiviras.  Shea,  p.  21,  cites  a  map  of  Minet,  La  Salle's  engineer, 
in  which  the  Mississippi  flows  S.  E.,  then  w.,  then  s.  E.  to  the  gulf,  the  Ar 
kansas  having  three  mouths,  and  Quivira  being  s.  of  its  head-waters.)  Vaca 
is  said  to  have  reached  this  Rio  Grande  by  going  nearly  300 1.  E.  from  Sta  Fe\ 
Quivira  extends  about  50  1.  (?)  N.  from  this  river,  widening  much  toward  S. 
(west?)  and  bounded  (on  east?)  by  the  great  river  from  the  Sierras  Nevadas. 

The  Apache  territory  extends  400  1.  (?)  E.  and  w.,  and  over  200  1.  from  N. 
to  s. ,  bounded  on  the  E.  by  Quivira  and  Tejas,  and  having  the  plains  of  Cibola 
in  the  centre.  The  Aijados,  Cuitoas,  Escanjaques,  and  Jumanas  are  driven 
s.  from  their  river  of  Nueces  toward  the  Norte.  North-eastward  from  Sta 
Fd,  across  the  Rio  Grande  (Colorado)  is  the  country  of  the  Yutas;  and  beyond 
them  is  Teguayo,  or  Copala,  only  known  by  report.  In  the  far  north  Teguayo 
may  widen  eastward  and  Quivira  westward  so  as  to  join,  or  nearly  so. 

From  Sta  F6  as  a  centre,  s.  E.  £  s.  200  1.  is  Junta  de  los  Rios;  s.  E.  200  1., 
country  of  the  Aijaos  on  the  Nueces,  and  70  1.  farther  through  the  Tejas,  the 
bay  of  the  Rio  Bravo  in  25°  30';  s.  E.  J  E.  280  1.,  over  the  plains  of  Cibola,  is 
Quivira,  and  150  1.  farther  on  the  coast,  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  in  29°  30'; 
E.  s.  E.  200  1.,  end  of  the  buffalo  plains,  and  300  1.  farther,  S.  Agustin,  Florida; 
E.  £  s.  E.  150  1.,  the  Rio  Grande  from  the  Sierra  Nevada  and  Quivira,  and  4001. 
farther,  the  Ensenada  de  Todos  Santos  in  the  middle  of  New  France  in  34°; 


THE  NAME  TEXAS.  391 

From  what  has  been  thus  presented  it  will  be  evi 
dent  I  think  to  the  reader,  that  while  it  is  impossible 
to  so  separate  fact  from  theory  in  the  records  as  to 
definitely  locate  routes,  streams,  and  tribes  mentioned, 
it  is  to  the  east  and  south-east  of  Santa  Fe,  to  the 
Indian  Territory  and  Texas  of  modern  maps,  that  we 
must  look  for  the  scene  of  Spanish  explorations  in  this 
century;  and  that  there  is  no  need  of  placing  Quivira 
in  the  far  north-east  or  beyond  the  Missouri  as  many 
writers  are  fond  of  doing. 

We  have  seen  that  Tejas  was  the  name  of  one  of 
the  tribes  in  the  south,  as  the  Spaniards  understood 
it  from  their  neighbors  rather  than  from  the  people 
themselves.  This  word,  or  another  of  similar  sound, 
was  probably  not  the  aboriginal  name  of  the  tribe,  or 
group  of  tribes,  but  a  descriptive  term  in  their  lan 
guage  or  that  of  their  neighbors.  Indeed,  there  is 
some  evidence  that  the  word  meant  '  friends.'  The 
name  was  retained  by  the  Spaniards  and  applied  to 
the  province.  It  was  sometimes  written  in  old-style 
Spanish,  Texas,  and  this  form  has  been  adopted  in 
English  with  a  corresponding  change  in  pronuncia 
tion.23 

The  second  period  of  Texan  annals  includes  events 
connected  with  attempts  of  France  to  occupy  the 
country  from  1682  to  1687.  Robert  Cavelier,  Sieur 
de  la  Salle,  being  commissioned  by  Louis  XIY.  in 

E.  100  1.  and  a  little  more,  Quivira,  and  200  1.  farther,  the  country  of  the 
Capuchies,  and  400  1.  farther,  the  Rio  Pohuatan  (Powhattan),  or  Rio  Nevado, 

and  bay  of  Esplritu  Santo  in  37°;  N.  E.  £  E the  Sierras  Nevadas  in  53°. 

'  Querer  decir  6  referir  todos  los  rios  y  arroyos  que  hay  por  una  parte  y  otra, 
era  proceder  in  infinite.' 

23  Tejas  and  Texas  are  pronounced  in  Spanish,  tay-hass.  The  Spanish 
word  tejas  means  'tiles.'  It  will  be  remembered  that  Salmeron  says  the 
Aijaos  called  their  gold  tejas.  On  the  origin  of  the  word  as  applied  to  the 
tribe,  see  Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Texas,  MS.,  1;  Solis,  Mario,  MS.,  346;  Fill- 
sola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra,  i.  29-30;  Espinosa,  Chr6n.,  279;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs, 
ii.  78;  Kennedy's  Texas,  i.  217;  Smith's  Xemin.,  26,  etc.  The  common  version 
is  that  Leon  in  1688  applied  the  term  texia,  or  '  friends,'  which  clung  to  the 
tribe  as  a  name;  but  the  name,  as  we  have  seen,  originated  earlier.  There 
were  several  different  tribal  names  used  in  the  vicinity  later.  The  Cenis  of  the 
French  and  the  Asinais  were  the  same  or  kindred  people.  Teran,  Diario,  MS. , 
74,  writes  in  1691  of  'the  kingdom  of  the  Texas,  or  Teisa,  which  nation  is 
called  by  the  natives  Asinay,  or  Teixa,  which  in  their  language  means  friend.' 


392  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

1678  to  discover  the  "western  part  of  New  France/' 
"  through  which  it  is  probable  a  road  may  be  found  to 
penetrate  to  Mexico,"  descended  the  Mississippi,  called 
Colbert  in  honor  of  the  French  minister,  and  in  April 
1682  took  formal  possession  at  the  mouths  of  the 
great  river,  naming  the  country  Louisiane  in  honor  of 
his  king.29  The  explorer  then  went  to  France  to  fit 
out  an  expedition  by  sea  with  a  view  to  the  perma 
nent  occupation  of  the  regions  explored,  and  the  exten 
sion  of  French  rule  from  Canada  to  the  gulf.  In  his 
memorials  to  the  crown  he  dwelt  with  enthusiasm  on 
the  value  of  his  own  services,  on  the  wealth  and  ex 
tent  of  the  countries  discovered,  on  the  danger  of 
encroachments  from  other  nations  if  action  were 
delayed;  and  he  also  declared  that  the  occupation  of 
Louisiane  being  accomplished,  "  we  can  effect  there 
for  the  glory  of  our  king  very  important  conquests, 
both  by  sea  and  land;  or,  if  peace  should  oblige  us  to 
delay  the  execution  of  them,  we  might,  without  giv 
ing  any  cause  of  complaint,  make  preparations  to  ren 
der  us  certain  of  success  whenever  it  shall  please  the 
king  to  command  it."  The  provinces  to  be  seized 
were  represented  as  rich  in  silver  mines;  their  defend 
ers  as  few,  effeminate,  and  indolent.  Thus  is  out 
lined  the  proposed  encroachment  on  the  Spanish  ter 
ritory  of  Nueva  Yizcaya;  but  there  is  much  more  to 
be  noted  on  that  phase  of  the  subject. 

Don  Diego  de  Penalosa,  disappointed  in  his  hopes 
of  obtaining  redress  for  alleged  wrongs  at  the  hands 
of  the  Spanish  government,  was  now  in  France  seek 
ing  to  repair  his  fortunes  and  avenge  his  wrongs  by 
foreign  aid.  It  was  under  these  circumstances  doubt 
less  that  he  fabricated  the  narrative  of  his  own  explo 
ration  of  1662  as  already  noted.  Several  of  his 
memorials  to  the  French  government  are  extant.30 

29  The  documents  connected  with  La  Salle's  expeditions  have  been  pub 
lished  in  many  different  forms,  which  I  do  not  propose  to  catalogue  or  index. 
One  of  the  best  sources  of  original  information  on  the  subject  is  French's  His 
torical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and  Florida. 

30  These  are  given  in  extracts  in  Shea's  Exped.  of  Penalosa,  12-23,  being 
cited  for  the  most  part  from  Margry. 


LA  SALLE  AND  PEftALOSA.  393 

His  project  was  not  in  1682  as  formerly  one  of  explo 
ration  and  aboriginal  conquest  in  the  regions  north 
east  of  New  Mexico;  but  it  was  to  settle  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte  a  colony  of  French 
flibustiers  from  Santo  Domingo,  and  from  that  point, 
in  the  first  war  with  Spain,  or  whenever  Louis  might 
permit  it,  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
with  its  rich  mines  from  Sombrerete  to  Parral.  The 
great  value  of  the  prize  to  be  seized  and  the  ease  with 
which  it  could  be  secured  under  the  leadership  of  a 
man  so  well  acquainted  with  the  country  were  set 
forth  in  much  detail.  After  the  arrival  of  La  Salle  in 
1683,  full  of  enthusiasm  for  a  similar  project,  except 
that  the  centre  of  operations  was  to  be  a  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  the  lately  explored  Mississippi,  Peiialosa 
modified  his  scheme  somewhat,  and  urged  that  it  and 
that  of  La  Salle  would  serve  to  support  each  other, 
gaining  for  France  not  only  Nueva  Vizcaya  but  the 
broad  tract  between  that  province  and  the  Mississippi. 
He  now  proposed  to  land  with  a  filibuster  army  a 
thousand  strong,  under  the  command  of  himself  and 
the  buccaneer  chief  Grammont,  at  Panuco  as  a  base 
of  operations  instead  of  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del 
Norte. 

No  documentary  evidence  so  far  as  I  know  has 
been  produced  to  show  that  Penalosa's  scheme  was 
approved  by  the  government  or  acted  upon.  Nothing 
more  is  known  of  Don  Diego  except  that  he  died  at 
Paris  in  1687.  There  is  proof  that  he  and  La  Salle 
met  and  were  acquainted  with  each  other's  projects; 
and  there  are  indications  in  the  statements  of  La 
Salle's  associate,  Beaujeu,  that  Penalosa's  forces  were 
expected  to  follow  and  cooperate  with  the  colony. 
Mr  Shea  concludes  that  a  double  expedition  was  for 
mally  planned  by  the  government;  that  La  Salle  was 
despatched  with  the  understanding  that  the  filibusters 
were  to  follow  the  next  year;  but  that,  for  some  not 
very  clearly  defined  reason,  the  whole  enterprise  was 
abandoned  after  his  departure;  also  that  it  was  on 


394  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

account  of  Penalosa's  expected  cooperation  that  La 
Salle  went  to  Texas  rather  than  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi.  I  think,  however,  there  is  room  for  doubt 
respecting  all  these  conclusions,  especially  the  last. 
However  this  may  have  been,  La  Salle  was  authorized 
by  letters  patent  of  April  14,  1684,  to  rule  over  "the 
country  which  will  be  subject  anew  to  our  dominion 
in  North  America,  from  Fort  St  Louis  on  the  Illinois 
River  unto  New  Biscay." 

The  expedition  sailed  from  Rochelle  in  August  1684 
in  two  frigates,  the  Joli  to  return  and  the  Belle  pre 
sented  by  the  king  for  the  use  of  the  colony,  with  two 
store-ships,  the  Aimable  and  St  Francois.  Including 
the  crews  there  were  nearly  three  hundred  persons  on 
the  fleet.  One  hundred  men,  the  scum  of  the  French 
towns,  were  recruited  as  soldiers;  thirty  were  volun 
teers,  for  the  most  part  gentlemen  by  birth;  there  were 
besides  artisans,  laborers,  and  servants;  many  families 
of  colonists;  a  number  of  girls  seeking  husbands;  four 
Eecollet  Franciscans,  and  three  priests,  one  of  whom, 
Cavelier,  was  La  Salle's  brother.31  The  fleet  was 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Beaujeu,  of  the  navy, 
who  quarrelled  seriously  with  La  Salle  before  leaving 
France  and  throughout  the  voyage,  throwing  every 
possible  obstacle  in  his  way.  Indeed  the  leader,  by 
his  haughty  reserve  and  harsh  enforcement  of  unques 
tioning  obedience  to  his  orders,  made  many  enemies 
and  few  friends.  Late  in  September  the  fleet  reached 
Santo  Domingo,  the  St  Francois  laden  with  munitions 
and  tools  for  the  colony  having  been  captured  by  the 
Spaniards.  For  two  months  La  Salle  at  Petit  Goive 
was  confined  to  his  bed  by  fever,  while  his  vagabond 
followers,  free  from  all  control,  gave  themselves  up  to 
every  kind  of  dissipation  and  vice.  Finally  the  three 

31  The  Franciscans  were  Zenobe  Membre",  Anastase  Douay,  and  Maximo 
Le  Clercq.  Two  of  the  priests  were  Cavelier,  a  brother  of  La  Salle,  and 
Chedeville.  Cavelier  and  Moranget  were  nephews  of  the  leader.  Other 
members  whose  names  are  prominently  mentioned  are:  Joutel,  Sablonniere,  Le 
Gros,  Duhaut,  Liotot,  Barbier,  Hiens  (or  James,  a  German  buccaneer),  Marie, 
and  Teissier. 


LA  SALLE'S  EXPEDITION.  395 

vessels  sailed  again  late  in  November,  the  leader  on 
the  store-ship  Aimable. 

From  the  time  the  fleet  entered  the  gulf  waters, 
entirely  unknown  to  all  on  board,  we  have  no  definite 
account  of  Beaujeu's  course  in  the  Joli  and  Belle; 
though  there  is  some  evidence  that  he  reached  and 
recognized  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.32  La  Salle 
was  disposed  to  believe  that  he  was  off  the  mouth  of 
his  river  Colbert  the  6th  of  January  1685,  but  his 
pilot  thought  otherwise;  nothing  was  known  of  the 
longitude  of  the  point  sought,  and  it  was  decided  to 
go  on  westward.  When'  he  had  reached  a  point  below 
the  present  Matagorda  Bay  and  was  sure  he  had 
gone  too  far,  he  was  joined  by  the  other  vessels. 
Here  there  was  trouble  with  Beaujeu  respecting  a 
continuation  of  the  search;  but  the  difficulty  was 
soon  removed  to  a  certain  extent  as  they  advanced 
northward  by  land  and  water  until  they  came  to  a 
stream  that  La  Salle  thought  to  be  one  of  the  outlets 
of  the  Mississippi.  The  Belle  entered  Matagorda  Bay, 
but  the  Aimable  was  wrecked  in  crossing  the  bar  on 
February  20th,  a  large  portion  of  her  cargo  being 
lost.  Captain  Beaujeu  was  willing  to  accept  La 
Salle's  theory  that  they  had  reached  their  destina 
tion,  whatever  may  have  been  his  own  opinion;  and 
the  leader  was  willing  to  be  rid  of  his  unmanageable 
captain.  Accordingly  the  latter  sailed  for 'France  in 
the  Joli  early  in  March,  taking  with  him  some  of  the 
colonists  who  were  discouraged  by  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  natives,  and  refusing  to  deliver  some  stores 
claimed  to  have  been  intended  for  the  colony.33 

3-This  evidence  is  in  a  map  in  the  French  archives  cited  by  Parkman, 
Discov.  of  the  Great  West,  330.  The  author  thinks  that  Beaujeu  visited  the 
Mississippi  after  he  left  La  Salle  in  Texas;  but  Shea,  Exped.,  21,  tells  us  that 
Mr  Parkman  has  changed  his  mind,  now  believing  the  visit  to  have  been  be 
fore  the  arrival  in  Texas,  and  that  probably  Galveston  Bay  was  mistaken  for 
the  river's  mouth. 

33  Beaujeu  is  charged  with  premeditated  treachery;  and  it  was  believed 
even  that  the  store-ship  was  wrecked  intentionally.  My  space  does  not  per 
mit  a  discussion  of  the  complicated  details;  but  I  find  little  evidence  of  such 
villainy.  The  jealousy  and  controversy  between  the  two  leaders  from  the 
start  has  been  alluded  to.  Beaujeu's  position  throughout  seems  to  have  been 


396  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

About  one  hundred  and  eighty  persons  were  thus 
left  on  the  south-western  shore  of  Matagorda  Bay, 
called  by  the  Frenchmen  St  Louis  and  by  the  Span 
iards  later  San  Bernardo  and  Espiritu  Santo,  where  a 
rude  fort  was  built.  Exploration  soon  showed  that 
the  inlet  \yas  not  connected  with  the  Mississippi,  a 
discovery  which  changed  entirely  the  aspect  of  af 
fairs.  The  fort,  named  like  the  bay,  St  Louis,  was 
moved  to  a  better  site  a  short  distance  up  the  river, 
named  La  Vache  and  still  so  called  under  the  Span 
ish  form  Lavaca.34  Carpenters  and  other  mechanics 
knew  nothing  of  their  pretended  trades;  slight  at 
tempts  at  agriculture  were  not  successful;  but  game 
and  fish  were  plentiful.  The  vagabond  soldiers  and 
settlers  had  no  idea  of  discipline;  many  of  them. 

in  spirit:  'This  man  is  not  fit  to  command  such  an  expedition;  his  scheme  is 
a  mad  one;  his  course  must  end  in  disaster;  but  he  admits  no  counsel  or  pro 
test;  opposes  every  measure  suggested;  let  him  go  on;  I  have  but  to  carry 
him  to  the  mouth  of  his  famous  river  and  leave  him  there. '  This  was  not  a 
commendable  spirit,  but  it  was  one  hard  to  avoid  under  such  a  leader;  and 
there  seems  to  be  no  proof  of  anything  more  criminal  on  the  part  of  the  naval 
officer.  •» 

Nor  can  I  agree  with  Mr  Shea's  opinion  that  La  Salle  went  intentionally 
past  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  as  part  of  the  proposed  operations  against 
New  Biscay,  intending  to  wait  there  for  Peiialosa.  It  is  true  he  intended 
ultimately  to  invade  the  Spanish  provinces,  and  hoped  for  reinforcements 
from  France;  but  it  is  very  doubtful  that  there  was  any  definite  arrangement 
to  meet  Penalosa  at  a  fixed  latitude  in  the  south;  and  on  any  other  hypo 
thesis  his  action  would  have  been  inexplicable,  since  the  Mississippi  was 
much  the  better  base  of  operations.  Moreover  there  was  no  motive  for  the 
suppression  of  the  real  motive  attributed  by  Shea  to  the  French  government, 
since  the  landing  on  the  Texan  coast  was  in  no  sense  an  invasion  of  Spanish 
territory;  that  is,  he  had  as  good  a  right  to  land  there  as  anywhere  on  the 
coast.  Better  founded  is  Shea's  criticism  that  '  La  Salle  aided  the  destruc 
tion  of  hia  party  by  his  utter  unfitness  for  colonization.  It  is  not  easy  to 
conceive  how  intelligent  writers  have  exalted  a  man  of  such  utter  incapacity 
into  a  hero.  Neither  in  Illinois  nor  in  Texas  did  he  attempt  to  clear  ground 
and  plant  Indian  corn  or  wheat,  to  supply  food  or  give  means  for  trade;  in 
neither  did  he  attempt  to  purchase  a  stock  of  furs  or  other  merchandise  to 
send  back  and  purchase  supplies  for  further  trade;  in  Texas  his  last  vessel 
lay.  idle  till  it  was  wrecked.  He  made  no  attempt  to  obtain  a  cargo  to  send 
by  her  to  the  West  Indies,  to  obtain  relief,  and  show  what  the  country  would 
produce.  He  did  not  even  march  with  his  whole  party  to  the  friendly  Ce"nis' 
(Asinais,  or  Tejas),  'and  form  a  settlement  near  Tonty's  post  on  the  Arkan 
sas.  He  loitered  idly  around,  waiting  apparently  for  Peiialosa.'  Shea's  Ex- 
ped.,  22-3. 

34  It  is  stated  that  about  40  miles  from  the  fort  were  found  the  remains  of 
a  temporary  fortification,  bearing  the  arms  of  Spain  and  the  date  1588  on  a 
copper  plate.  There  is  no  other  evidence  that  the  Spaniards  had  been  in 
that  region  at  such  a  date. 


COLOXY  OF  ST  LOUIS.  397 

were  suffering  from  deadly 'and  loathsome  diseases 
contracted  in  Santo  Domingo;  and  the  leading  men 
were  divided  into  hostile  cliques,  several  minor  con 
spiracies  being  revealed.  The  leader  showed  unlimited 
courage,  but  became  more  haughty  and  unjust  as 
difficulties  multiplied,  and  was  hated  by  many  in  his 
company.  Under  these  circumstances  it  took  all 
summer  to  provide  for  the  shelter  and  defense  of  the 
colony.  Meanwhile  a  few  men  were  killed  by  the 
natives,  who  were  shy  and  hostile;  a  few  deserted  to 
lead  a  savage  life;  a  few  lost  their  lives  by  drowning; 
one  was  hanged,  another  killed  by, a  rattlesnake;  and 
more  than  thirty  died  of  disease. 

Meanwhile  there  was  apparently  no  thought  of  the 
south;  and  very  little  of  a  permanent  settlement  at 
St  Louis.  The  Belle  was  not  sent  down  the  coast  in 
search  of  a  French  expedition,  nor  in  any  direction 
to  carry  reports  or  bring  supplies.  Attention  was 
turned  exclusively  to  the  Mississippi.  In  November 
La  Salle  started  with  thirty  men  to  find  the  great 
river,  returning  in  March  1686  unsuccessful.  In  the 
mean  time  the  Belle,  not  far  from  the  bay,  had  lost 
one  boat's  crew  killed  by  the  savages,  another  by 
drowning,  and  had  finally  been  wrecked,  only  eight 
men  surviving.  After  a  serious  illness  La  Salle  re 
solved  to  go  by  the  Mississippi  and  Illinois  to  Canada 
for  succor;  and  he  started  with  twenty  men  in  April, 
leaving  Joutel  in  command  at  St  Louis.  He  returned 
with  only  eight  men  in  October,  the  rest  having  de 
serted  or  perished.  He  had  been  hospitably  received 
by  the  Cenis  of  the  Trinity  Kiver,35  and  had  spent 
two  months  ill  of  fever  on  the  Neches  or  Sabine  river 
farther  on.  Of  one  hundred  and  eighty  persons  left 
by  Beaujeu  at  St  Louis  less  than  fifty  now  survived. 
Canada  seemed  still  the  only  source  of  possible  relief; 

35  Where  he  had  seen  many  articles  of  Spanish  origin,  obtained  by  trade 
from  roving  tribes  who  had  visited  New  Mexico.  The  natives  of  this  region 
are  said  to  have  been  willing  to  join  the  Frenchmen  in  an  attack  on  the  Span 
iards.  Horses  were  obtained  from  the  C<§nis. 


398  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

and  early  in  January  1687  La  Salle  started  again  for 
the  north  with  twenty  companions. 

In  March,  when  the  travellers  had  reached  the 
Trinity  River,  Duhaut  and  Liotot,  men  who  had  sworn 
vengeance  for  wrongs  real  and  fancied,  gained  half  a 
dozen  adherents  and  murdered  La  Salle,  with  his 
nephew  Moranget  and  two  followers.  The  conspira 
tors  soon  quarrelled  among  themselves,  and  the  two 
leaders  were  killed.  About  half  of  the  survivors  re 
mained  among  the  natives,  and  most  of  them  were 
never  heard  of  again;  the  other  half  under  Joutel  went 
on  to  the  Arkansas,  where  they  met  some  Frenchmen, 
left  there  by  Tonty,  who  from  Canada  had  visited  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  in  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  succor  La  Salle's  party.  The  next  year  Tonty 
made  another  visit  to  the  region  where  Jontel's  com 
panions  had  been  left,  but  could  find  no  trace  of  them 
alive,  and  was  unable  to  continue  his  inarch  to  the 
colony  at  St  Louis. 

This  colony  of  about  twenty  persons,  left  on  the 
Texan  coast  at  the  beginning  of  1687,  was  under  the 
command  of  Barbier.  The  little  that  is  known  of 
their  fate  was  learned  by  the  Spaniards  on  their  ar 
rival  to  be  noted  later.  These  unfortunates  could  do 
nothing  but  wait.  Small-pox  was  added  to  other 
sources  of  suffering;  and  finally  about  the  end  of  1688 
the  survivors  were  attacked  by  the  savages  and  killed, 
except  four  or  five  who  were  made  captives,  and  were 
subsequently  given  up  to  the  Spaniards.  There  were 
at  this  time  perhaps  twenty  or  more  Frenchmen  liv 
ing  among  the  natives,  having  left  La  Salle's  company 
at  different  times.  Of  these,  two  or  three,  besides  the 
captives,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards;  a  few 
were  known  to  have  been  killed;  but  of  most  nothing 
was  ever  known.  Much  has  been  written  and  printed 
about  La  Salle  and  his  enterprise;36  and  the  subject, 
thus  outlined  for  my  purpose,  has  received  most  satis- 

86  Parkman's  Discov.  of  the  great  West. ,  302-402.  This  writer  made  a  study 
not  only  of  printed  material  but  of  many  original  manuscripts  from  the  French 


THE  SPANIARDS  ALARMED.  399 

factory  treatment  at  the  hands  of  Parkman,  the  his 
torian  of  French  colonization  in  America. 

The  third  and  final  topic  of  seventeenth -century 
annals  is  that  relating  to  what  was  done  by  the  Span 
iards  in  consequence  of  the  French  operations  just 
recorded.  Information  of  La  Salle's  projects  was 
obtained  in  1684,  probably  from  the  crew  of  the 
captured  St  Francois,  though  she  is  mentioned  as  a 
French  corsair  taken  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan.  Not 
much  alarm  was  felt,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  fact 
that  nothing  was  done,  except  with  the  pen,  for  two 
years.  I  have  already  noted  the  report  obtained  from 
Father  Paredes.  In  1686-7,  however,  two  or  three 
expeditions  were  sent  under  Juan  Enrique  Barroto 
and  Andres  Perez  to  search  for  Frenchmen  on  the 
gulf  coasts.  They  found  at  last  the  wreck  of  the 
Belle  or  Aimable,  but  nothing  more.  The  colonists 
are  said  to  have  once  seen  a  sail  in  the  distance  and 
to  have  been  in  great  fear;  but,  whether  fortunately 
or  unfortunately  it  is  hard  to  say,  the  vessel  passed 
on.87  Meanwhile  a  Frenchman  known  as  Juan  Enri 
que,  an  early  deserter  from  the  colony  knowing  noth 
ing  of  La  Salle's  fate  or  that  of  those  left  at  St  Louis, 
found  his  way  to  Coahuila,  told  his  story,  and  was 
sent  to  Mexico. 

The  viceroy  now  ordered  Governor  Alonso  de  Leon 
of  Coahuila  to  march  with  a  force  to  Espiritu  Santo 

archives,  and  from  private  sources.  In  matters  of  detail,  far  beyond  the 
scope  of  my  treatment,  there  are  many  topics  affording  ground  for  discussion. 
I  also  refer  the  reader  toJoutel,  Journal  Historique;  Le  Clercq,  Hist.  Colonies 
Francaises;  Prevost,  Hist.  Gen.  Voy.;  Bossu,  Nouveaux  Voyages;  Morf,Mem. 
Hist.  Tex.,  MS.;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.;  Fournel,  Coup  d'(Ett,  7-22;  Fal 
coner's  Discov.  J/ws.,  16  etseq.;  Monette's Discov.  Miss.,  i.  148-53;  Kennedy's 
Texas,  i.  212  et  seq.;  Smith's  Address;  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Trans.,  i.  93  et 
seq. ;  Lond.  Geog.  Soc.,  Jour.,  xiii.  225;  Domenech's  Jour.,  20-1;  Voyages, 
World  Displayed,  v.  96;  Onto,  Memoria,  49-57;  Annals  of  Congress,  1819, 
ii.  app.;  Mexico  in  1842,  153-4,  etc.,  also  many  of  the  Spanish  authorities 
cited  in  later  notes  of  this  chapter. 

31  fables,  Diario,  439,  463,  466-7,  475,  480,  484;  Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex., 
MS.,  66,  S5-7;  Texas,  Dictdmen  Fiscal,  1716,  MS.;  Bonilla,  Breve  Comp., 
MS.;  Barcia,  Ensayo  Cron.,  249-87;  Parkman's  Discov.,  331.  Morfi  says 
Barroto  went  to  Spain  for  instructions,  and  implies  that  nothing  was  done 


400  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

Bay;  and  accordingly  with  over  one  hundred  men, 
guided  by  the  Frenchman  and  accompanied  by  Padre 
Damian  Masanet  as  chaplain,  Leon  started  from  Mon- 
clova  on  March  23,  1689.  Crossing  the  Rio  del  Norte 
above  the  Salado  junction,  he  crossed  and  named  on 
his  way  north-eastward  the  rivers  Nueces,  Hondo, 
Medina,  and  Guadalupe,  still  so  called  ;38  and  on  April 
22d  arrived  at  the  site  of  the  French  fort.  He  had 
learned  from  natives  a  little  before  the  fate  of  the 
colony;  and  he  had  visited  a  ranch eria  on  the  Guada 
lupe,  where  four  of  the  captives  had  lived,  but  they 
had  recently  departed  for  the  country  of  the  Tejas39 
in  the  north.  At  the  fort  were  found  broken  mus 
kets,  dismounted  cannon,  many  volumes  of  French 
works  scattered  and  torn,  and  the  remains  of  three 
colonists,  which  were  buried  with  religious  services. 
Many  relics  were  also  found  among  the  natives,  and 
traces  of  the  wrecks  on  the  bay  shores.  The  Spaniards 
also  went  farther  north  to  a  great  river,  which  they 
named  San  Marcos,  since  called  the  Colorado,  which 
they  followed  nearly  to  its  mouth.  A  letter  had  been 
sent  to  the  Frenchmen  and  an  answer  was  received 
from  L'Archev^que,  who  with  Grollet  soon  made  his 
appearance.40  Both  were  subsequently  sent  to  Spain 
and  imprisoned.  Leon  returned  by  the  same  route 
he  had  come,  and  dated  his  diary,  or  report,  the  13th 
of  May.41 

before  the  land  expedition  was  despatched.  There  are  several  differences 
between  the  authorities,  on  details  of  little  importance.  Robles  states  that 
the  expedition  of  1687  rescued  a  Spanish  boy,  one  of  the  crew  of  Castro's  ship 
wrecked  at  Espiritu  Santo,  the  others  having  been  killed  by  the  natives. 
Nothing  more  is  known  of  this  wreck. 

38  The  Nueces  was  not,  however,  the  stream  vaguely  known  by  that  name 
before.     The  San  Antonio  was  called  Leon. 

39  It  is  noticeable  that  Leon  did  not  at  first,  as  many  writers  state,  visit  a 
tribe  which  he  named  Tejas  from  their  word  for  '  friends;'  but  that  he  heard 
of  the  Tejas  as  a  people  said  to  live  several  days'  journey  beyond  the  Guada 
lupe.     Later,  however,  he  says  he  met  the  Frenchmen  in  a  Tejas  rancheria  on 
or  near  the  Ilio  Colorado. 

40  These  were  not  of  the  captives,  who  were,  however,  given  up  to  the 
Spaniards  later.  -  L'Archeveque  was  one  of  the  party  that  murdered  La  Salle, 

jind  Grollet  had  deserted  and  gone  to  live  with  the  Tejas  or  Cenis  still  earlier. 
These  men  claimed  to  have  buried  14  of  the  victims  after  the  massacre. 

41  Leon,  Derrotero  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  el  General  Alomo  de  Leon  para 


LEON'S  ENTRADAS.  401 

Leon  had  brought  very  favorable  reports  about  the 
country;  Padre  Masariet  went  to  Mexico  with  rose- 
colored  tales  of  friendly  and  superior  natives  ready 
for  conversion;  and  some  additional  rumors  were 
received  respecting  new  attempts  by  the  Frencfy. 
Therefore,  besides  sending  Admiral  Fez  with  the  two 
Frenchmen  to  agitate  the  matter  at  court,  Viceroy 
Galve  resolved  to  send  Leon  on  a  second  expedition 
and  to  make  a  beginning  of  missionary  occupation. 
Masanet  obtained  from  the  Santa  Cruz  college  of 
Queretaro  three  Franciscans:  Miguel  Foncubierta, 
Francisco  Casanas  de  'Jesus  Maria,  and  Antonio 
Bordoy. 

The  company  of  about  one  hundred  men  left  Mon- 
clova  late  in  March  1690,  followed  the  former  route, 
and  arrived  without  difficulty  at  the  region  of  Espiritu 
Santo  Bay.  In  May  the  chief  of  the  Tejas  came  to 
greet  the  strangers,  and  guided  them  to  his  town  on 
or  near  the  river  later  known  as  Trinidad.  The 
settlement  was  called  by  the  Spaniards  San  Fran 
cisco  de  los  Tejas.  Mass  was  said  in  a  newly  erected 
wooden  chapel  on  the  25th  of  May;  and  the  mission 
of  San  Francisco  seems  to  have  been  formally  founded 
the  1st  of  June.  Padre  Foncuberta  was  left  by 
Masariet  as  president ;  a  few  soldiers  remained  to  pro 
tect  the  mission,  though  no  danger  was  apprehended; 
and  Leon's  company  returned  to  Coahuila.  They  had 
left  breeding  cattle  and  horses  at  different  points; 
and  had  rescued  five  French  captives,  one  of  them  a 

el  Descubrimiento  de  la  Bahiadel  Espiritu  Santo  y  Poblacion  de  Franceses,  Ano 
de  1680,  MS. ;  Leon,  Carta  en  que  se  da  noticia  de  un,  viaje  hecho  d  la  Bahia 
de  Espiritu  Santo.  In  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  25.  A  letter  of  May  18th,  not 
signed,  but  evidently  written  by  Leon.  Parkman,  Discov.,  399-400,  cites  a 
MS.,  map  showing  the  route,  in  Margry's  collection.  See  also  Morfi,  Mem. 
Jlixt.  Tex.,  MS.,  87-91.  June  7th,  six  men  of  the  party  have  arrived  with 
the  news.  Robies,  Diario,  iii.  15.  See  also  on  this  expedition,  with  mention 
of  La  Salle's  enterprise  as  revealed  by  it,  Espinosa,  Crdn.,  407-9;  Cavo,  Tres 
Stylos,  ii.  72-3;  JRivfra,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  261-7;  Bonilla,  Breve  Comp.,  MS.; 
Villa-Sefior  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  ii.  331-3;  Pefia,  Diario,  MS. ;  Texas,  Diet. 
Fiscal,  1716,  MS.,  229-30;  Mexico,  Inf.  Com.  Pcsq.,  1874,  110;  Alvarez, 
Estud.  Hint.,  iii.  291-4;  Lacunza,  Discursos(xxxv.  505);  Torn  el,  Tejas,  17-19; 
Robertson's  Hist.  Amer.,  ii.  1019;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  440-51;  Barcia, 
Ensayo  Cron.,  294;  Lerdo  de  Tfjada,  Apuntes  Hist.,  289-90. 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  26 


493  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 


woman,  hearing  of  several  other  companions  of  La 
Salle  still  living  among  the  natives.42 

The  viceroy's  acts  were  confirmed  by  the  king;  and 
it  was  ordered  in  September  1690  that  more  extensive 
operations  should  be  undertaken  by  land  and  sea. 
Galve  then  appointed  Domingo  Teran  de  los  Rios 
governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  to  undertake  the 
enterprise  with  fifty  soldiers,  forty  men  being  sent  by 
sea  to  aid  in  the  work.  Governor  Teran's  instructions 
were  dated  January  23,  1691.  They  required  a  thor 
ough  exploration  of  the  country,  a  reduction  of  the 
natives  by  kindness  without  the  use  of  force,  and  the 
establishment  of  eight  missions.43  Nine  Franciscans 
chiefly  brought  from  Mexico  for  this  purpose  accompa 
nied  Father  Masanet  on  this  expedition.44  Teran  left 
Monclova  May  16th  and  joined  the  friars  on  the 
Sabinas  five  days  later.  Of  the  march  to  the  Rio 
San  Marcos,  or  Colorado,  where  they  arrived  on  June 
26th,  there  is  nothing  to  be  said  except  that  both  the 
commander  and  the  padres  applied  new  names  to  most 
of  the  streams  crossed,  and  that  some  rancherias  of 
the  Jumanas  were  visited  on  the  Rio  Guadalupe.45 

From  the  camp  on  the  Colorado,  Captain  Francisco 
Martinez  was  sent  with  twenty  men  to  Espiritu  Bay 
on  July  3d  to  meet  the  sea  expedition.  He  returned 

42  Tcjas,  Diet.  Fiscal,  MS.,  230-4;  Espinosn,  Crdn.,  409-10;  Morfi,  Mem. 
Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  91-4;  Bonilla,  Breve  Comp.,  MS.     Aug.  15,  1690,  news  re 
ceived  at  Mexico.  Robles,  Diario,  iii.  44.     May  25th  considered  as  the  date 
of  Spanish  acquisition  of  Texas.  Cancelada,  Ruina  de  la  N.  Esp.,  43. 

43  Teran  de  los  Rios,  Instrucciones  dadas  por  el  Superior  Gobierno  para  que 
se  observen  en  la  entrada  de  la  provincia  de  Tejas.     In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist. ,  MS. , 
57  et  seq. 

44  Francisco  Hidalgo,  Nicolds  Prevo,  Miguel  Estela,  Pedro  Fortuni,  Pedro 
Garcia,  Ildefonso  Monge,  Jose"  Saldaua,  Antonio  Miranda,  Juan  de  Garaicoe- 
chea,  three  'donados,'  and  a  boy.  Masanet,  Diario,  MS.,  125. 

45  Teran  de  los  Rios,  Description  y  Diaria  Demarcacion  executada  por  el 
General,  1691-2.  MS.     In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  64  et  seq.     Extends  from  May 
16,  1691,  to  April  15,  1692.  Masanet,  Diario  que  hicieron  los  Padres  Mis  tone- 
res,  1691.   MS.     In  Id.,  124  et  seq.;   ends  August  2d.     The  Nueces  was 
called  San  Nbrberto  and  San  Diego;  the  Rio  Frio,  S.  Feliciano;  Rio  Hondo, 
S.   Bartolom£  and  S.  Pedro;  Medina,  S.  Basilio  and  S.  Luis  Beltran;  San 
Antonio,  so  called  by  Teran  and  Masanet;  Guadalupe,  S.   Agustin  and  Sta 
Rosa,  with  a  branch  called  by  both  S.  Juan;  S.  Marcos  (Colorado  of  the 
French),  S.  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  and  Rosario;  Trinidad,  Encarnacion;  (Brazos), 
Espiritu  Santo  and  S.  Francisco  Solano  (perhaps  also  on  return  S.  Carlos  and 
Colorado).     The  diaries  contain  a  large  amount  of  detail. 


NUEVA  MONTANA.  403 

on  the  17th,  having  found  no  trace  of  the  vessel,  but 
bringing  two  French  captives  whom  he  had  ransomed.46 
Four  days  later  the  company  moved  on,  crossed  the 
Rio  Trinidad  on  the  31st,  and  on  August  4th  arrived 
at  the  mission  of  San  Francisco  de  los  Tejas.  Here 
there  had  been  much  sickness  among  the  natives  since 
Leon's  departure,  and  Padre  Foncubierta  had  died; 
but  Casanas  and  Bordoy  were  still  at  work  at  San 
Francisco  and  another  mission  near  by  called  Jesus 
Maria  y  Jose.  Teran  named  the  province  "el  nuevo 
reino  de  la  Nueva  Montana  de  Santaader  y  Santil- 
lana."  Late  in  August  the  governor  returned  to  the 
old  French  fort  of  St  Louis,  and  on  September  8th 
met  the  sea  expedition  under  Captain  Gregorio  Salinas 
Varona,  who  had  come  from  Vera  Cruz  in  a  schooner 
and  had  landed  the  2d  of  July,  though  Martinez  had 
not  been  able  to  find  him.  On  account  of  floods  the 
united  expeditions  did  not  reach  the  missions  on  their 
return  till  the  26th  of  October. 

From  November  6th  to  the  end  of  December  Teran 
was  engaged  in  an  exploration  northward,  hindered 
much  by  snow  and  high  water,  to  the  province  of 
the  Cadodachos  on  a  deep  river,  which  was  explored 
to  a  slight  extent  in  a  canoe,  presumably  the  Red 
River.  From  the  starting-point  of  Santa  Maria  mis 
sion,  in  the  country  of  the  Asinais,  on  the  Rio  San 
Miguel — perhaps  the  Neches — the  distance  traversed 
was  about  fifty  leagues;  and  two  intermediate  rivers 
are  named,  the  San  Diego  and  Rio  Grande  de  Santa 
Cecilia.  The  Cadodachos  were  found  to  be  friendly 
and  willing  to  receive  missionaries.47  Early  in  Jan 
uary  1692 — though  it  had  originally  been  intended 
that  a  large  part  of  the  force  should  remain  as  citi- 

46 Martinez,  Diario  del  Viaje,  1691.  MS.  In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  149  et. 
seq.  Meanwhile  reports  came  to  camp  from  the  Cadodachos  that  10  French 
men  had  come  among  them.  The  natives  also  spoke  of  a  vessel  that  had  been 
wrecked  in  the  bay  five  months  before.  It  seems,  Texas,  Diet.  Fiscal,  that  a- 
vessel  had  been  sent  to  explore  the  bay  in  1690,  sailing  from  Vera  Cruz  in. 
October. 

47  Teran,  Derrota  y  Tanteo  en  la  tlerra  que  hice  al  nuevo  descubrimiento  de 
la  Nation  de  los  Cadodachos,  etc.,  MS.,  in  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  87,  etc.  A  sub 
division  of  the  general  diary. 


404  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

zens  and  settlers — the  army  again  left  the  missions 
for  the  south,  leaving  ten  or  fifteen  men  as  a  guard, 
but  accompanied  by  six  of  the  friars,  who  were  un 
willing  to  remain,  reaching  the  camp  of  Santa  Mar 
garita  on  the  Rio  Colorado,  where  a  few  men  had 
remained  since  September,  on  March  5th.  All  sailed 
on  the  schooner  Santo  Cristo  March  24th  from 
Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  arriving  at  Vera  Cruz  a  month 
later.48 

Father  Masanet's  diary  ending  on  the  arrival  in 
August  1691,  we  have  no  continuous  narrative  of 
later  events  from  a  missionary  point  of  view.  It 
does  not  clearly  appear  that  any  new  missions  were 
founded  in  addition  to  San  Francisco  and  Santa 
Maria/9  which  were  between  the  Trinidad  and  Neches, 
perhaps  on  branches  of  those  streams,  in  the  country 
of  the  Tejas  and  Asinais,  or  Cenis.  There  had  been, 
as  I  have  said,  much  sickness  before  the  new  padres 
arrived.  There  were  slight  troubles  with  the  natives 
during  Teran's  presence,  including  depredations  by 
wild  tribes  from  a  distance,  and  the  mysterious  disap 
pearance  on  many  occasions  of  live-stock  belonging  to 
the  Spaniards;  and  there  were  disagreements  be 
tween  the  friars  and  the  governor  on  several  points 
not  fully  recorded.  Six  of  the  friars  became  dis 
couraged  and  returned  with  Teran,  while  others  are 
said  to  have  remained  unwillingly.50 

After  the  governor's  departure,  leaving  five  or  six 
friars  and  a  small  guard,  missionary  work  was  con 
tinued,  but  in  the  face  of  great  obstacles.  Two  har 
vests  were  lost  by  drought  and  flood,  resulting  in 
famine  and  pestilence.  The  natives  lost  something 
of  their  Christian  ardor  under  these  circumstances, 
being  persuaded  that  their  misfortunes  resulted  from 

48  At  the  end  of  Teran's  diary,  p.  111-16,  is  Bruno,  De.rrotero  que  hizo  el 
Alfe'rez. .  .p'doto  de  lafragata  'Santo  Cristo,'  1693,  MS.,  and  this  is  followed  by 
some  statements  of  different  officers  and  friars  in  councils  held  on  divers  occa 
sions,  chiefly  respecting  routine  matters,  p.  116-24. 

49  Also  called  Jesus  Maria  y  Jose,  and  Santisimo  Nombre  de  Maria. 

50  Sworn  statement  of  Adjutant  Gen.  Rivera  made  at  Sta  Margarita  on 
March  18th,  just  before  sailing.    Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  116,  et  seq. 


THE  MISSIONS  ABANDONED.       %  405 

baptism,  and  refusing  to  live  in  communities.  Live 
stock  was  for  the  most  part  lost,  stolen,  or  drowned. 
The  soldiers  were  not  altogether  manageable,  com 
mitting  many  excesses.  Captain  Salinas  came  up 
from  Coahuila  with  supplies  in  June  1693,  but  some 
of  the  friars  returned  with  him,  and  Padre  Masanet 
sent  a  letter  describing  the  situation  and  proposing 
reforms  necessary  to  prevent  an  abandonment  of  the 
missions.  The  friars  had  now  come  to  their  senses, 
and  declared  that  a  strong  military  guard  was  needed, 
and  that  the  natives  must  be  reduced  to  regular 
pueblos.  On  receipt  of  this  letter  the  government 
decided  on  August  21st  that  the  Texas  establish 
ments  must  be  given  up  until  the  natives  should  show 
a  better  disposition,  and  instructed  the  friars  to  re 
tire.  Meanwhile  the  Indians  became  more  and  more 
hostile  and  the  soldiers  more  insubordinate.  In  the 
night  of  October  25th  the  friars  left  the  missions, 
burying  the  bells  and  such  other  property  as  could 
not  be  transported,  and  went  to  Coahuila.51 

There  was  a  slight  controversy  about  the  causes 
which  had  led  to  the  failure  of  this  enterprise  between 
the  missionary  and  military  authorities,  each  throw 
ing  the  blame  on  the  other.  Particulars  are  not  im 
portant,  and  there  was  no  credit  due  to  either  party. 
As  planned  the  expedition  was  a  very  weak  expedient 
for  the  Spanish  occupation  of  Texas;  and  Teran  seems 
to  have  proved  himself  an  incompetent  leader.  The 
Franciscans  made  some  further  efforts;  but  the  viceroy 
and  his  council  formally  decided  March  11,  1694,  in 
favor  of  delay.52  For  twenty  years  and  more  neither 

51  Texas,  Dictdmen  Fiscal,  1716,  MS.,  239-41,  including  letters  from  Padre 
Masanet.  He  says  that  four  soldiers  turned  back  to  live  among  the  natives, 
digging  up  and  distributing  the  buried  property.  In  addition  to  the  original 
diaries  already  cited,  see  on  Teran's  expedition:  Morfi,  Mem.  Ilist.  Tex., 
MS.,  95-9;  Texas,  Dictdmen  Fiscal,  MS.,  252;  Espinosa,  Crimea,  280,  411- 
15;  Villa-tenor,  y  Sanchez,  Theatre,  ii.  332-3;  Bonilla,  Breve  Compendia,  MS. ; 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  455-6;  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  213-14;  Cavo,  Tres 
Siylo*,  ii.  7G-8;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  269;  Escudcro,  Not.  Son.,  43-4. 

°'2J/or/?',  Mem.  Ilist.  Texas,  MS.,  112;  Siyiienza  y  Gdngora,  CartaalAl- 
miratite,  MS.,  9-10;  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Sera/.,  180-1.  It  appears  that  Padre 
Estevez  went  to  Spain  in  1694  with  a  view  to  promote  the  measure.  Espinosa, 


406  ,  COAHUILA  AND  TEXAS. 

Spain  nor  France  attempted  the  conquest  of  Texas; 
but  the  former  was  now  in  possession  of  Pensacola; 
and  in  1698  the  French  under  Iberville  settled  Louisi 
ana  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  Nothing  had 
been  done  before  1700  to  determine  the  national 
ownership  of  Texas. 

Crdnica,  463,  says  that  Padre  Olivarea  in  1700  went  to  the  Rio  Frio  and 
promised  missionaries  at  an  early  date. 


CHAPTEK  XV. 

ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 
1701-1717. 

SALVATIERRA'S  RETURN— COMING  OF  UGARTE— CHANGE  OF  CAPTAINS— PRO- 
GRESS  AT  SAN  JAVIER — HARD  TIMES  AT  LORE^TO — PICCOLO'S  EFFORTS  IN 
MEXICO— PADRES  BASALDUA  AND  MINUTILI — MINOR  EXPLORATIONS— 
REVOLT— BASALDTTA  IN  MEXICO— ROYAL  PROMISES — No  RESULTS — 
PEDRO  UGARTE — LIVING  ON  ROOTS — SALVATIERRA  CALLED  TO  MEXICO — 
AND  MADE  PROVINCIAL— No  GOVERNMENT  AID — TROUBLES  WITH  THE 
GARRISON— THE  PROVINCIAL  IN  CALIFORNIA — JAIME  BRAVO— FOUNDING 
OF  SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA  DE  Liouf — SANTA  ROSALIA  DE  MULEGE— EXPLO- 
ATIONS — A  MIRACLE — SALVATIERRA  RETURNS — A  LADY  AT  LORETO — 
PADRE  MAYORGA — FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JOSE  DE  COMONDU — PADRE  PE- 
PVALTA— RAVAGES  OF  SMALL-POX — MARITIME  DISASTERS— DROWNING  OF 
PADRE  GUISI — ARRIVAL  OF  PADRE  GUILLEN— FAVORS  FROM  THE  NEW 
VICEROY — PICCOLO'S  TOUR— PADRE  TAMARAL — SALVATIERRA  SUMMONED 
TO  MEXICO — His  DEATH  AT  GUADALAJARA — THE  JESUIT  MISSION  SYS 
TEM — THE  Pious  FUND. 

FATHER  SALVATIERRA'S  experience  on  the  mainland 
is  narrated  elsewhere  in  this  volume.1  Starting  in 
January  1701  for  the  north,  with  a  view  of  obtaining 
alms  on  the  way,  and  of  approaching  Guaymas  from 
the  interior,  he  became  interested  in  the  mysteries  of 
the  far  north,  and  joining  Kino  made  an  exploring 
tour  up  the  gulf  coast,  where  in  March  the  two 
padres,  as  Kino  had  done  before,  convinced  them 
selves  that  California  was  a  peninsula  joined  to  the 
main  not  far  above  their  standpoint.  A  letter  was 
sent  by  land  to  Piccolo,  but  never  reached  its  destina 
tion.  An  overland  trip  from  California  in  October 
was  talked  of;  and  then  Salvatierra  returned  to  Guay- 

1  See  chap,  xyii.,  giving  also  Kino's  map,  which  shows  California  as  well  as 

Sonora. 

(407) 


408  ANXALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

mas,  where  he  found  the  San  Jos6,  "rather  by  a  mir 
acle  of  the  Madonna  Sefiora  than  naturally,  since  she 
had  no  keel."  The  padre  seems  to  have  forgotten  for 
the  most  part  his  commission  to  report  on  the  Guay- 
mas  region,  but  mentions  incidentally  that  a  beofinninsf 

o         •*  */  o  o 

of  mission  work  had  been  made  there.  He  sailed 
May  9th  and  crossed  the  gulf  in  one  day,  landing 
live-stock  at  San  Bruno,  and  arriving  on  the  23d  at 
Loreto.2  Besides  the  material  supplies  brought  from 
the  main  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  Father  Juan 
Maria  had  derived  much  comfort  and  strength  from 
his  intercourse  with  Kino.  Each  of  the  two  had 
poured  his  tale  of  triumphs  and  troubles  into  a  sym 
pathizing  ear,  and  exhorted  his  brother  to  unflinching 
perseverance.  And  they  looked  forward  in  joyful 
expectation  to  the  time — never  to  come  for  them — 
when  they  should  unite  their  forces  at  the  head  of 
the  gulf  and  press  on  to  northern  conquests. 

Best  of  all,  on  his  return  to  Loreto  Salvatierra  found 
Father  Juan  de  Ugarte3  hard  at  work  with  Piccolo. 
The  indefatigable  procurador,  hearing  of  the  critical 
condition  of  the  California  missions,  and  seeing  no 
prospect  of  aid  from  the  government,  had  promptly  re 
signed  his  comfortable  rectorship  and  started  in  person 
for  the  field  in  December  1700.4  Leaving  Alejandro 
Romano  as  procurador  in  Mexico,  interviewing  Osio 
and  Miranda  at  Queretaro  and  Guadalajara  en  route, 
making  hasty  arrangements  in  Sinaloa  for  later  sup- 

z  Salvatierra,  Relationes,  124-56,  being  the  letter  of  May  to  the  provin 
cial.  Venegas,  as  we  have  seen,  makes  this  merely  a  trip  in  search  of  aid;  and 
in  Aposfolicos  Afanes,  290-5,  it  is  implied  that  Salvatierra  crossed  the  gulf 
expressly  to  engage  in  northern  exploration. 

3  Juan  de  Ugarte  was  born  in  Tegucigalpa,  Honduras,  about  1660,  of  well- 
to-do  parents.     After  studying  for  some  time  in  Guatemala,  he  began  his 
novitiate  in  1679  at  Tepozotlan,  taking  the  vows  of  his  order  in  1679.     His 
zeal  and  abilities  rapidly  advanced  him  to  positions  of  trust  and  importance 
in  Mexico;  and  at  the  time  of  entering  the  missionary  field  he  was  rector  of 
the  college  of  San  Gregorio.     He  was  a  man  noted  for  his  energy,  administra 
tive  ability,  and   tenacity  of  purpose.     Again  and  again,  as  we  shall  see, 
California  would  have  been  abandoned  but  for  him.     Added  to  his  mental 
advantages  he  had  the  physique  of  a  gladiator;  and  the  old  writers  never  tire 
of  narrating  his  deeds  of  prowess. 

4  According  to  Villaricendo,  Vida  de  Ur/arte,  51-8,  his  baggage  consisted 
of  a  pair  of  sheets,  a  coverlet,  and  a  few  reals. 


UGARTE  IN  THE  FIELD.  409 

plies,  and  finding  at  Yaqui  the  old  lancha  patched  up 
and  sent  over  by  the  garrison  in  their  great  need,  he 
embarked  on  the  worn-out  old  cockle-shell  with  what 
stores  he  could  find  and  arrived  at  Loreto  in  March.5 
He  found  the  mission  in  great  distress,  no  supplies  or 
news  having  arrived  since  Salvatierra's  departure; 
but  the  San  Javier  soon  came  with  a  small  cargo,  and 

o     / 

Salvatierra  arrived  early  in  May,  as  we  have  seen. 

Immediate  wants  being  thus  supplied,  it  was  resolved 
to  send  Piccolo  to  Mexico  to  make  a  final  effort  to 
place  the  support  of  the  missions  on  a  permanent  foot 
ing;  but  in  several  attempts  to  cross  he  was  baffled  by 
bad  weather,  and  returned  to  Sari  Javier  to  await  a 
more  favorable  season.  Meanwhile  Captain  Mendoza 
became  more  and  more  fractious  and  unendurable. 
Salvatierra  had  power  to  remove  him,  but  deemed  it 
imprudent  to  irritate  the  soldiers  at  such  a  critical 
period.  At  length,  however,  Mendoza  tendered  his 
resignation,  which  was  gladly  accepted,  and  Isidro  de 
Figueroa  was  put  in  command.  About  this  time  the 
natives  of  Biaundo  plotted  the  murder  of  Piccolo, 
almost  without  a  guard  since  the  reduction  of  the  pre- 
sidial  force.  The  padre  was  warned  and  escaped  to 
Loreto,  leaving  the  rebels  to  wreak  their  vengeance 
on  the  mission  buildings.  Figueroa  started  to  punish 
the  offenders,  but  failed  to  pursue  when  they  retreated, 
causing  much  dissatisfaction  among  the  soldiers,  who 
deposed  their  half-hearted  leader,  and  elected  Estevan 
Rodriguez  Lorenzo  in  his  place.6 

Ugarte  now  took  charge  of  San  Javier,-  which 
could  not  have  fallen  into  better  hands.  By  a  fear 
less  and  kind  demeanor  he  soon  persuaded  the  natives 
to  return,  though  not  until  he  had  sent  his  few  soldiers 
back  to  Loreto.  But  the  old  routine  of  catechism  and 
pozole  did  not  satisfy  this  missionary's  ideas  of  prog- 

5 March  23d,  according  to  Salvatierra,  ReL,  155;  March  18th,  CaL,  Estab. 
y  Prof/.,  105. 

6  Veiwrjas,  Notkia,  ii.  109-10.  Clavigero,  213-14,  makes  Rodriguez  succeed 
Mendoza;  while  in  (1al.,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  105,  156-7,  not  only  Figueroa 's  but 
Mendoza's  name  is  ignored. 


410  ANXALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

ress.  He  aimed  to  make  the  establishment  self-sus 
taining,  and  hoped  its  fertile  fields  might  one  day 
produce  enough  for  Loreto  as  well;  but  there  were 
great  obstacles  to  overcome.  The  savages  did  not 
take  kindly  to  labor  as  an  element  of  mission  life,  pre 
ferring  to  earn  their  porridge  by  prayer  and  doctrina. 
The  language  also  presented  difficulties ;  and  Ugarte's 
blunders  so  amused  the  adults  that  they  purposely 
misled  him,  and  the  padre  had  to  rely  on  the  children, 
as  Salvatierra  had  done.  The  native  priests  caused 
him  more  trouble  than  anything  else.  These  con 
servative  worthies  exerted  all  their  power  to  undo 
what  the  padre  had  done,  and  enticed  the  people 
away,  so  that  Ugarte  was  sometimes  almost  alone 
for  weeks. 

Thus  isolated,  destitute,  surrounded  by  beings  more 
brute  than  human,  jeered  at,  threatened,  or  deserted 
by  those  for  whose  benefit  he  had  made  such  sacri 
fices — who  shall  imagine  the  struggles  and  emotions 
of  this  man?  But  his  will  was  indomitable,  and  by 
degrees  his  patient  meekness  overcame  the  malice  of 
his  enemies.  They  grew  more  regular  in  attendance, 
less  scornful  of  labor,  more  respectful  in  demeanor; 
building  was  begun  in  earnest,  grain  was  planted, 
flocks  and  herds  under  native  shepherds  fattened 
upon  the  fertile  pastures,  and  San  Javier  entered 
upon  the  era  of  prosperity  that  was  to  distinguish  it 
from  other  peninsula  establishments.  The  change  was 
not  of  course  effected  suddenly,  and  Ugarte  had  need 
of  all  the  address  and  skill  in  the  management  of  men 
and  affairs  for  which  he  was  so  famous.  His  grown 
up  pupils  not  only  misunderstood  his  teachings7  and 
laughed  at  his  blunders,  but  they  jested  at  the  most 
solemn  ceremonies.  Sometimes  Ugarte  lost  his  tem 
per,  and  being  a  giant  in  strength  he  handled  the 

7  Once,  according  to  Venegas,  Noticia,  ii.  117,  after  eloquently  discoursing 
on  the  terrors  of  the  infernal  regions,  the  padre  was  dismayed  at  his  hearers 
reaching  the  conclusion  that  hell  must  be  a  very  desirable  place,  with  no  lack 
of  fire  to  keep  them  warm ! 


STARVATION  IMPENDING.  411 

savages  rather  roughly  on  several  occasions,  as  the 
chroniclers  are  fond  of  relating.8 

At  Loreto  affairs  were  not  prosperous.  Provisions 
were  running  short;  contributions  from  pious  bene 
factors  were  few  and  far  between,  and  it  was  not 
known  that  Felipe  V.  was  now  giving  some  attention 
to  California.  Salvatierra  himself  became  discour 
aged.  Calling  his  followers  about  him,  the  brave  old 
man,  with  tears,  declared  that  the  field  must  be  aban 
doned.  But  Ugarte  was  present  at  the  council,  and 
he  declared  his  unalterable  purpose  never  to  quit  the 
country  until  ordered  t6  do  so  by;  his  superiors,  and 
proceeding  to  the  church  he  sealed  his  declaration 
with  a  solemn  vow.  The  others  yielded  to  his  enthu 
siasm,  and  announced  their  intention  to  stay  until  the 
end.9  Piccolo  at  last  started  on  his  mission  at  the 
end  of  December  1701.  How  he  succeeded  will  be 
told  on  his  return. 

For  some  weeks  starvation  brooded  over  the  little 
garrison.  Late  in  January  1702,  the  lancha  brought 
a  small  supply  of  food;  but  it  was  soon  exhausted — • 
the  sooner  because  Salvatierra  could  never  resist  the 
temptation  to  give  a  share  to  his  hungry-looking  Ind 
ian  friends — and  both  padres  and  soldiers  for  several 
months  were  obliged  to  dig  for  roots  and  live  like  the 
savages.  As  if  this  were  not  enough,  a  revolt  broke 
out.  A  soldier  set  out  in  search  of  his  native  wife 
who  had  left  him  to  attend  some  festivities  of  the 
pitahaya  season;  he  killed  an  Indian  who  attempted 
to  interfere  with  his  plans,  and  was  in  turn  killed  by 
friends  of  the  murdered  man.  This  led  to  a  general 
rising.  The  padres  were  at  Lond6,  and  escaped  to 
Loreto;  but  Ugarte's  grainfields  were  devastated, 

8  The  story  of  his  swinging  a  burly  joker  by  the  hair  in  church  has  been 
repeated  so  often  that  a  bare  reference  suffices  here.     On  another  occasion  he 
seized  by  the  hair  two  natives  who  were  fighting,  lifted  them  one  in  each  hand, 
and  dashed  them  to  the  ground.     He  is  said  to  have  killed  a  '  lion '  with  a 
stone,  and  many  other  deeds  of  prowess  are  attributed  to  him. 

9  Alcfjre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  Hi.  127-8;  Villavicencio,  Vidade  Ugarte,  51-8. 


412  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

and  some  of  his  goats  were  carried  off.  Several 
natives  were  killed  in  skirmishes  with  the  soldiers,  but 
they  became  bolder  every  day  and  even  threatened  to 
attack  the  presidio.10 

This  state  of  things  lasted  till  July  22d,  when  the 
lancha  very  opportunely  arrived  with  a  cargo  of  pro 
visions  and  eight  new  soldiers.  Fear  of  the  latter 
and  a  desire  to  share  in  the  former  soon  brought  the 
savages  to  terms.  Piccolo's  return  now  became  the 
subject  of  current  anxiety;  for  the  very  existence  of 
the  missions  seemed  to  depend  on  his  success.11  On 
the  28th  of  October  a  sail  was  descried.  Slowly  the 
frail  craft  made  her  way  through  the  turbulent  billows 
that  threatened  to  engulf  her  at  every  plunge.  Earnest 
were  the  prayers  offered  for  her  safety,  for  was  she 
not  to  decide  the  destinies  of  the  country?  At  last 
the  vessel  anchored  in  the  bay,  a  boat  put  off  contain 
ing  three  men  who  by  their  dress  were  evidently 
priests.  Soon  the  familiar  form  of  Father  Piccolo 
was  recognized;  but  who  were  his  companions?  Sal- 
vatierra  was  not  long  -we  may  be  sure  in  making  his 
appearance,  and  what  he  learned  in  the  ensuing  inter 
view  was  briefly  as  follows : 

At  Guadalajara  in  January  Piccolo  had  heard  the 
good  news  that  the  young  King  Felipe  V.  had  inter 
ested  himself  in  the  California  enterprise,  to  which 
his  attention  had  been  called  rather  by  a  private 
letter  than  by  official  documents,  and  that  he  had 
already  issued  orders  for  government  encouragement, 
for  a  detailed  report  on  the  subject,  and  best  of  all 
for  an  annual  payment  of  six  thousand  pesos  in  sup 
port  of  the  missions.12  Full  of  gratitude  to  his 

10  Salvatierra,  Rel.,  157-8;   Veneyas,  ii.   120-4;  Clavigero,  225-6;  Alec/re, 
iii.  133. 

11  Sept.  15,  1702,  Salvatierra  writes  to  Miranda  that  if  Piccolo  is  not  suc 
cessful,  all  the  soldiers  will  be  discharged,  and  the  padres  will  remain  alone. 
Belaciones,  158. 

12  Three  cedulas  of  July  17,  1701,  addressed  to  viceroy,  bishop  of  Guada 
lajara,  and  the  audiencia.     Two  missions  founded  in  Sinaloa  by  Torre  were 
if  possible  to  be  transferred  to  the  peninsula.     A  confirmatory  cedilla  of  the 
queen  regent  was  dated  Dec.  11,  1702.    Ventrjas,  ii.  62-4;  Aleyre,  iii.  133. 


PICCOLO'S  REPORT.  413 

Catholic  Majesty  for  these  unexpected  benefits,  Pic 
colo  gladly  undertook  the  task  of  making  out  a  full 
report  on  California  with  the  conditions  and  needs  of 
the  missions  in  response  to  a  request  from  the  audi- 
encia.13  In  this  report  the  writer  briefly  sketches 
the  early  efforts  of  Salvatierra  and  himself,  rather 
strangely  not  implying  that  his  associate  haji  preceded 
him  in  the  work.  Still  more  strangely  he  mentions 
a  third  mission  of  Dolores,  about  which  there  is  no 
other  information,  and  which  certainly  had  not  been 
founded,14  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  reverend 
advocate  went  far  beyond  the  limits  of  truth  in  praise 
of  California  as  a  most  fertile  land,  well  wooded  and 
watered,  offering  every  inducement  for  settlement. 
That  the  government  should  establish  a  line  of  vessels 
making  at  least  two  trips  each  year,  assume  the  expense 
of  a  military  establishment,  controlling  it  also  in  har 
mony  with  the  padres,  and  encourage  gentlemen  and 
officers  to  settle  with  their  families  in  California  were 
the  measures  chiefly  recommended. 

This  duty  performed  Piccolo  hastened  to  Mexico 
in  March.  The  procurador  had  not  yet  been  able  to 
obtain  anything  from  the  government  notwithstanding 
the  king's  orders;  but  Piccolo  begged  with  such  per 
sistency  that  after  many  rebuffs  he  obtained  the  six 
thousand  dollars  late  in  April.  The  granting  of  the 
ship  and  soldiers  asked  for  was  postponed ;  but  he  at 
last  obtained  permission  to  take  back  with  him  two 
missionaries.  The  men  assigned  to  this  service  were 

13  Piccolo,  Memoria  tocante  al  extado  de  las  Misiones  nuevamente  estdblccidas 
en  la  California  por  los  Padres  de  la  Companla  de  Jesus,  etc.,  10  de  Fcbrero, 
1102.     A  French  translation  is  the  form  in  which  I  have  consulted  this  docu 
ment,  Piccolo,  Memoire  touchant  Vttat  des  mission,  etc.,  in  Lettres  Edifiantes, 
v.  29-44.     Versions  from  the  French  more  or  less  abridged  are  found  in 
Memoires  GcofirapMques,  Paris,  1767,  ii.  283  et  seq. ;   Voiages  au  Nord,  Re- 
ciif'il,  iii.  278-87;  Lockman's  Travels  of  the  Jesuits,  i.  395-408,  and  by  Bishop 
Kip  in  Overland  Monthly,  x.  152-60. 

14  'La  troisieme,  celle  de  Yodivinegge"  ou  de  Notre  Dame  des  Douleurs;' 
and  the  4th,  which  is  not  yet  founded  nor  quite  so  well  established  as  the 
three  others,  is  that  of  S.  Juan  Londo.     The  mission  of  Dolores  includes 
Unuble",   Niumqui  or  St  Joseph,  and   Yodivinegge",   or  Our  Lady;  it   was 
founded  by  the  congregation  of  St  Peter  and  St  Paul  in  Mexico.     Doubtless 
Piccolo  purposely  confounds  plans  with  achievements. 


414  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

Juan  Manuel  Basaldua  and  Geronimo  Minutili.  Per*. 
haps  the  king's  example  stimulated  the  liberality  of 
the  pious ;  at  all  events  they  showed  themselves  much 
more  generous  than  had  been  their  custom  of  late. 
The  marquis  of  Villapuente  gave  an  estate  of  thirty 
thousand  pesos  for  the  support  of  three  missions. 
Nicola's  da  Ortega  and  his  wife  Josefa  Vallejo  gave 
ten  thousand  for  another;15  and  other  friends  of  the 
cause  gave  considerable  sums,  with  which  Piccolo 
bought  a  vessel  named  the  Rosario  at  Acapulco, 
whither  he  went  from  Mexico.  The  king's  money 
was  invested  in  supplies,  laden  with  which  and  bearing 
one  of  the  padres  the  vessel  was  sent  to  Matanchel, 
while  Piccolo  and  the  other  padre  went  up  by  land. 
Here  all  embarked,  and  after  a  stormy  passage  reached 
Loreto  the  28th  of  October. 

Father  Minutili  remained  at  Loreto  as  an  associate 
of  Salvatierra,  Basaldua  went  with  Piccolo  to  San 
Javier,  and  Ugarte  went  to  the  main  in  search  of 
cattle  and  horses.  It  seemed  well  to  the  padres  at 
this  time  of  financial  prosperity  to  secure  their  future 
by  efforts  to  promote  agriculture  and  stock-raising. 
Having  made  some  excellent  bargains,  Ugarte  re  turned 
in  January  1703,  and  the  horses  he  brought  enabled 
the  padres  to  make  several  explorations  during  the 
year.  Salvatierra  in  the  early  spring  crossed  north 
westward  to  th<3  Pacific  and  for  a  short  distance  north 
and  south  along  the  coast  without  finding  a  port; 
neither  did  he  find  well- watered  lands  or  many  natives 
in  that  direction.  Then  Piccolo  penetrated  northward 
along  the  gulf  to  Concepcion  Bay,  finding  there  many 
natives,  but  unable  to  reach  a  reported  river  beyond.16 
In  July  a  revolt  broke  out  at  San  Javier,  and  several 

15  The  missions  were  to  be  S.  Jos<§  Comondu,  Purisima,  Guadalupe,  and 
Santa  Rosalia  Muleg6. 

16  The  entradas  were  in  January  and  March  according  to  Salvatierra,  Rcla- 
ciones,  159,  letter  of  April  3d,  in  which  the  writer  is  in  high  spirits  at  general 
prospects.     Venegas,  Noticia,   ii.  128-30,    dates  the  expeditions  in  March 
and  May  respectively. 


PEARL-FISHING  AND  EXPLORATION. 


415 


faithful  converts  were  killed  by  their  pagan  brethren ; 
but  a  force  from  the  presidio  soon  restored  order, 
flogging  some  of  the  ringleaders,  and  putting  one 
chief  to  death  after  his  baptism.  About  the  same 
time  a  gale  wrecked  two  pearl-fishing  craft,  and  the 
padres  showed  their  charity  for  a  class  of  men  who 
were  regarded  as  most  harmful  to  their  cause  by 
caring  for  the  shipwrecked  crew  and  sending  them 
over  to  the  main. 


PENINSULA  MISSIONS. 

Padres  Piccolo  and  Basaldua  set  out  in  August  in 
the  lancha,  and  this  time  they  found  the  stream  two 
leagues  north  of  Concepcion  Bay,  called  by  the  natives 
Mulege'.  A  league  up  the  stream  a  favorable  mission 
site  was  found;  but  as  the  country  beyond  was  too 
rugged  to  be  penetrated  without  animals,  all  sailed 
for  Yaqui  where  horses  were  obtained.  Piccolo  re 
mained  for  a  time  in  Sonora  collecting  alms,  and  Ba- 


416  ANNALS  OP  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

saldua  returned  to  Mulege;  but  he  tried  in  vain  to 
find  a  road  to  Loreto  by  land,  and  proceeded  by  water 
to  Concepcion  Bay,  whence  the  lancha  was  sent  to 
Guaymas,  and  the  padre  returned  to  San  Juan  Londo, 
now  a  regular  pueblo  de  visita  of  Loreto.  At  the  end 
of  the  year  Father  Minutili  was  compelled  by  the 
state  of  his  health  to  seek  a  new  field  of  labor,  going 
to  Tubutama  in  Pimeria  Alta. 

In  February  1704  Salvatierra  sent  Basaldua  in  the 
Rosario  to  the  main.  He  was  to  leave  the  vessel  for 
repairs  and  proceed  to  Mexico,  there  to  collect  the 
king's  annual  subsidy  and  what  alms  he  could  obtain.17 
On  reaching  the  capital  the  envoy  found  that  good 
fortune  still  followed  the  cause,  for  the  king  had  been 
induced  by  favorable  memorials  to  make  some  very 
important  additions  to  his  benevolent  orders  concern 
ing  California.18  It  was  now  provided  that  missiona 
ries  in  California  should  receive  as  elsewhere  a  stipend 
from  the  treasury,  besides  being  provided  with  the 
usual  church  paraphernalia;  that  a  seminary  should 
be  established  in  California,  a  presidial  force  of  thirty 
men  stationed  on  the  Pacific  shore  to  protect  the  gal 
leon,  a  vessel  furnished  for  the  mission  service,  and 
seven  thousand  pesos  per  year  paid  in  addition  to  the 
former  allowance.  Pearl-fishing  was  to  be  encour 
aged,  without  detriment  to  the  missions;  and  like 
wise  the  immigration  of  families. 

Father  Basaldua  was  naturally  in  higli  spirits;  but 
he  soon  learned  the  difference  between  an  order  and 
its  fulfilment.  Between  treasurer  and  viceroy  there 
was  a  difference  of  opinion ;  and  what  little  money  the 

17  Feb.  8th,  Salvatierra,  Relaciones,  161,  writes  to  Miranda  that  he  had 
intended  to  come  himself,  but  is  kept  at  home  by  reports  of  hostile  ships  in 
these  waters. 

18  The  reports  by  which  the  king  was  influenced  were  made  by  Bernardo 
Rolandegui  and  Nicolas  de  Vera,  agents  for  Mexico  in  Madrid  and  Rome. 
There  were  four  or  five  ce"dulas  on  the  subject  issued  in  1703,  and  reaching 
Mexico  in  April  1704.   California,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  162-3;   Venegas,  Not.,  ii. 
138-43;  Alec/re,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  138;  Cldvigero,  Storia,  i.  232-3;  Bae- 
gart,  Nachrichten,  207-8. 


GLOOMY   PROSPECTS.  417 

treasury  contained  was  needed  for  the  wars  in  Spain. 
With  all  his  pleading  the  padre  could  not  obtain  even 
the  original  six  thousand  pesos ;  and  he  obtained  little 
from  private  benefactors.  So,  taking  with  him  Father 
Pedro  Ugarte,  a  brother  of  Padre  Juan,  he  set  out 
for  the  port  where  he  had  left  the  Rosario,  and,  in 
vesting  in  provisions  the  small  surplus  after  paying 
for  her  repairs,  he  sailed  for  Loreto,  arriving  in  the 
middle  of  June. 

Great  was  the  disappointment  at  this  unfortunate 
turn  of  affairs.  The  people  of  Loreto  were  on  the 
verge  of  starvation,  a  condition  apparently  reached 
by  them  with  marvellous  facility/ if  we  consider  the 
natural  advantages  of  the  country  as  lately  pictured 
by  Piccolo.  The  garrison,  now  about  sixty  strong, 
including  sailors  and  Indians,  had  expected  Basaldua 
to  bring  their  pay,  and  could  not  conceal  their  discon 
tent.  The  future  again  looked  dark.  Salvatierra, 
feeling  that  the  complaints  were  well  founded,  as 
sembled  them  all.  and  after  announcing  his  ow^n  deter- 

'  O 

mination  to  remain,  proposed  to  send  them  to  the 
main  to  await  a  fulfilment  of  the  king's  orders.  Then 
spoke  Ugarte  in  opposition  to  this  scheme:  "  Let 
those  who  would  leave  us  take  their  discharge,  and 
certificates  for  their  pay.  We  want  no  faint  hearts 
here.  We  have  lived  upon  pitahayas  and  wild  berries 
before;  will  they  not  sustain  us  now?"  The  pride  of 
the  soldiers  was  touched,  and  they  declared  one  and 
all  their  purpose  to  perish  rather  than  flee  from  perils 
which  priests  were  not  afraid  to  face  alone.  Ugarte 
was  as  good  as  his  word,  going  about  the  woods  and 
fields  with  a  small  but  increasing  band  of  companions 
in  search  of  fruits  and  roots.  Thus  for  a  time  the 
wolf  was  kept  from  the  door. 

Nothing  could  divert  Salvatierra  from  his  schemes 
of  conversion ;  and  even  in  these  hard  times  he  made 
a  tour  to  Ligui,19  or  Malibat,  a  few  leagues  south  of 

19Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  139,  says  this  trip  was  to  the  Pacific 
shores. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    27 


418  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

Loreto,  in  search  of  a  mission  site,  since  as  yet  Mu- 
lege  was  not  accessible  by  land.  Pedro  Ugarte  and 
one  soldier  were  his  companions,  besides  two  interpret 
ers.  They  were  attacked  the  12th  of  July  by  a  party 
of  Indians,  who  rushed  out  of  an  ambush  and  let  fly 
a  volley  of  arrows.  The  reader  will  imagine  the 
father's  desired  martyrdom  now  at  hand;  but  he  will 
reckon  without  the  solitary  trooper  who  is  a  host  in 
himself.  He  fired  his  arquebuse  in  the  air,  and  bran 
dished  his  sword  with  ludicrous  but  satisfactory  effect. 
The  savages  cast  themselves  upon  the  ground,  and 
sitting  bolt  upright  stolidly  awaited  their  fate.  Sal- 
vatierra  then  distributed  some  presents,  baptized  some 
children,  and  having  found  the  spot  favorable  took 
his  departure  with  a  promise  to  return.  During  his 
absence  Piccolo  had  gone  to  the  main  for  alms,  and 
in  August  he  returned  with  plenty  of  food  and  a 
promise  of  more. 

Salvatierra's  appointment  and  instructions  as  visi- 
tador  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  came  about  this  time, 
perhaps  brought  over  by  Piccolo;  but  his  departure 
was  delayed,  and  the  8th  of  September  he  dedicated 
the  Loreto  church,  which  as  will  be  remembered  had 
been  begun  in  1699,  baptizing  in  connection  with  the 
ceremonies  a  large  number  of  adult  converts.  Then 
he  received  imperative  orders  summoning  him  to 
Mexico.  With  all  possible  haste  he  obeyed,  and 
having  left  Ugarte  in  charge  of  the  missions  he  sailed 
the  1st  of  October  on  a  pearl-fishing  craft  for  Matan- 
chel,  accompanied  by  Lorenzo  who  had  resigned  the 
military  command  and  had  been  replaced  temporarily 
by  Alferez  Isidro  Grumeque,  until  Alferez  Juan  Bau- 
tista  Escalante  should  arrive  from  Sonora.  After 
repeated  conferences  with  the  audiencia  and  with  his 
old  friend  Miranda  at  Guadalajara,  the  padre  went  on 
to  Mexico. 

At  the  national  capital  Salvatierra  learned  with 
dismay  that  with  the  latest  despatches  from  Rome 
had  come  his  promotion  to  the  post  of  provincial.  It 


SALVATIERRA  AS  PROVINCIAL.  419 

was  a  most  flattering  honor,  one  that  would  have  been 
gladly  accepted — of  course  with  routine  expressions 
of  humility  and  unworthiness — by  most  Jesuits;  but 
to  Father  Juan  Maria  it  meant  simply  separation  from 
his  beloved  California.  In  vain  he  tried  to  excuse 
himself  from  assuming  the  office;  his  brethren  pointed 
out  to  him  that  he  could  do  much  more  for  California 
as  provincial  than  as  missionary;  and  at  length  he 
entered  upon  his  new  duties,  writing  to  the  general 
of  his  order  a  request  to  be  relieved  as  soon  as  possible. 
The  provincial  at  once  applied  to  the  viceroy  for 
the  moneys  granted.  The  king  had  been  told  that 
payment  was  merely  deferred  until  Salvatierra  should 
arrive.  This  flimsy  excuse  could  serve  no  longer,  but 
there  were  no  funds  in  the  treasury.  However  the 
viceroy,  duke  of  Alburquerque,  put  a  good  face  on 
the  matter,  promised  everything,  and  did  nothing. 
Salvatierra's  duties  called  him  away  into  the  provinces, 
and  he  did  not  return  until  the  spring  of  1705.  A 
junta  was  to  be  held  for  a  consideration  of  Californian 
affairs,  and  the  provincial  prepared  a  detailed  report, 
or  review,  of  the  royal  cedulas  of  1703,  which  were  to 
form  the  basis  of  the  junta's  action.  He  could  not, 
however,  be  content  to  let  well-enough  alone,  and  to 
urge  merely  the  fulfilment  of  the  king's  promises,  as 
his  experience  should  have  taught  him  to  do.  One 
ship,  he  said,  could  not  adequately  perform  the  service 
required,  nor  was  the  liberal  allowance  of  13,000  pesos 
sufficient  to  make  ends  meet.  He  did  not  wish  pearl- 
fishing  to  be  encouraged,  as  it  led  to  trouble  with  the 
natives.  Nor  did  the  Jesuits  desire  the  presence  of 
Spanish  settlers  to  breed  dissensions.  As  to  a  presidio 
on  the  western  coast,  it  would  be  an  unnecessary  ex 
pense,  as  the  missions  would  soon  be  extended  there. 
The  suggestion  that  the  garrison  officers  should  be 
appointed  by  the  government  was  very  ill-advised, 
since  only  by  this  power  of  appointment  could  the 
padres  restrain  the  natives  and  soldiers.20  Some  strong 

20  Salvatierra,  Informe  solre  puntos  de  las  Cedulas  Reales,  25  de  Mayo,  1705. 


420  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

reasons  were  adduced  in  support  of  these  views;  but 
the  writer  was  a  better  missionary  than  diplomatist, 
and  in  this  report  were  marks  of  that  jealousy  of  all 
secular  interference  which,  whether  justified  by  cir 
cumstances  or  not,  has  brought  odium  on  the  Jesuits 
wherever  they  have  acquired  power.  But  the  provin 
cial  went  much  further  in  his  claims,  demanding  pay 
ment  of  all  arrears  due  to  members  of  the  society  in 
New  Spain.  The  viceroy  was  annoyed  and  alarmed 
at  the  padre's  persistence  and  boldness;  and  though 
the  matter  was  referred  to  the  fiscal,  it  soon  became 
doubtful  if  the  junta  would  meet  at  all.21  , 

About  this  time  Salvatierra  received  from  Ugarte 
despatches  informing  him  that  affairs  were  not  run 
ning  smoothly  in  California.  As  usual  there  was  sore 
need  of  provisions  despite  Piccolo's  efforts  as  visitador 
in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora;  but  the  chief  trouble  arose 
from  the  new  captain,  Escalante,  who  by  his  over 
bearing  disposition  had  brought  himself  into  disfavor 
with  his  troops  as  well  as  with  the  padres,  to  whose 
authority  he  refused  to  submit.  The  management  of 
the  military  branch  at  this  time  presented  many  diffi 
culties.  The  missionaries  attached  much  value  to 
their  supreme  authority,  and  were  inclined  at  times 
to  treat  the  soldiers  more  like  neophytes  than  was 
pleasing  to  the  troops,  who  chafed  under  restraint. 
That  they  were  not  allowed  to  engage  in  pearl-fishing, 
were  sometimes  burdened  with  menial  offices  such  as 
cooking  and  gathering  wood,  were  often  prevented 

In  Venegas,  ii.  153-66;  Clavigero,  i.  241-4.  The  expense  of  the  conquest  is 
represented  as  $225,000,  besides  $58,000  contributed  for  six  missions,  of  which 
the  government  has  paid  only  $18,000.  Allusion  is  also  made  to  the  large 
amounts  expended  in  earlier  times  in  unsuccessful  attempts  at  occupation 
before  the  Jesuits  undertook  the  task.  It  will  be  noted  that  in  several  points 
Salvatierra's  ideas  did  not  agree  with  those  formerly  expressed  by  Piccolo. 

21  Nor  should  we  too  hastily  blame  the  viceregal  government.  It  was  easy 
for  the  pious  king  to  issue  orders  for  the  payment  of  large  sums  of  money  for 
distant  missions,  but  it  was  another  matter  to  obey,  with  the  treasury  de 
pleted  by  exactions  of  the  Spanish  court.  His  Majesty  must  have  money, 
and  California  must  go  without.  The  viceroy  and  his  councillors  were  often 
at  their  wits'  ends  to  raise  funds  for  more  urgent  demands.  The  king's  orders 
could  not  be  disobeyed;  there  was  nothing  for  it  but  to  postpone  their  fulfil 
ment  on  every  possible  excuse. 


TROUBLE  WITH  THE  SOLDIERS.  421 

from  what  they  regarded  as  fair  retaliation  for  offenses 
committed  by  the  natives,  were  all  grievances  tending 
to  discord.  The  leaders  were  not  men  skilled  in  the 
art  of  management,  the  soldiers  felt  that  the  lives  of 
the  padres  and  the  possession  of  the  country  depended 
on  them,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  padres, 
captains,  soldiers,  and  natives  could  not  live  in  entire 
harmony. 

Salvatierra  now  resolved  to  revisit  California  in 
person;  and  he  induced  the  ex-captain,  Lorenzo,  to 
return  with  him  and  resume  the  command.  He 
started  in  June,  and  on -the  27th  of  that  month,  the 
long  deferred  junta  was  held,  and  it  was  resolved  that 
as  the  father  provincial  was  absent  nothing  could  be 
done!22  At  Guadalajara  Salvatierra  was  detained  till 
August,  then  embarking  at  Matanchel  he  landed  once 
more  at  Loreto  on  the  30th,  being  received  by  all 
with  a  joy  that  can  be  better  imagined  than  described. 
The  change  of  captains  was  effected  with  such  tact 
that,  as  we  are  told,  Escalante  was  content  to  serve 
in  the  ranks  until  recalled  to  Sonora. 

Nothing  had  been  done  toward  extending  the  mis 
sions.  Ugarte,  though  acting  as  rector,  or  superior, 
had  remained  at  San  Javier,  leaving  his  brother  Pedro 
in  charge  at  Loreto,  while  Basaldua  served  mainly  at 
Londo,  and  Piccolo  was  absent  as  visitador  on  the 
main.  Salvatierra  insisted  on  the  founding  of  two 
new  establishments  at  Mulege  and  Ligui.  The  lack 
of  padres  was  a  serious  obstacle ;  but  Jaime  Bravo,  a 
lay  brother  who  had  come  with  the  provincial  from 
Mexico,  announced  his  purpose  to  remain,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  put  him  in  charge  of  temporal  affairs  at 
Loreto.23  The  provincial  remained  two  months  and 
then  went  back  to  Mexico.  *  Ugarte  was  left  to  act 

22  In  Bcrja  Cal,  Ctdulas,  MS.,  79-80,  is  the  king's  cddula  of  Aug.  13, 
1705,  approving  what  had  been  done,  but  ordering  prompt  payment  of  the 
$13,000. 

23  Bravo,  according  to  Clavigero,  ii.  124,  was  a  native  of  Aragon.     After 
14  years  of  efficient  service  at  Loreto  he  became  a  priest,  and  he  died  at  San 
Javier  in  1744. 


422  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

as  he  thought  best,  but  with  general  instructions  to 
found  the  two  missions  as  soon  as  possible,  besides 
searching  for  new  sites  and  a  port  for  the  galleon. 

Pedro  Ugarte  went  immediately  down  to  Ligui, 
or  Malibat,  as  the  Laimones  called  it,  and  founded 
the  mission  of  Sari  Juan  Bautista.2*  The  natives 
there,  not  more  fickle  and  treacherous  than  elsewhere, 
were  induced  to-  aid  in  building  a  house  and  church, 
the  nucleus  about  which  every  establishment  of  the 
kind  grew  up.  The  padre's  life,  it  is  true,  was  once 
plotted  against,  but  the  man  of  peace  brandished  a 
rusty  firelock  which  filled  the  conspirators  with  timely 
terror.  With  this  exception  life  at  San  Juan  was 
monotonously  uneventful. 

Basaldua  meanwhile  succeeded  with  great  labor 
and  difficulty  in  opening  a  road  northward  to  Mulege 
where  a  site  had  already  been  selected;  and  no  time 
was  lost  in  erecting  the  necessary  buildings.  The 
mission  was  named  Santa  Rosalia,  by  the  desire  of 
Ortega  and  wife,  who  had  given  ten  thousand  pesos 
for  its  maintenance.  The  land  was  covered  with 
mezquites  and  had  little  water.  It  furnished  good  pas 
turage,  but  was  not  tilled  for  many  years." 


25 


It  seemed  a  somewhat  superfluous  labor  to  search 
for  new  mission  sites  when  there  was  not  one  padre 
for  each  of  the  old  establishments;  yet  in  the  begin 
ning  of  1706  Bravo  with  the  captain  and  ten  soldiers 
followed  the  shore  for  a  day  and  a  half's  journey 
southward  from  San  Juan  Bautista,  until  obliged  to 
return  by  the  death  of  two  men  and  illness  of  others, 
caused  by  eating  the  poisonous  liver  of  a  fish  called 
the  botate.26  While  the  others  were  thus  engaged 

24  So  named  for  Juan  B.  Lopez,  who  gave  10,000  pesos  for  its  endowment. 
He  failed  in  business  and  the  money  was  not  forthcoming;  but  the  mission 
was  not  abandoned.     Ugarte  served  here  till  1709,  Francisco  Peralta  until 
1713,  and  later  Father  Guillen  until  the  mission  was  reduced  to  a  pueblo. 

25  Basaldua  served  here  until  1709;  Piccolo  until  1718;  and  then  Sebastian 
de  Sistiaga  administered  its  affairs  with  great  success  for  many  years. 

26  For  events  in  these  years  all  that  is  known  is  found  in  Cal.,  Estab.  y 
Prog,  and  Venegas,  Noticia. 


TO  THE  PACIFIC.  423 

Padre  Ugarte  devoted  his  attention  mainly  to  affairs 
at  San  Javier,  where  the  results  of  his  efforts  and 
of  natural  advantages  began  to  be  apparent.  The 
natives  were  submissive,  and  their  industry  was 
shown  in  good  roads,  well  tilled  grainfields,  and  the 
increased  number  of  mission  buildings.27  Besides 

O 

being  self-supporting  San  Javier  could  now  spare  a 
small  surplus  of  food  for  Loreto. 

Towards  the  end  of  1706  Ugarte  undertook  a  new 
exploration  to  the  west  coast  in  search  of  the  much 
desired  port  and  in  obedience  to  the  provincial's  in 
structions.  He  left  Loreto  the  26th  of  November, 
with  Brother  Bravo,  Captain  Lorenzo,  twelve  sol 
diers,  and  forty  Yaquis  who  had  come  over  expressly 
for  this  expedition.  Passing  San  Javier  and  its  visita 
of  Santa  Rosalia,  the  explorers  found  a  stream  of  San 
Andres  and  numerous  friendly  Indians.  As  they 
approached  the  sea  they  were  threatened  but  not 
attacked  by  two  hundred  warlike  Guaicuris.  For 
several  days  they  explored  the  coast  northward,  find 
ing  several  rancherias,  but  a  scarcity  of  water.  On 
December  7th,  encamped  on  the  dry  bed  of  a  stream, 
they  were  in  danger  of  perishing  by  thirst;  but  pray 
ing  fervently  night  and  morning,  they  found  an  abund 
ant  supply  of  pure  cold  water  where  none  had  been 
at  first.  An  advance  party  found  a  large  bay,28  but 
no  supply  of  water;  and  with  vessels  filled  from  the 
miraculous  spring  the  explorers  turned  back  to 
Loreto. 

Meanwhile  Salvatierra  was  relieved  of  his  office  in 
September,  and  was  again  free  to  devote  his  whole 
attention  to  California.  Though  without  funds  from 
the  government,  he  proceeded  to  Matanchel,  whence 
supplies  were  to  be  forwarded  by  Father  Julian 
Mayorga,  a  new  arrival  from  Spain  just  appointed  to 

27  Besides  the  church  and  padre's  house,  there  were  now  storehouses,  a 
hospital,  and  a  schoolhouse  for  girls  who  were  kept  separate  under  care  of  a 
matron. 

28  Perhaps  at  the  present  San  Juanico  just  above  26°. 


424  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

California.  Then  he  went  by  land  up  to  Ahome, 
collecting  certain  promised  limosnas  by  the  way;  and 
took  ship  the  30th  of  January  1707  for  Loreto,  with 
five  Californian  natives  whom  he  had  taken  with  him 
to  Mexico.  The  second  night  out  a  terrible  storm 
arose;  one  of  the  natives  died;  the  crew  gave  them 
selves  up  for  lost,  and  Salvatierra  afterward  described 
the  night  as  the  most  awful  he  had  ever  passed. 
They  wrere  driven  to  San  Jose  Island,  but  finally 
anchored  at  San  Dionisio  the  3d  of  February/ 


2.) 


The  year  1707  was  a  bad  one  all  over  New  Spain; 
and  of  course  it  was  a  little  worse  in  poor,  barren, 
neglected  California  than  anywhere  else.  Now 
Ugarte's  foresight  and  industry  bore  fruit;  for  had  it 
not  been  for  the  produce  of  fields  and  gardens  of 
Biaundo,  the  country  must  have  been  abandoned. 
Despite  the  dryness  of  the  season  Ugarte  managed  to 
spare  enough  for  all  to  keep  body  and  soul  together. 
Padre  Mayorga  came  to  join  the  band  a  few  months 
after  Salvatierra's  return;  and  with  him  came  Cap 
tain  Lorenzo,  who  had  gone  to  the  main  for  a  wife. 
She  was  a  lady  of  distinction  and  beauty;  and  we 
may  imagine  how  her  presence  must  have  brightened 
life  at  the  presidio,  and  what  must  have  been  the 
gallant  captain's  fascinations  to  make  her  content 
with  such  a  life.30  Mayorga  was  not  fitted  physically 
for  missionary  toil,  and  his  health  soon  became  im 
paired,  but  he  insisted  on  remaining,  against  Salva 
tierra's  advice,  and  soon  regained  his  health. 

In  1708  Mayorga  founded  a  new  mission  at  Co- 
mondu,  some  twenty  leagues  north-west  of  Loreto, 
and  midway  between  gulf  and  ocean,  named  San 
Jose.  He  was  accompanied  to  his  new  home  by  Sal 
vatierra  and  Ugarte,  who  aided  him  to  build  a  church 

29 Salvatierra,  fielaciones,  171-2.  Letter  of  March  2,  1707,  to  Miranda; 
Venegas,  ii.  199-202;  Alegre,  in.  148.  Clavigero,  Storia,  i.  256-7,  makes  the 
date  of  arrival  Dec.  3. 

30  The  lady  was  Dona  Maria  de  la  Rea.  A  daughter  of  this  couple  was 
married  at  Loreto  in  1724.  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 


TRIPS  TO  THE  MAIX.  425 

and  dwelling.  There  was  a  small  stream  with  several 
rancherias  of  well  disposed  natives;  and  in  a  few 
years  San  Jose  became  quite  a  flourishing  colony 
with  tw^o  pueblos  de  visita,  San  Juan  and  San  Igna- 


cio.31 


During  the  first  months  of  1709  there  was  great 
suffering  from  want  of  food.  In  March  Piccolo  ar 
rived  with  a  cargo  of  provisions,  but  they  were  badly 
damaged  by  a  long  detention  at  Tepic.  A  little  later 
the  crew  of  a  pearl  vessel  from  Colima  were  killed  by 
the  natives,  though  as  in  two  years  on  the  coast  they 
had  not  once  come  to  ask  a  blessing  of  Our  Lady 
their  miserable  fate  did  not  surprise  the  pious  Salva- 
tierra.32  The  San  Javier  on  a  trip  to  Yaqui  for  sup 
plies  in  August  was  stranded  on  the  coast  above 
Guaymas.  The  crew,  having  buried  on  the  beach 
three  thousand  pesos  with  which  provisions  were  to 
have  been  purchased,  escaped  in  a  boat.  On  learn 
ing  this  disaster  Salvatierra  at  once  started  in  the 
Rosario.  He  found  the  savage  Seris  engaged  in  pull 
ing  the  vessel  to  pieces  for  the  nails;  but  he  succeeded 
in  pacifying  them,  in  recovering  the  money  which 
they  had  dug  up,  and  even  in  repairing  the  craft.  It 
took  twro  months  to  complete  the  repairs,  and  Father 
Juan  Maria  spent  a  part  of  the  time  in  exploring  the 
coast  and  making  friends  of  the  natives.  About  the 
Guaymas  mission  and  its  connection  with  the  penin 
sula  establishment  in  these  times  there  are  no  records. 
While  the  Rosario  went  back  to  Loreto  direct,  Salva 
tierra  on  the  rescued  San  Javier  crossed  over  to  Con- 
cepcion  Bay  and  paid  a  visit  to  Mulege  where  Piccolo 
had  succeeded  Basaldua,  the  latter's  ill  health  forcing 
him  to  retire.33 

31  Mayorga  served  here  till  his  death  in  1736,  and  his  successor,  Francisco 
Javier  Wagner,  till  1744.  This  was  one  of  the  missions  endowed  by  Villa- 
puente.  Palou,  Noticias,  ii.  150,  says  the  site  was  changed  some  years  after 
the  foundation.  See  also  Veneyas,  ii.  203-4;  Cfacigero,  i.  257-8;  Akgre,  iii. 
153;  Cal.,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  172. 

"SalvcUitrra,  'fidaciones,  173.     Letter  of  1709  to  Miranda. 

33  It  seems  that  the  stranding  of  the  San  Javier  saved  the  fiosario,  for  an 
order  came  from  the  viceroy  to  send  the  latter  on  a  cruise  to  warn  the  galleon 


426  AXNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

The  loss  of  Basaldua  was  followed  by  that  of  Pedro 
Ugarte,  whose  health  broke  down  under  incessant 
labor.  He  was  relieved  at  San  Juan  by  Francisco 
Peralta,  and  went  to  Mexico.  He  returned  a  little 
later  only  to  fall  ill  again;  and  finally  retired  to  the 
Yaqui,  where  he  still  served  his  beloved  California  as 
a  supply  agent.  Toward  the  end  of  this  unhappy 
year,  a  foe  more  to  be  dreaded  than  any  that  had  yet 
assailed  the  missionaries  made  its  appearance  in  the 
form  of  the  small-pox,  that  terrible  destroyer  of  the 
native  races  in  the  New  World.  In  spite  of  all  that 
could  be  done  by  the  padres,  the  natives  were  carried 
off  by  hundreds;  and  as  the  neophytes  were  the  first 
to  be  affected,  the  native  priests  declargd  that  their 
gods  were  avenging  themselves.  But  their  triumph 
wTas  brief,  for  the  pestilence  was  no  respecter  of  creeds, 
and  soon  the  heathen  were  attacked  in  all  directions. 
In  their  efforts  to  impart  medical  aid  or  religious  con 
solation  the  padres  not  only  exposed  themselves  to 
great  hardships,  but  to  the  contagion,  which — several 
times,  if  we  may  credit  the  chroniclers — brought  Pic 
colo,  Salvatierra,  and  Ugarte  to  the  very  gates  of 
death.  During  the  three  years  of  the  plague,  down 
to  1712,  mission  progress  was  paralyzed  in  most  direc 
tions.  Nevertheless  the  padres  found  time  to  make 
several  exploring  tours,  converting  many  ranch  erias 
into  pueblos  de  visitaciori.  Ugarte  explored  the 
country  south  of  San  Javier,  and  Piccolo  that  north 
of  Santa  Rosalia,  and  southward  to  the  site  of  the 
later  Purisima. 

This  period  is  remarkable  for  the  bad  fortune  attend 
ing  the  mission  vessels.  In  November  1711  the  Ro- 
sario  was  sent  to  Matanchel  for  repairs  under  the 
supervision  of  Padre  Peralta;  but  after  an  expense  of 
several  thousands  of  pesos  the  craft  was  in  no  better 
condition  than  before;  and  when  she  put  to  sea,  the 

of  danger  from  pichilinfjues,  or  buccaneers.  The  government  did  not  hesitate 
thus  to  employ  the  one  poor  little  rickety  craft  which  the  fathers  had;  but  in 
her  absence  the  order  could  not  be  obeyed. 


A  PADEE  DROWNED  427 

crew,  tired  of  risking  their  lives,  permitted  her  to  run 
ashore  and  go  to  pieces.  A  new  ship  must  be  built, 
and  foolishly  the  same  builders  were  intrusted  with 
the  work.  They  must  have  been  accomplished  swin 
dlers.  They  were  eighteen  months  in  putting  the 
vessel  together,  at  a  cost  of  22,000  pesos,  and  after  all 
produced  late  in  1713  a  craft  which  Veriegas  compares 
to  a  floating  coffin.  Yet  there  were  two  impatient 
Jesuits  and  a  cargo  of  spoiling  provisions  awaiting 
transportation,  and  they  embarked  on  the  vessel,  which 
leaked  badly,  refused  to  obey  her  helm,  and  was 
driven  first  to  Cape  San  'Lucas  and,  then  to  the  Maza- 
tlan  Islands  near  Matanchel,  where  some  were  wise 
enough  to  land.  The  rest  sighted  the  Loreto  coast,  but 
were  driven  across  to  the  main,  and  were  wrecked  at 
an  estuary  called  Barva-Chivato,  six  persons  being 
drowned,  including  one  of  the  padres,  Benito  Guisi. 
The  survivors  after  much  suffering  were  relieved  by 
natives  and  guided  to  Sinaloa,  whence  the  other  padre, 
Clemente  Guillen,  found  his  way  to  Yaqui.34 

Father  Guillen  embarked  again  in  January  1714  on 
the  San  Javier,  and  though  he  narrowly  escaped  with 
his  life,  the  vessel  coming  to  grief  at  the  moment  of 
arrival,  he  at  last  reached  Loreto.  He  was  put  in 
charge  of  San  Juan  Bautista,  Peralta  having  been 
obliged  to  retire  to  the  main  for  change  of  air.35  I 
have  before  me  an  autograph  letter  of  Father  Piccolo, 
dated  at  Santa  Rosalia  on  January  2-8th  of  this  year. 
It  treats  of  minor  routine  details  only,  and  has  on  the 
back  half  a  page  of  Salvatierra's  almost  illegible  scrib 
bling.36 

The  little  San  Javier  was  not  yet  quite  useless; 

84  Cal,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  174-5;  Venegas,  ii.  216-21.  Venegas  says  the  ras 
cally  builders  were  punished  slightly  by  the  audiencia.  In  L'al. ,  Hist.  Chr6- 
ticnne,  we  read  that  the  new  vessel  lasted  a  year  and  was  then  wrecked  at 
Cape  San  Lucas — not  the  only  instance  of  inaccuracy  in  that  work. 

35  Clemente  Guillen  was  born  at  Zacatecas  about  1682.     His  name  appears 
in  the  Loreto,  Libros  de  Minion,  MS.,  occasionally  from  March  1716  to  May 
1718.     He  served  at  San  Juan  until  that  mission  became  a  visita  and  then 
founded  Dolores.     He  died  at  Loreto  April  8,  1748. 

36  Papdes  de  Jcsuitas,  MS. ,  110.  32.     Piccolo's  signature  appears  often  in 
Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  from  1718  to  1728. 


428  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

but  California  had  now  a  friend  in  the  person  of  the 
new  viceroy,  the  duque  de  Linares.  A  predilection 
for  the  Jesuits  is  said  to  have  been  hereditary  in  his 
family;  and  though  as  viceroy  he  could  do  little  or 
nothing  for  the  missions,  in  his  private  capacity  he 
did  much  before  his  final  legacy  of  5,000  pesos.  He 
now  ordered  a  condemned  Peruvian  prize  to  be  sold 
to  the  missions  for  4,000  pesos,  on  condition  that  she 
should  be  used  to  seek  a  port  on  the  west  coast.  True 
the  Guadalupe  proved  to  be  worthless,  and  after  costly 
repairs  was  lost  on  her  second  trip;  but  the  padres 
did  not  apparently  suspect  that  the  government  had 
known  the  worthlessness  of  the  craft.  The  list  of 
wrecks  is  not  yet  complete,  however,  for  the  San  Jose, 
a  bad  bargain  from  the  first,  had  been  lost  shortly 
before  at  Acapulco,  and  another  Peruvian  vessel 
bought  to  fill  her  place  was  lost  almost  as  soon  as  the 
purchase  money  had  been  paid.  The  old  San  Javier 
still  hung  together,  perhaps  because  she  was  more 
absolutely  worthless  than  any  of  the  others;  but  this 
crazy  little  craft  could  bring  but  a  small  portion  of 
necessary  supplies,  and  the  surplus  had  to  be  trans 
ported  on  private  pearl- vessels  at  an  extortionate  rate 
of  freightage;  another  heavy  burden  being  thus  im 
posed  on  the  missions. 

A  result  of  these  maritime  disasters  was  the  im 
possibility  of  navigating  the  gulf  to  its  northern  limit, 
a  project  in  which  Salvatierra  had  always  been  inter 
ested.  As  in  the  earlier  part  of  this  season  of  dis 
tress,  however,  exploration  of  the  interior  was  not 
wholly  neglected.  Indeed  in  1716,  while  the  Guada 
lupe  was  yet  afloat,  Salvatierra  made  in  her  a  trip  to 
La  Paz  for  the  purpose  of  pacifying  the  Guaicuris, 
who  were  ill-disposed  toward  the  Christians  owing 
largely  to  Otondo's  former  operations  and  to  outrages 
committed  by  the  pearl-fishers.  His  attempt  was  a 
failure,  for  he  could  not  restrain  his  escort  of  Loreto 
Indians  from  maletreating  the  Guaicuri  women  and 


DEATH  OP  SALVATIERRA.  429 

children.37  In  November  of  the  same  year  Piccolo 
with  three  soldiers  and  six  mules  made  a  tour  from 
Mulege  to  the  north-west,  visiting  the  valley  of  the 
Kada-kaaman,  or  Reedgrass  Stream,  named  San  Vi 
cente  Ferrer,  where  the  mission  of  San  Ignacio  was 
afterward  established.  He  was  hospitably  received 
by  the  natives,  at  whose  request  he  had  come;  arid 
he  remained  among  them  eleven  days,  baptizing  many 
children  and  instructing  adults.38 

In  March  1717  Father  Nicolas  Tamaral  came  to 
join  the  missionary  band,  having  been  appointed  to 
the  projected  mission  of  Purisima.8?  He  brought  let 
ters  from  Provincial  Koclero  to  Salvatierra,  informing 
him  that  the  new  viceroy,  duque  de  Valero,  wished 
to  see  him  without  delay,  having  arrived  from  Spain 
with  definite  instructions  concerning  California.  Al 
though  suffering  from  a  painful  disorder  of  the  bladder, 
as  well  as  from  the  infirmity  of  old  age,  Father  Juan 
Maria  put  everything  under  the  care  of  Ugarte,  and 
accompanied  by  Brother  Bravo  set  out  for  Mexico  at 
the  end  of  March.  A  voyage  of  nine  days  carried  them 
to  Matanchel,  whence  they  proceeded  to  Tepic.  The 
fatigues  of  the  journey  had  so  aggravated  the  superior's 
complaint  that  he  was  unable  to  proceed  farther  by  the 
ordinary  modes  of  travel;  but  his  zeal  was  stronger 
than  his  prudence,  and  he  insisted  on  being  carried  on 
a  litter  to  Guadalajara.  It  was  thus  that  the  apostle  of 
California  made  his  last  earthly  journey.  For  two 
long  months  he  tossed  upon  his  death-bed,  suffering 

37  Gal.,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  175.     It  was  after  his  return  from  this  trip  that  he 
sent  the  Guadalupe  to  Matanchel,  and  she  was  lost  with  her  cargo  and  crew 
of  nine  men. 

38  Piccolo,  Carta  de  10  de  Enero  1717,  dirigida  al  Padre  Procurador  Juan 
Manuel  de  Basaldua,  MS.     In  Baja  California,   Cedulas,  89-98.     See  also 
Venegas,  ii.  224-5;  Cal,  Esiab.  y  Prog.,  175.     In  the  mission  registers  of  San 
Ignacio,  which  was  not  founded  until  1728,  these  early  baptisms  by  Piccolo 
are  mentioned,  26  on  one  occasion  and  38  on  another,  at  Kahanagala,  or 
Kadaa,  in  San  Vicente  Ferrer  Valley.     Father  Sistiaga  subsequently  visited 
the  place  several  times.     San  Ignacio,  Libros  de  Mision,  1716-41,  MS. 

89Nicolds  Tamaral  was  born  at  Seville  in  1687,  coming  to  Mexico  in  1712. 
Clariyero,  Storia,  ii.  93.  He  baptized  a  child  at  Loreto  on  Nov.  27,  1717. 
Lorcto,  Libros  de  Mision,  MS.  He  founded  San  Jose"  del  Cabo  in  1730,  and 
was  murdered  there  in  1734. 


430  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

extreme  agony.  Then,  feeling  that  his  end  was  near, 
he  summoned  the  faithful  Bravo  to  his  side,  confided 
to  him  the  particulars  of  mission  affairs,  and  empowered 
him  to  represent  California  at  the  capital.  On  the  17th 
of  July  he  died,  as  he  had  lived,  full  of  hope  and 
courage.  The  whole  city  assembled  at  his  funeral, 
and  his  remains  were  deposited  amidst  ceremonies 
rarely  seen  at  the  burial  of  a  Jesuit  missionary,  in 
the  chapel  which  in  former  years  he  had  erected  to 
the  Lady  of  Loreto.  Salvatierra's  memory  needs  no 
panegyric;  his  deeds  speak  for  themselves;  and  in  the 
light  of  these  the  bitterest  enemies  of  his  religion,  or 
of  his  order,  cannot  deny  the  beauty  of  his  character 
and  the  disinterestedness  of  his  devotion  to  California. 


Before  his  death  Salvatierra  had  succeeded  in  reducing  the  government 
of  the  missions  to  a  regular  system,  which  was  maintained  without  material 
change  during  the  entire  Jesuit  era.  This  system  was  so  similar  to  that  sub 
sequently  adopted  by  the  Franciscans  in  Alta  California,  described  in  another 
volume,  that  a  brief  account  of  it  will  suffice  here. 

The  chief  authority  on  the  peninsula  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  father 
superior,  to  whom  priests,  soldiers,  and  natives  were  subject.  At  first  Salva 
tierra  was  the  only  superior,  or  rector,  but  subsequently  when  the  missions 
had  spread  over  a  great  part  of  the  country  they  were  divided  into  three  dis 
tricts,  each  of  which  had  its  rector  to  whom  the  other  padres  of  the  district 
were  subordinate,  and  who  was  himself  responsible  to  a  visitador  appointed 
by  the  provincial  every  three  years  from  among,  the  missionaries.  The  visi 
tador  had  his  consulta  of  old  and  experienced  priests,  and  was  expected  to 
visit  all  the  missions  during  his  term  of  office.  To  him  the  rectors  made  their 
reports,  while  he  himself  had  to  render  an  account  of  everything  to  the  visi- 
tador-general,  who  visited  the  missions  every  third  year.  Thus  the  Jesuit 
mission  hierarchy  consisted  of  missionary,  rector,  visitador,  visitador-general, 
provincial,  and  general.  The  soldiers,  in  like  manner,  were  subject  to  their 
captain,  who,  under  the  visitador,  was  supreme  in  all  civil,  judicial,  and  mil 
itary  matters.  In  later  years  he  was  also  commander  of  the  mission  flotilla, 
and  had  control  of  all  marine  matters  on  the  California  coast.  Pearl-fishers 
had  to  show  their  license  to  him  and  he  collected  from  them  the  royal  dues. 
Most  of  the  soldiers  were  kept  at  the  presidio,  where  the  discipline  and 
routine  common  to  all  such  establishments  in  New  Spain  were  preserved. 
Fjach  mission  had  one  soldier,  who,  in  his  own  sphere,  exercised  to  some  ex 
tent  the  privileges  of  the  captain  at  Loreto.  Under  the  direction  or  with  the 
consent  of  the  padre  he  punished  minor  offences  with  the  lash  or  imprison 
ment,  but  sentences  of  banishment  or  death  were  not  carried  out  until  the 
captain's  decision  was  known.  It  frequently  happened  that  the  padre's  duties 


THE  MISSION  SYSTEM.  431 

called  him  away  from  the  mission  for  a  time,  and  during  his  absence  the  soli 
tary  guard  distributed  the  daily  rations  and  otherwise  acted  as  the  father's 
substitute  in  all  matters  not  strictly  ecclesiastical.  For  such  services  he  re 
ceived  pay  from  the  padre,  in  addition  to  the  regular  sum  paid  to  him  by  the 
king.  For  the  soldiers  in  California  were  allowed  the  same  privileges  as 
those  in  the  royal  army,  and  their  service  was  reckoned  as  campaign  service. 
Their  pay  was  about  the  same  as  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  being  450  pesos  for  those 
serving  in  the  northern  missions  and  a  few  pesos  less  for  those  serving  in  the 
south.  This  at  first  sight  appears  liberal  pay,  but  it  must  be  remembered 
that  it  always  came  to  the  soldiers,  if  it  came  at  all,  in  the  shape  of  goods 
worth  much  less  than  their  reputed  value. 

The  plan  upon  which  each  mission  was  formed  and  conducted,  though  it 
differed  in  a  few  particulars,  according  to  the  resources,  prosperity,  and  other 
circumstances  of  the  establishment,  was  generally  as  follows:  When  a  new 
mission  was  to  be  founded  care  was  taken  that  ii>  should  not  be  isolated  or 
cut  off  from  communication  with  its  nearest  neighbor  by  an  impassable  coun 
try  or  by  intervening  hostile  tribes;  the  people  of  the  chosen  district  were, 
indeed,  generally  visited,  propitiated,  and  prepared  for  conversion  before 
hand.  The  father  who  was  to  make  the  foundation  was  usually  accompanied 
to  his  new  field  by  several  soldiers  and  a  number  of  neophytes  belonging  to 
another  mission,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  the  people  of  the  vicinity,  soon 
put  up  the  few  rough  buildings  necessary,  and  then  left  the  padre  and  his 
solitary  guard  to  their  own  devices.  Meanwhile  the  missionary  drew  his 
new  converts  together,  and  these  were  instructed  and  maintained  till  the  es 
tablishment  was  in  good  working  order.  A  nucleus  being  thus  formed  the 
padre  turned  his  attention  to  the  neighboring  rancherias,  and  as  fast  as  he 
brought  these  to  a  proper  state  of  subjection  incorporated  them  into  pueblos 
de  visita  of  a  manageable  size  and  at  a  convenient  distance  from  the  mission 
proper,  which  thus  became  the  capital  of  a  little  community  of  Christian  vil 
lages.  Each  pueblo  had  its  Indian  governor,  appointed  by  the  padre,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  maintain  order  and  report  to  the  father  and  the  soldier  dis 
turbances  which  he  could  not  remedy.  There  was  also  a  native  maestro  de  la 
doctrina  in  each  pueblo  who  superintended  the  simple  religious  observances 
which  were  expected  of  his  people,  such  as  the  repetition  of  prayers,  litany, 
and  catechism.  The  inhabitants  of  the  pueblos  came  in  to  the  mission  at 
regular  intervals  and  in  stated  numbers  to  hear  mass,  receive  instruction,  and 
celebrate  feasts,  and  were  in  turn  frequently  visited  by  the  missionary;  but 
these  arrangements,  as  well  as  the  amount  of  food  and  clothing  they  obtained 
from  the  padre,  varied  according  to  the  condition  and  resources  of  the  mis 
sion  to  which  they  were  attached.  In  most  cases  they  were  expected  to  find 
their  own  subsistence,  which  they  did  after  the  primitive  fashion  of  their 
fathers  in  the  plains  and  mountains,  though  at  regular  hours  and  under  the 
supervision  of  an  elder.  The  exact  status  of  the  pueblo  Indians  of  Lower 
California  is,  in  fact,  not  very  clear.  Though  required  to  observe  a  certain 
degree  of  order  and  discipline,  they  did  not  enjoy  all  the  advantages  of  their 
brethren  at  the  mission,  but  we  must  suppose  that  comparative  liberty  of 
action  and  exemption  from  labor  compensated  for  this  distinction.  It  ap 
pears,  besides,  that  in  some  instances  the  mission  had  no  permanent  Indian 


432  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

population,  but  was  occupied  in  routine  by  the  people  of  one  or  two  pueblos, 
who  after  partaking  of  the  padre's  bounty  and  instruction  for  a  week  or  so 
returned  to  their  village  and  made  room  for  an  equal  number  of  their  breth 
ren.  It  was  sometimes  the  custom,  too,  for  the  padre  to  personally  instruct 
and  maintain  all  new  converts  until  they  were  fit  to  join  a  pueblo  commu 
nity,  in  which  cases  the  mission  was  little  more  than  a  religious  nursery,  so  to 
speak,  and  could  have  afforded  room  for  but  very  few  stationary  neophytes. 
It  is  certain  that  in  the  mission  itself  the  daily  routine  was  much  more 
elaborate  and  regular,  and  the  discipline  more  strict  than  in  the  dependent 
villages.  Early  every  morning,  mass,  at  which  all  the  neophytes  assisted,  was 
celebrated  by  the  padre;  the  doctrina  was  recited,  and  a  song  of  praise  was 
chanted  by  all  present.  Then  a  breakfast  of  maize  gruel,  or  porridge,  was 
distributed,  and  as  soon  as  this  simple  meal  was  concluded  the  Indians  went 
into  the  field  to  work.  The  labor,  however,  was  light,  for  there  was  little  to  do 
and  there  were  many  to  do  it.  At  noon  all  returned  to  the  mission  for  dinner, 
which  consisted  of  maize  porridge,  with  meat  and  vegetables  when  such  lux 
uries  could  be  afforded.  After  a  long  rest  the  field  work  was  resumed  until 
a  little  before  sunset,  when  the  church  bell  tolled  for  more  religious  services, 
after  which  came  a  supper  of  pozole,  an  hour  or  two  of  recreation,  and  bed 
time.  Every  Sunday  the  padre  preached,  and  every  feast-day  was  a  holiday. 
The  boys  and  girls  were  kept  apart  in  separate  houses,  the  former  under  the 
eye  of  an  experienced  male  superintendent,  the  latter  under  a  native  matron. 
These  young  people  did  not  labor,  but  were  instructed  by  the  padre  in  person 
in  religious  matters  and  in  various  little  arts,  particularly  those  of  shearing, 
preparing,  and  weaving  wool.  Father  Ugarte  even  went  so  far  as  to  send  to 
Nueva  Galicia  for  an  experienced  weaver  named  Antonio  Moran,  who  was 
engaged  at  a  yearly  salary  of  500  pesos,  and  who  lived  for  many  years  in  Cal 
ifornia  instructing  the  natives  in  his  trade.  With  the  coarse  stuff  thus  woven 
at  home,  and  various  kinds  of  very  indifferent  cloth  imported  from  Mexico, 
the  neophytes  were  clothed.  These  particulars  of  the  mission  system  are 
gathered  chiefly  from  Venegas,  Noticia,  ii.  242-66;  Clavigero,  Storia  della 
CaL,  ii.  186-202;  Baegert,  Nachrichten,  223-7;  Arrillaya,  Testimonio  de  Dili- 
gencias,  1789,  MS. ;  Taraval,  Carta  dirigida  al  Visitador  General  sobre  Misi- 
ones  de  la  California  17 30,  in  CaL,  Estab.  y  Prog,  de  las  Misiones,  186-96. 

The  expense  of  maintaining  missions  in  such  a  poor  and  isolated  country 
as  Lower  California  was  very  considerable,  notwithstanding  the  economical 
plan  upon  which  they  were  conducted.  The  king,  it  is  true,  contributed 
something  toward  their  maintenance,  but  the  royal  aid  never  amounted  to 
more  than  30,000  pesos  per  annum,  and  the  peninsula  had  been  occupied 
nearly  half  a  century  before  even  this  degree  of  liberality  was  reached.  The 
sum  granted  by  government  was,  besides,  barely  sufficient  to  pay,  clothe,  and 
feed  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  so  that  nothing  was  left  of  it  for  ordinary  mis 
sion  purposes.  It  may,  therefore,  be  fairly  stated  that  the  missions  of  Cali 
fornia  were  from  first  to  last  founded  and  supported  by  private  persons, 
whose  combined  gifts  formed  what  has  been  known  as  the  pious  fund.  We 
have  seen  how  Salvatierra  and  Ugarte  collected  the  expenses  of  their  first 
entry  into  California  from  various  pious  persons  in  Mexico;  this  was  the  nu- 


THE  PIOUS  FUND.  433 

clcus  of  the  pious  fund,  which  by  means  of  similar  contributions  from  others 
rapidly  increased  to  a  very  considerable  sum.  At  first  the  management  of  the 
fund  was  a  simple  matter.  Ten  thousand  pesos  was  the  amount  regarded 
as  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  each  mission,  and  this  sum  was  left  in 
the  hands  of  the  donor,  who  regularly  paid  the  annual  interest,  about  500 
pesos,  to  the  fathers  or  to  the  procurador  in  Mexico,  who  purchased  and  for 
warded  the  needed  supplies.  But  the  bankruptcy  of  the  founder  of  San  Juan 
Buutista  Mission,  and  the  consequent  loss  of  the  capital  in  his  hands,  admon 
ished  the  paxlres  to  seek  investments  which  should  be  beyond  the  risk  of  com 
mercial  fluctuations.  Accordingly  Salvatierra  in  1716  obtained  permission 
from  the  general  to  invest  the  principal  of  the  fund  in  haciendas  and  farms  in 
Mexico,  and  the  procurador,  Romano,  was  ordered  to  collect  the  funds  and 
purchase  estates  therewith.  Other  property  was  bought  as  the  fund  increased, 
which  it  did  rapidly  in  later  j'ears,  when  several  benefactors  made  the  most 
munificent  gifts  and  bequests  of  money  and  land.  For  example,  the  marquis  of 
Villapuente,  not  content  with  having  founded  more  missions  in  California  than 
any  one  else,  gave  to  the  fund  in  1735  an  estate  of  several  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  in  Tamaulipas,  together  with  all  the  flocks  and  herds,  farm- 
buildings,  and  appurtenances  thereon.  This  the  greatest  of  California's  bene 
factors  died  Feb.  13,  1739,  at  the  Jesuit  college  at  Madrid,  where  he  had 
shortly  before  become  a  member  of  the  society.  He  was  a  man  of  enormous 
possessions,  and  after  bestowing  his  charity  in  all  parts  of  the  world  during 
his  life,  he  bequeathed  it  for  the  same  noble  purpose  at  his  death.  Again,  in 
1747,  Dona  Maria  de  Borja,  Duchess  of  Gandia,  left  the  missions  some  62,000 
pesos,  and  in  1765  Dofia  Josefa  Paula  de  Arguelles  bequeathed  nearly  200,000 
pesos  to  the  fund,  though  this  latter  sum  was  not  received  until  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.  Other  large  sums  and  estates  were  also  given  at 
various  times  in  addition  to  the  regular  donation  of  10,000  pesos  which  was 
made  by  the  founder  of  each  mission.  It  is  difficult  to  tell,  even  approxi 
mately,  what  was  the  amount  of  the  pious  fund  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion 
of  the  Jesuits.  It  is  generally  spoken  of  by  modern  writers  in  round  num 
bers  as  a  million  pesosj  from  which  an  annual  income  of  $50,000  was  derived; 
but  this  is  probably  an  over-estimate.  Palou,  in  his  report  of  Feb.  12,  1772, 
quotes  an  anonymous  document  which  shows  it  to  have  been  about  500,000 
pesos,  and  afterwards  compares  with  this  the  report  of  Mangino,  director  of 
te?nporalidades,  on  the  condition  of  the  fund,  finding  the  accounts  substan 
tially  the  same.  Noticia,  vi.  175-9,  580-6,  597-601.  Revilla  Gigedo,  in  his 
report  to  the  court  of  Spain  of  Dec.  30,  1793,  declares  it  to  have  amounted  to 
over  800,000  pesos  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion.  Arch.  CaL,  St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  i.  18.  Perhaps  the  viceroy's  figures  are  as  near  the  truth 
as  any. 

The  fund  was  administered,  like  all  other  mission  affairs,  according  to  a 
regular  system.  The  investment  and  use  of  it  were  intrusted  to  a  procurador 
who  lived  in  Mexico;  the  first  of  these  was  Ugarte,  who  had  four  successors 
during  the  Jesuit  era.  Besides  seeing  that  the  estates  were  properly  cared 
for  by  subordinate  superintendents,  the  chief  procurador  attended  to  the 
purchase  of  goods  needed  by  the  missions  and  forwarded  them  to  California. 

The  bales  were  carried  on  pack -mules  to  Matanchel  and  there  shipped.     The 
HIST.  N.  MKX.  STATES.  VOL.  I.    28 


434  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

transportation  by  land  was  expensive,  but  the  sea  journey  cost  little,  as 
the  padres  used  their  own  vessels.  On  their  arrival  at  Loreto  the  supplies 
were  received  by  the  local  procurador  there,  who  stored  them  away  for  dis 
tribution  as  required.  No  goods  were  disposed  of  save  to  the  missions  and 
soldiers.  If  the  few  miners  who  in  later  years  worked  in  the  southern  coun 
try  wanted  any  article,  they  could  obtain  it  only  through  a  soldier  or  officer. 
While  the  San  Josd  presidio  existed,  there  was  a  sort  of  branch  warehouse 
there,  which  was  supplied  from  Loreto. 

In  various  parts  of  Mexico,  but  especially  at  Guadalajara  and  at  several 
ports  on  the  Pacific  coast,  there  were  other  agents,  generally  called  procura- 
dores;  but  these  were  not  regularly  attached  to  the  administrative  system  of 
the  missions.  They  acted  only  in  special  cases  where  they  could  assist  in  col 
lecting  limosnas,  or  in  facilitating  the  purchase  or  transportation  of  supplies. 
Concerning  the  administration  of  these  financial  matters,  see  Venegas,  Notlcia, 
ii.  192-6;  Clavigero,  Storia  delta  Cal,  ii.  192-6;  jBaegert,  Nachrichten,  220-3; 
CaL,  Estab.  y  Prog,  de  las  Misiones,  98-100;  Arch.  Gal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
ix.  6-45. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 
1717-1750. 

INTEREST  AT  COURT — A  JUNTA  IN  MEXICO — BRAVO 's  EFFORTS — UGARTE  REC 
TOR — A  STORM — FOUNDING  OF  PURISIMA — 'XTRIUNFO  DE  LA  CRUZ' — 
GUILLEN'S  EXPLORATION — FOUNDING  OF  PILAR  DE  LA  PAZ — HELEN 
FOUNDS  GUADALUPE— UGARTE'S  VOYAGE  TO  HEAD  OF  THE  GULF— Sis- 
TIAGA  ON  THE  WEST  COAST— GUILLEN  FOUNDS  DOLORES — NAPOLI  FOUNDS 
SANTIAGO— LOCUSTS  AND  EPIDEMIC — LUYANDO  FOUNDS  SAN  IGNACIO — 
DEATH  OF  PICCOLO — VISIT  OF  ECHEVERRIA — FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JOSE  DEL 
CABO — DEATH  OF  UGARTE — TARAVAL  EXPLORES  THE  NORTH-WEST — 
FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  ROSA — TOUCHING  OF  THE  MANILA  SHIP— REVOLT 
IN  THE  SOUTH — MARTYRDOM  OF  FATHERS  CARRANCO  AND  TAMARAL — 
YAQUI  REINFORCEMENTS — GOVERNOR  HUIDROBO'S  CAMPAIGN — A  PRE 
SIDIO  AT  THE  CAPE — REOCCUPATION  OF  THE  MISSIONS— A  DECADE  OF 
TROUBLES — EPIDEMIC — DEATH  OF  CAPTAIN  ESTEVAN  LORENZO — CHANGES 
IN  PADRES — CONSAG'S  EXPLORATION  OF  THE  GULF — MAP — ROYAL 
ORDERS — No  RESULTS — END  OF  VENEGAS'  RECORD. 

THE  king's  interest  in  California  had  ceased  so  far 
as  the  missionaries  knew;  at  least  it  had  produced  no 
results  since  the  return  of  Salvatierra  in  1705.  This 
is  attributed,  however,  by  the  Jesuits  to  the  wiles  of 
Alburquerque,  who  concealed  the  purport  of  the  royal 
orders  received.  Viceroy  Valero  brought  a  cedula  of 
January  29,  1716,  being  in  substance  a  repetition  of 
that  of  July  26,  1708,  and  of  similar  purport  to  the 
original  orders  of  earlier  date.  The  king's  interest  at 
this  time  was  prompted  largely  by  Minister  Alberoni, 
who  had  long  appreciated  the  importance  of  the  penin 
sula,  and  whose  attention  had  been  specially  aroused 
by  the  offer  of  a  rich  man  to  pay  80,000  pesos  for  the 
absolute  rule  over  California  with  the  alcaldia  mayor 
of  Acaponeta  and  Centipac  on  the  main.  This  sum 

(435) 


436  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

of  money  was  a  tempting  bait,  but  Alberoni  reflected 
that  either  the  purchaser  must  ruin  the  province,  or 
else  its  resources  must  be  much  greater  than  had 
been  supposed.  The  speculator  was  therefore  told 
his  offer  could  not  be  accepted  unless  he  could  obtain 
certificates  from  ecclesiastical  authorities  that  his  pro 
ject  would  not  be  detrimental  to  California.  This  of 
course  ended  the  matter.  But  Alberoni  began  to 
form  the  most  magnificent  designs  for  the  colonization 
not  only  of  California  but  the  great  north-west  be 
yond.  True,  he  was  soon  made  a  cardinal,  and  for  the 
most  part  forgot  his  South  Sea  schemes;  but  it  was 
before  his  enthusiasm  was  extinguished  by  a  red  hat 
that  Valero  came  to  Mexico  with  his  instructions. 

The  viceroy  called  a  junta  to  consider  the  matter, 
particularly  the  clauses  relating  to  a  colony  and  a 
west-coast  presidio.  These  measures  were  approved 
by  all  except  Romano,  the  father  procurador  of  Cali 
fornia,  whose  opposition  showed  how  averse  were  the 
Jesuits  to  all  interference  with  their  monopoly.  A 
royal  garrison  would  have  given  them  protection,  and 
have  opened  more  regular  communication  with  the 
main;  a  colony  would  have  developed  the  resources 
whose  interests  they  professed  to  have  at  heart;  and 
the  annual  arrival  of  the  Manila  ship  would  have 
created  trade  and  made  California  a  place  of  some  im 
portance.  But  all  this  might  have  lessened  Jesuit 
authority  and  influence.  It  was  Romano's  opposition 
that  caused  the  viceroy  to  summon  Salvatierra  to 
Mexico,  the  discussion  being  meanwhile  postponed; 
and  Bravo,  as  soon  as  the  last  rites  had  been  per 
formed  over  the  body  of  his  dearly  loved  master, 
hastened  to  the  capital  with  full  powers  to  represent 
California  before  the  junta.  His  position  was  similar 
to  that  of  Salvatierra  in  1705.  Instead  of  immedi 
ately  accepting  the  king's  bounty  and  thinking  him 
self  fortunate  to  get  it,  he  tried  to  amend  the 
royal  cedula  by  demanding  additional  favors.  We 
must  not  stigmatize  this  as  begging,  or  avarice,  be- 


BRAVO  IN  MEXICO.  437 

cause  it  is  likely  enough  that  the  king's  grants  were 
small  in  proportion  to  the  necessity;  but  it  puts  one 
almost  out  of  patience  to  see  these  foolish  padres  re 
peatedly  losing  the  bird  in  hand  for  an  imaginary 
brace  in  the  bush.1 

Bravo,  however,  managed  to  get  most  of  his  amend 
ments  approved  by  the  junta;  but  he  soon  learned 
the  lesson  that  had  been  taught  to  Kino,  Basaldua, 
and  Salvatierra  years  before.  It  suddenly  occurred  to 
the  treasurer  that  the  grant  of  13,000  pesos  would  fall 
far  short  of  paying  the  expenses  to  be  incurred,  and  the 
result  was  that  the  junta's  liberal  decision  was  mate^i- 
ally  altered,  Brother  Bravo's  amendments  being  for  the 
most  part  ignored.2  By  the  new  arrangement  about 
18,000  pesos  were  allowed  for  soldiers  and  sailors, 
3,000  for  Salvatierra's  journey  and  debts,  and  4,000 
for  a  vessel,  which,  however,  proved  rotten  and  was 
lost  the  next  year  at  Matanchel. 

With  such  ready  money  as  he  could  obtain,  the 
amount  not  appearing  in  the  records,  Bravo  bought  a 
cargo  of  provisions  and  goods,  with  which  he  sailed  on 
the  new  vessel,  and  arrived  at  Loreto  in  June  1718. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Father  Sebastian  Sistiaga,3 

1  Bravo  prepared  two  memorias  after  the  ce*dula  was  submitted  to  him. 
The  first  described  the  condition  of  affairs  in  California.    The  second  insisted 
on  the  following  measures:  The  presidial  force  to  be  increased  to  50  men;  a 
large  vessel  for  transport  and  discovery,  and  a  smaller  one  for  coast  service; 
a  force  of  15  men  at  La  Paz  to  keep  buccaneers  from  lying  in  wait  for  the 
Manila  ship;  a  seminary  with  its  maestro  for  the  education  of  children;  and 
the  right  to  certain  salt  mines  on  Carmen  Island  to  be  vested  in  the  missions. 
Venegas,  ii.  286-307,  is  the  most  complete  authority  on  these  matters.     It 
was  estimated  that  by  this  time  500,000  pesos  had  been  spent  on  the  missions, 
nearly  all  of  which  had  been  supplied  from  private  alms.     It  is  difficult  to 
conceive  how  such  a  sum  could  have  been  expended  in  doing  what  had  been 
done;  yet  as  we  have  seen  they  were  always  complaining  of  poverty,  and  ap 
parently  not  without  cause. 

2  The  garrison  was  reduced  to  25  men,  the  La  Paz  guard  not  granted,  and 
the  projects  of  salt-mines  and  seminary  not  acted  on.     Venegas,  \\  ho  gives  the 
final  decree,  says  the  original  resolution  of  the  junta  was  not  put  on  record, 
but  was  found  some  years  later  in  a  private  house.     He  tells  us  that  Piccolo's 
letter  to  Basaldua,  the  Carta  of  1717  already  cited,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
bishop  of  Durango,  who  sent  it  to  the  king  from  whom  it  brought  out  another 
cedula  of  Jan.  19,  1719,  directing  the  viceroy  in  the  strongest  terms  to  carry 
out  his  instructions.     But  according  to  a  later  order  of  similar  import,  dated 
Feb.  27,  1723,  in  Baja  CaL,  Ctdulas,  MS.,  98-100,  it  seems  that  the  cedula 
brought  out  by  Piccolo's  letter  was  dated  July  6,  1719. 

3  Venegas,  ii.  307,  puts  the  arrival  in  July,  but  in  the  Loreto,  Libros  de 


438  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

and  he  brought  also  an  appointment  for  Ugarte  as 
rector,  to  succeed  Salvatierra.  Meanwhile  nothing  of 
importance  had  been  done  at  the  missions.  The  au 
tumn  of  1717  was,  however,  a  memorable  season  by 
reason  of  the  terrible  hurricanes  and  rain  storms  which 
swept  over  the  peninsula,  destroying  the  crops,  level 
ling  adobe  houses  and  churches,  and  wrecking  pearl  - 
vessels  on  the  coast.4 

Tarnaral  soon  after  his  arrival  had  gone  to  San 
Miguel,  a  visita  of  San  Javier,  where  he  remained 
some  months  baptizing  and  learning  the  language.5 
Then  he  went  to  a  place  before  explored  by  Pic 
colo,  and  there  in  1718  he  founded  the  mission  of  La 
Purisima  Concepcion,  which  became  one  of  the  best 
establishments  in  later  years,  though  the  soil  was  not 
the  best.  This  padre  personally  baptized  two  thou 
sand  natives  here,  of  thirty -three  different  Tan  cher  fas. 
He  also  opened  a  good  road  to  Santa  Rosalia.  The 
latter  mission  was  intrusted  to  Sistiaga,  Piccolo  being 
transferred  to  the  more  responsible  post  of  Loreto. 
Ugarte,  as  superior,  continued  to  reside  at  San  Javier, 
by  far  the  most  flourishing  of  the  missions. 

Ugarte  had  long  desired  to  carry  out  Salvatierra's 

Mision,  MS.,  I  find  a  baptism  signed  by  Sistiaga  on  June  5th.  He  was  pro 
fessor  of  belle-lettres  at  San  Andre's  college  in  Mexico.  The  provincial  refused 
to  let  him  go  at  first,  but  he  was  urged  by  Salvatierra  through  Bravo  to  take 
the  step,  and  this  was  regarded  as  evidence  of  divine  will,  since  Sistiaga 's 
wish  had  not  been  known  to  Salvatierra.  In  1747  he  was  transferred  to  Mex 
ico,  and  afterward  to  Puebla,  where  he  died  June  23, 1756.  Clavigero,  Storia, 
ii.  127-9,  who  was  present  at  his  death,  says  his  extreme  delicacy  of  conscience 
rendered  him  unfit  for  a  missionary. 

4  The  storms  began  in  October.  Church  and  house  at  San  Javier  were 
totally  destroyed,  Ugarte  barely  saving  his  life  by  taking  shelter  under  a 
great  rock.  All  the  missions  were  more  or  less  injured.  At  Loreto  a  Spanish 
boy  was  carried  away  by  the  wind  and  never  seen  again.  Two  pearl- vessels 
were  lost  with  four  sailors.  According  to  CaL,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  177,  one  of 
the  injured  vessels  was  bought  for  the  missions  for  $4,000 — probably  an  error, 
for  Alegre,  iii.  182-3,  says  that  after  the  loss  of  the  viceroy's  vessel  the  old 
San  Javier  was  the  only  craft  left.  See  also  on  the  storms,  Vencfjas,  ii.  310- 
11;  Clavifiero,  ii.  12-13.  In  the  Loreto  mission  register  Capt.  Estevan  Rodri 
guez  and  Don  Francisco  Cortes  de  Monroi  appear  as  witnesses  at  marriages  in 
August  and  December. 

•  Ugarte  had  used  40,000  loads  of  stone  and  earth  to  make  a  road  to  this 
place,  formed  a  reservoir,  and  made  a  garden  with  160,000  loads  of  earth. 
Villavicencio,  Vida  de  Ufjarte,  83-4. 


'TPJUXFO  DE  LA  CRUZ.'  439 

favorite  scheme  of  exploring  the  gulf  to  its  head  in 
order  to  learn  if  it  were  really  a  gulf  or  a  strait.  He 
also  wished  to  explore  the  outer  coast.  But  to  make 
these  perilous  voyages  a  good  stanch  ship  was  in 
dispensable,  such  a  one  as  the  missions  had  never 
had,  and  were  not  likely  to  have  if  they  went  on 
buying  and  begging  worn-out  rotten  old  hulks  only 
fit  to  drown  Jesuits  in.  So  thought  Padre  Juan,  and 
with  characteristic  energy  he  determined  to  have  a 
ship  built  in  California  under  his  own  eyes  and 
according  to  his  own  ideas.  He  hired  some  ship 
wrights  from  the  other  side,  where  he  intended  at 
first  to  get  also  his  timber;  but  he  heard  of  some 
large  trees  some  thirty  leagues  above  Mulege,  and 
went  thither  in  September  171 8. 6  He  found  the 
trees,  but  in  such  inaccessible  ravines  that  the  builder 
declared  it  impossible  to  use  them.  But  Ugarte,  dis 
regarding  this  opinion,  as  also  the  ridicule  cast  upon 
his  scheme  at  Loreto,  returned  to  the  timber  country 
with  three  mechanics  and  all  the  Indians  he  could 
induce  to  follow  him.  Even  the  gentiles  of  the 
mountains  afforded  some  aid;  and  after  four  months 
of  hard  work  he  had  not  only  felled  and  prepared  the 
timber,  but  had  opened  a  road  for  thirty  leagues  over 
the  sierra,  and  with  oxen  and  mules  had  hauled  his 
material  to  the  coast  at  Mulege.  The  16th  of  July 
the  craft  was  blessed  and  christened  the  Triunfo  de 
la  Cruz,  and  the  14th  of  September  she  was  launched 
amidst  great  rejoicings.7 

Meanwhile  Bravo  made  a  trip  to  the  main  for  sup 
plies;  for  the  loss  of  the  viceroy's  vessel  and  the 
coming  of  the  new  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  at  a  time 

6  Venegas,  ii.  317,  makes  it  1719,  which  must  be  an  error. 

7  The  vessel  cost  less  than  would  have  been  the  case  en  la  otra  banda,  and 
•was  worih  a  fleet  of  tubs  like  that  thrown  together  at  Matanchel  in  1713.  In 
Ylllar/ccncw,   Vidade  Uyartc,  97-104,  are  the  following  statements,  some  of 
doubtful  accuracy:  Only  3,000  pesos  in  money  were  expended  on  the  craft, 
though  debts  were  contracted;  she  was  completed  in  four  months;  Ugarte's 
enemies  claimed  that  she  was  built  for  pearl-fishing,  and  even  the  provincial 
was  deceived  by  these  reports,  writing  the  padre  a  sharp  letter.     A  very  good 
account  of  the  building  of  this  vessel  and  Ugarte's  subsequent  voyages  in  her 
is  HitteWs  El  Triunfo  de  la  Cruz.     In  The  Californian,  i.  15-19.    * 


440     ^         JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

when  so  much  was  being  spent  on  the  new  ship,  had 
caused  a  scarcity  of  food  at  the  missions.  To  his 
delight  he  found  on  landing  a  letter  from  Father 
Romano,  now  provincial,8  summoning  him  to  Guadala 
jara  to  be  ordained  as  a  priest  and  to  serve  in  future 
as  a  regular  missionary.  After  his  consecration  he 
went  to  Mexico  to  report  to  the  viceroy  and  to  beg 
for  a  new  vessel,  which  was  promised  in  March  1720, 
but  for  which  he  had  to  wait  till  June.  Meanwhile 
he  saw  the  benefactor  Yillapuente  and  obtained  from 
him  an  endowment  of  10,000  pesos  for  a  mission  at 
La  Paz,  of  which  Bravo  himself  was  to  take  charge. 
He  sailed  from  Acapulco  in  July,  touched  at  Matan- 
chel,  and  with  a  large  cargo  of  needed  effects  arrived 
at  Loreto  in  August.  Here  he  found  Ugarte's  Tri- 
unfo  de  la  Cruz  riding  proudly  at  anchor  and  fully 
equipped,  and  he  found  his  place  as  manager  well  filled 
by  Brother  Mugazabal.9 

Under  date  of  1719  I  find  a  royal  order  on  the 
importance  of  the  Californian  conquest,  particularly 
with  a  view  to  the  occupation  of  ports  on  the  west 
coast  up  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey.10  And  during 
Bravo's  absence  Guillen  with  a  party  of  soldiers  and 
Indians  had  made  an  exploring  expedition  by  land  to 

8  Succeeded  as  procurador  by  Padre  Jose"  de  Echeverria.     This  padre  was 
born  in  San  Sebastian,  Spain,  in  1688,  and  came  to  America  in  1712.     He  did 
good  service  as  procurador,  and  was  later  visitador-general.     His  life  is  nar 
rated  in  a  letter  of  P.  Juan  Antonio  Baltasar  mentioning  his  death  in  1756. 
Papeles  de  Jesuitas,  MS.,  no.  13. 

9  During  his  absence  Alfe"rez  Juan  Bautista  Mugazabal  of  the  garrison  who 
had  been  stationed  at  Mulege  had  been  so  influenced  by  constant  association 
with  the  padres  that  he  demanded  permission  to  serve  as  lay  brother;  and 
though  such  a  course  was  not  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  rules,  the  request 
was  granted,  and  he  was  transferred  to  Loreto  to  take  Bravo's  place  which  he 
filled  most  faithfully  for  40  years.    He  was  a  Spaniard  who  came  to  California 
as  a  soldier  in  1704.     He  was  wont  to  pray  so  constantly  that  the  flagstones 
were  worn  by  his  knees.     He  died  at  his  post  in  1761,  over  80  years  of  age. 
•Clavifjero,  Storia,  ii.  195-6. 

10 JBaja  California,  Cedulas,  MS.,  82-9,  including  copies  and  references  to 
earlier  documents  on  the  same  topic.  By  documents  cited  in  Tamnron,  VLvta 
de  Dumnflo,  MS.,  91-2,  it  appears  that  there  was  in  1719-21  a  kind  of  con 
troversy  between  the  episcopal  authorities  of  Durango  and  Guadalajara,  as  to 
which  bishopric  California,  or  'las  Islas  Calif ornias, '  belonged  to.  It  was  set 
tled  in  favor  of  Guadalajara,  though  as  late  as  1731  there  was  a  disposition 
to  question  the  decision. 


THE  CONTRA  COSTA. 


441 


Magdalena  Bay,  known  since  Vizcaino's  time.  The 
country  near  the  bay  was,  however,  found  to  be  barren, 
destitute  of  water,  and  unfit  for  a  colony;  so  that  the 


CALIFORNIA  MISSIONS. 

padre  had  the  satisfaction  of  reporting  on  his  return 
that   no   royal   garrison    could  exist  on   the  contra 


442  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

costa.11  The  hostility  of  the  southern  Indians  made  it 
important  that  the  La  Paz  mission  should  be  founded 
as  soon  as  possible;  and  in  November  1720  Bravo 
and  Ugarte  sailed  in  the  Triunfo  for  that  port.  Guillen 
was  to  open  a  road  from  San  Juan  and  join  the 
others.  The  natives  were  better  disposed  than  had 
been  expected,  even  assisting  in  the  work  of  clearing 
a  site  and  erecting  huts.  Then  the  stores  and  cattle 
were  landed  and  the  mission  of  Nuestra  Senora  del 
Pilar  de  la  Paz  was  ushered  into  existence.  The  land 
party  arrived  later.  Ugarte  and  Guillen  remained 
till  January,  and  the  former  meanwhile  had  great 
success  in  conciliating  southern  rancherias  including 
'the  islanders.  Left  to  himself  Father  Bravo  with 
the  aid  of  his  guard  and  Indians  soon  built  a  church 
and  put  the  establishment  in  good  working  order.12 

While  the  others  were  absent  at  La  Paz,  Father 
Everard  Helen,  a  German  Jesuit  and  new-comer  of 
1719,  set  out  in  December  1720  with  the  captain  and 
a  party  of  soldiers  for  Huasinapi,  the  region  where 
Ugarte  had  obtained  timber  for  his  ship,  and  there, 
to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  natives,  who  gladly 
assisted  at  putting  up  the  buildings,  he  founded  the 
new  mission  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  some 
sixty  leagues  to  the  north-west  of  Loreto.13  It  was 
apparently  about  this  time  that  the  mission  of  San 

11  Venegas,  ii.  339-42,  makes  the  date  of  this  trip  1719;  but  there  are  some 
signs  of  confusion,  and  it  may  have  been  a  year  or  two  later;  1719  is  also 
given  in  Cat.,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  178-9. 

12  Bravo  served  at  La  Paz  till  1728,  increasing  the  neophyte  population  to 
800,  at  the  mission  and  the  two  visitas  of  Todos  Santos  and  Angel  de  la 
Guarda.     He  was  succeeded  by  William  Gordon.     There  was  fertile  soil  a 
few  leagues  from  La  Paz.    In  later  years,  Palou,  Noticias,  i.  143,  the  mission 
was  transferred  to  the  Pacific  coast  and  known  as  Todos  Santos. 

13  According  to  Venegas'  map  Guadalupe  \vas  farther  west  than  Ugarte's 
timber  region,  nearer  the  San  Hilario  than  the  Guadalupe  of  modern  maps. 
The  climate  was  cold  and  unhealthy,  and   the  soil  barren,  though  stock- 
raising  was  moderately  successful.     In  spite  of  locusts  and  epidemics  in  the 
early  years,  it  became  a  large  establishment,  with  32  rancherias  in  1726. 
Twelve  of  them  were  later  joined  to  Santa  Rosalia  and  San  Ignocio;   the  rest 
rformed  five  pueblos,  each  with  a  church.     Helen  served  until  1735,  when  for 
ill-health  he  was  transferred  to  the  mainland,  dying  at  Tepozotlan  in  1737. 
Venegas,  ii.  327-35;  Clavigcro,  ii.  24.     Palou,  Noticias,  i.  153,  says  Guada 
lupe  was  founded  in  April  1720,  and  endowed  by  Villapuente. 


UGARTE  EXPLORES  THE  GULF.  443 

Javier  was  transferred  with  its  name  to  one  of  its 
visitas  formerly  called  San  Pablo.14 

On  his  return  from  La  Paz  Ugarte  at  once  began 
to  prepare  for  his  long  projected  voyage  up  the  gulf, 
and  he  finally  sailed  from  Loreto  the  15th  of  May 
1721  on  the  Triwifo  with  twenty  men,  only  six  of 
whom  were  Europeans.  The  sloop  was  accompanied 
by  the  Santa  Barbara,  a  large  open  boat  carrying 
five  Californians,  two  Chinos,  and  a  Yaqui.  At  Con- 
cepcion  Bay  was  the  first  landing,  whence  a  visit  was 
paid  to  Padre  Sistiaga  at  Mulege ;  J:hen  they  followed 
the  coast  northward  to  Salsipuedes,  and  headed  across 
the  gulf  to  Santa  Sabina,  or  San  Juan  Bautista  Bay, 
on  the  Seri  coast,  where  the  natives  received  the  navi 
gators  most  hospitably  at  sight  of  the  cross  on  the 
Triii  nf os  bowsprit,  taking  also  a  letter  for  the  padre 
at  San  Ignacio  mission.  Ugarte  was  urged  by  the 
natives  to  visit  their  kinsmen  on  the  island,  and  with 
difficulty  the  vessels  were  carried  through  the  chan- 

t/  O 

nel.10  Constant  exposure  had  told  terribly  on  the 
padre's  aged  frame.  He  now  suffered  excruciating 
pains  in  his  legs  and  groin;16  but  yet  he  landed,  and 
kneeling  in  a  hut  prepared  by  the  natives,  blessed 
each  of  the  savage  islanders  as  they  filed  before  him. 
Then  they  reembarked  and  directed  their  course  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de  Caborca,  or  Altar,  not  far 
beyond  which  they  found  an  indifferent  anchorage. 
The  Santa  Barbara  \vas  sent  further  up  the  coast, 
while  three  men  set  out  by  land.  The  latter  found  a 
trail  which  led  to  Caborca  mission,  from  the  minister 
of  which  and  of  San  Ignacio,17  as  well  as  by  purchase 
from  the  Pimas,  a  much  needed  store  of  food  was  ob 
tained.  Meanwhile  the  Santa  Barbara  had  found  in 

u£arco,  Informe  de  1762.     In  CaL,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  204.     He  says  the 
change  \vas  about  40  years  ago. 

15  That  between  Tiburon  Island  and  the  main. 

16  Caused  as  was  believed  by  some  poisonous  effect  of  the  gulf  water. 

17  The  letter  to  S.  Ignacio  had  been  delivered,  and  the  padres  were  already 
moving  in  the  matter.    Earlier  letters  had  miscarried,  so  that  the  padres  sup« 
posed  the  trip  to  have  been  postponed.     See  chap,  xviii.  of  this  volume. 


444  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

the  north  a  barren  coast  without  harbors,  having  once 
been  stranded  and  in  imminent  peril;  and  it  was  de 
cided  again  to  cross  the  gulf.  They  sailed  on  July 
2d,  and  in  three  days  reached  the  Californian  shore, 
where  the  sloop  anchored  and  the  crew  of  the  boat 
landed  and  made  some  explorations.  Then  both  ves 
sels  proceeded  northward  and  anchored  in  a  large  bay, 
though  in  a  strong  current.18  Again  the  vessels  stood 
to  the  northward,  and  after  several  days'  sailing  crossed 
again  to  the  Pimeria  coast,  shortly  afterward  anchor 
ing  in  the  eastern  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River, 
which  at  the  time  was  high  and  formed  a  very  strong 
current.  From  their  position  they  could  see  a  prom 
ontory  on  the  California  side  separated  by  the  river 
only  from  the  mainland.  There  was  some  talk  of 
waiting  for  the  flood  to  subside  to  explore  the  river; 
but  the  weather  was  threatening,  their  position  was  a 
dangerous  one,  and  they  had  really  accomplished  the 
object  of  the  voyage.  Ugarte  had  proved  to  his  own 
satisfaction,  and  to  that  of  most  others  who  heard  his 
report,  what  had  so  often  been  proved  before,  that 
California  was  not  an  island. 

The  16th  of  July  they  started  southward,  keeping 
in  the  middle  of  the  gulf,  the  threatened  storms  soon 
breaking  upon  them  with  well  nigh  fatal  effect.  In 
the  Salsipuedes  channels  the  scurvy-stricken  naviga 
tors  became  confused,  had  to  anchor  to  avoid  being 
driven  ashore,  and  it  was  not  until  the  fourth  attempt 
— the  tempest  raging  unceasingly  the  while — that 
they  succeeded  in  clearing  the  islands  the  18th  of 
August,  well  satisfied  that  the  name  "get  out  if  thou 
canst"  had  not  been  misapplied.19  During  the  storm 
St  Elmo's  fire  played  about  the  mast-head,  giving 

18  The  pilot,  an  Englishman  named  William  Strafford  probably — Estra- 
fort  and  Strafort  he  is  called  by  Venegas  and  Clavigero — went  ashore  in  a 
little  skiff,  and  the  boat  being  damaged  by  the  surf  nearly  lost  his  life  ii\  re 
gaining  the  sloop. 

19  Ugarte 's  sufferings  became  so  unendurable  that  he  wished  to  be  set  on 
the  Seri  coast  by  the  boat  but  was  prevented  by  the  remonstrances  of  the 
crew.     Villavicencio,  Vida,  204-12,  says  he  was  most  cruelly  and  unjustly 
prevented  by  the  pilot  from  landing  on  Tiburon  Island. 


RETURN  OF  THE  VOYAGERS.  445 

great  comfort  to  all  as  a  mark  of  divine  protection,  as 
did  a  triple  rainbow  the  day  they  cleared  the  islands. 
Once  the  cross,  made  of  the  first  wood  cut  in  the  for 
est  of  Huasinapi,  fell  from  the  bowsprit,  and  the 
raging  sea  was  instantly  calmed  till  the  relic  was  re 
covered.  There  were  other  miraculous  happenings 
throughout  the  voyage,  which  it  is  not  necessary  to 
chronicle.  Before  she  reached  Concepcion  Bay  the 
Triunfo  was  again  imperilled  by  a  violent  storm;  and 
a  huge  waterspout  came  like  a  giant  toward  the  frail 
craft;  but  the  monster's  course  was  changed  by  dint 
of  much  praying,  and  they  soon  anchored  in  safety. 
After  some  days  of  recuperation  af  Santa  Rosalia,  the 
explorers  proceeded  to  Loreto,  where  they  anchored 
about  the  middle  of  September.  Beyond  its  main 
purpose  of  proving  California  a  peninsula — and  not 
all  geographers  admitted  at  once  that  this  riddle  was 
solved,  this  voyage  was  of  considerable  importance  in 
affording  information  about  the  shores,  ports,  islands, 
and  currents  of  the  upper  gulf/ 


20 


During  Ugarte's  absence  Tamaral  had  made  several 
expeditions  to  the  west  coast  from  Purisirna,  exploring 
the  shore  for  a  long  distance  southward,  but  without 
finding  the  harbor  and  colony-site  so  much  desired  by 
the  government.  After  Ugarte's  return,  Sistiaga  and 
Helen  from  Mulege  and  Guadalupe  made  a  new 
exploration  in  November  1721.  Their  search  extend  ed 
from  about  latitude  28°  down  to  the  region  opposite 
Loreto;  and  they  found  three  tolerable  harbors  with 
wood  and  water,  though  the  soil  was  poor.  The  best 
was  near  San  Miguel,  a  pueblo  of  San  Javier  mission, 

20  The  original  account  of  Ugarte's  voyage,  with  maps  and  journal  of  Straf- 
ford,  were  sent  to  the  viceroy  for  the  king,  but  nothing  more  is  known  of 
them.  In  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico,  no.  1,  Enero,  1722,  appeared  an  item  under 
date  of  Sept.  8,  1721,  to  the  effect  that  Ugarte's  return  was  expected,  and 
that  P.  Campos  had  sent  him  supplies;  and  in  Id.,  no.  4,  April  1722,  was 
published  a  general  account  of  the  voyage  from  Ugarte's  letters.  These 
Gat-eta*  are  reprinted  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iv.  20,  98-102.  The 
fullest  narrative  extant  is  that  in  Veneaas,  Noticia,  ii.  342-65.  See  also  Cal.t 
Estab.  y  Prog.,  180-1. 


446  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

from  which  establishment  it  was  suggested  that  the 
Philippine  ships  might  be  supplied  with  provisions. 
Accordingly  the  natives  were  instructed  to  light  fires 
on  the  hill-tops  in  the  winter  months  to  attract  the 
galleon;  and  the  plan  was  successful,  for  soon  the 
Manila  ship  entered  the  harbor,  and  some  of  her  men 
landed,  though,  not  understanding  the  Indians,  they 
did  not  come  to  the  mission.21 

A  new  mission  was  also  founded  in  1721,  and 
another  attempted  without  immediate  success.  They 
were  made  necessary  by  the  constant  quarrels  of  the 
southern  Uchitis,  Guaicuris,  Coras,  and  isknders,  by 
which  turbulent  tribes  the  La  Paz  establishment  was 
surrounded  and  kept  in  danger,  notwithstanding 
Ugarte's  past  efforts  at  conciliation.  Villapuente  had 
offered  to  endow  two  more  missions,  and  this  enabled 
the  father  superior  to  issue  instructions  before  his 
departure  for  the  north.  The  interest  on  the  endow 
ment  of  San  Juan  Bautista  had  never  been  paid, 
though  by  strict  economy  the  establishment  had 
been  kept  up.  Now  it  was  resolved  to  make  San 
Juan  a  visita,  and  that  Guillen  should  move  south 
ward  to  a  site  between  the  lands  of  the  Uchitis  and 
Guaicuris.  He  went  thither  in  August  1721,  soon 
had  the  necessary  buildings  ready,  and  named  the 
new  mission  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores.  It  was 
generally  known  as  Dolores  del  Sur.  The  padre 
served  here  for  many  years,  and  notwithstanding  the 
barren  soil  and  the  bad  disposition  of  the  natives  the 
establishment  was  made  a  success,  at  least  as  a  useful 
barrier  between  hostile  tribes.22 

The  other  new  mission  was  founded  at  the  same 

^Gacetas  de  Mexico,  Jan.,  Feb.,  June  1722,  26-7,  50-1,  145-9.  The 
original  accounts  were  lost  with  those  of  Ugarte's  trip,  and  Venegas  laments 
his  inability  to  find  out  the  particulars.  Taylor,  Mitt.  Sum.  L.  CaL,  32, 
evolves  from  his  imagination  the  statement  that  Ugarte  and  Strafford  made 
this  exploration  in  person. 

Ti  Dolores  was  at  first  on  the  shore,  40  leagues  south  of  Loreto,  or  70  by 
the  road;  but  was  later  moved  10  leagues  inland.  Its  pueblos  were  Concep- 
cion,  Encarnacion,  Trinidad,  Redencion,  and  Resureccion.  But  the  padre's 
influence  extended  much  farther,  even  to  Cape  San  Lucas.  In  1744  he  sent 
a  very  satisfactory  report  on  the  condition  of  his  mission. 


NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS.  447 

time  by  Father  Ignacio  Maria  Napoli,  an  Italian 
priest  who  had  arrived  a  few  months  before.  He 
sailed  from  Loreto  for  La  Paz  the  21st  of  July.  The 
intended  site  was  on  Las  Palmas  Bay,  forty  leagues 
to  the  south.  Ndpoli  and  Bravo  went  by  land  from 
La  Paz,  while  effects  were  carried  in  boats  borrowed 
from  a  pearl-vessel,  arid  the  vessel  from.  Loreto  was 
sent  to  Sinaloa  for  supplies.  The  arrival  was  the  last 
week  in  August:  and  the  Coras  though  at  first  sus- 

O  y  O 

picious  were  conciliated  with  gifts.  The  4th  of  Sep 
tember  twenty-nine  of  their  children  were  baptized. 
A  kind  of  temporary  peace  was  also  patched  up 
between  the  Coras  and  their  old  foes  the  Guaicuris. 
But  to  do  all  this  supplies  and  even  the  altar  furni 
ture  had  been  exhausted  in  gifts;  and  Napoli  with 
his  escort  had  to  return  to  La  Paz  for  a  fresh  store. 
During  their  absence  of  two  months,  the  Cerralvo 
islanders  made  a  raid  on  the  place,  killing  several 
Coras  and  stealing  all  portable  property.  The  soldiers 
taught  the  islanders  a  bloody  lesson  on  their  return; 
but  Napoli  deemed  it  not  prudent  to  remain,  and 
removed  to  a  spot  some  thirty  leagues  from  La  Paz 
and  five  from  the  gulf.  In  1723  he  built  a  church  a 
little  farther  inland,  which  when  nearly  completed 
was  destroyed  by  a  hurricane,  falling  upon  and  killing 
many  natives,  whose  friends  wished  in  turn  to  kill 
the  padre,  but  failed.  The  church  was  rebuilt  and 
dedicated  to  Santiago.23 

In  1722  the  peninsula  was  visited  by  immense 
swarms  of  locusts,  hitherto  unknown  in  California.24 
They  devoured  every  green  thing,  and  were  them 
selves  eaten  in  great  quantities  by  the  Indians,  who 
for  some  time  could  get  no  other  food.  There  resulted 

23  Gaceta  <U  Mexico,  Jan.  Feb.  1722,  26-7,  52-4;  CaL,  E*tdb.  yProy.,  182; 
Fnteptu,  Noticia,  ii.  372-90.     Ndpoli  remained  at  Santiago  until  17'26,  being 
succeeded  by  Lorenzo  Carranco  who  was  murdered  by  the  Indians  in  1734. 
There  was  plenty  of  water  which  ensured  better  crops  than  were  raised  at 
most  missions.     Palou,  Notitias,  i.  139,  says  Villapuente  endowed  this  mis 
sion  in  1719. 

24  They  came  again  in  1746-7-8-9,  1753,  1765-6-7.  Claveriyo,  Storia,  i.  84. 


448  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

an  epidemic  which  carried  off  many  natives.25  In 
1823  the  captain  of  Loreto  with  a  party  of  soldiers 
made  a  tour  through  the  south  with  a  view  to  inspire 
some  degree  of  awe  and  respect  among  the  turbulent 
tribes  of  that  region.  Similar  tours  were  made  in 
later  years.  These  southern  Indians,  bad  as  they 
were,  were  made  worse  by  mulattoes  and  mestizos  left 
among  them  from  time  to  time  by  the  pearl-fishers. 
For  several  years  from  1723  there  is  nothing  requir 
ing  notice  in  the  annals  of  the  peninsula.26 

Some  excitement  was  caused  in  1727  by  the  arrival 
of  Father  Juan  Bautista  Luyando.  This  pious  Jesuit 
on  joining  the  order  some  years  before  had  devoted  a 
part  of  his  fortune  to  the  endownment  of  a  mission, 
and  he  now  wished  to  become  the  founder  in  person. 
It  was  resolved  that  the  new  establishment  should  be 
in  the  region  north  of  Guadalupe,  where  Piccolo 
had  long  ago  found  the  natives  well  disposed,  and 
where  Sistiaga  now  went  to  engage  in  preparatory 
work  while  Luyando  wrestled  with  the  idiom  at 
Loreto.  In  January  1728  he  proceeded  to  the  new 
field,  where  many  had  already  been  baptized  and  mar 
ried;  and  he  soon  had  a  great  number  of  catechumens 
about  him,  so  many  that  his  large  supply  of  food  was 
exhausted,  and  more  had  to  be  brought  from  Loreto. 
The  Indians,  and  even  soldiers,  aided  in  the  erection 
of  buildings,  and  on  Christmas  the  mission  of  San 
Ignacio  was  formally  founded  by  the  dedication  of  the 
church.27  In  1728  the  king  issued  several  cedulas, 

23  At  Guadalupe  the  pestilence  was  especially  virulent,  228  Christian 
adults  dying.  The  mortality  was  nearly  as  great  at  some  other  establishments. 

26  Capt.  Andre's  Lopez  appears  in  1723-4  as  witness  at  marriages.    In  Sept. 
1724  a  daughter  of  Capt.  Este"van  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  was  married  to  Jose 
Antonio  Robles.     The  signature  of  Father  Francisco  Ossorio  appears  in  July 
1725.  Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision,  MS. 

27  Luyando's  signature  appears  in  the  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision*  in  1727-8.    The 
same  records  bear  the  signature  of  Father  Lorenzo  Jose"  Carranco  in  1727  for 


ando  is  named  as  founder,  but  nearly  all  the  entries  are  signed  by  Sistiaga 
in  the  early  years.  There  were  36  marriages  before  the  founding,  the  date 
of  which  may  have  been  July  7,  1728,  instead  of  Christinas.  Deaths  to 


DEATH  OF  PICCOLO.  449 

ordering  investigation  of  several  subjects  on  which  he 
had  received  memorials.  These  subjects  were  the  dis 
puted  episcopal  jurisdiction,  an  increase  of  the  presidial 
force  to  fifty  men,  and  the  cession  of  Cdrmen  Island 
to  the  missionaries — for  purposes  of  pasturage!23 

The  year  1729  opened  sorrowfully.  The  22d  of 
February  Father  Francisco  Maria  Piccolo  breathed 
his  last  at  Loreto,  in  the  seventy-ninth  }~ear  of  his 
life  and  the  thirty-second  of  his  labors  in  California. 
His  loss  was  irreparable,  and  his  character  receives 
perhaps  but  little  more  than  ita  due  of  praise  from 
Alcgre,  who  describes  him  as  indefatigable,  zealous, 
gentle,  and  of  marvellous  purity  of  conscience,  which 
in  the  opinion  of  his  confessors  he  never  tarnished 
with  any  fault.29 

Procurador  Echeverria  came  to  Sinaloa  this  year 
to  see  about  procuring  a  vessel  for  the  missions,  and 
having  been  appointed  visitador  general  he  resolved 
to  make  California  the  scene  of  his  first  labors,30  espe 
cially  as  Villapuente  and  his  sister-in-law,  Dona  Rosa 
de  la  Pena,  had  offered  to  endow  two  new  missions. 
Echeverria  crossed  over  in  the  Triunfo  from  Ahome, 
and  arrived  at  Loreto  the  27th  of  October.  Scarcely, 
waiting  to  recover  from  a  malignant  fever,  the  visita 
dor  with  two  soldiers  and  a  few  Indians  spent  forty- 
eight  days  in  a  tour  of  inspection  through  the  north, 
returning  surprised  and  delighted  with  the  progress 
made.31  Then  he  prepared  for  a  tour  in  the  south, 

1740,  2,006;  marriages  to  1748,  848.  The  site  is  called  Kadaa  in  San  Vicente 
Ferrer  Valley.  See  also  Cal.,  Ettab.  y  Prog.,  182-4;  Venegas,  Xoticia,  ii. 
390-409.  The  land  here  had  already  been  cultivated  by  Sistiaga  and  Helen 
for  grain  and  vegetables;  Luyando  soon  planted  trees  and  vines.  Notwith 
standing  agricultural  advantages,  and  the  docile  disposition  of  the  natives, 
the  padre  had  much  trouble  with  neighboring  tribes,  and,  worn  out,  he  was 
succeeded  after  four  years  by  Sistiaga.  Taraval  served  from  1732,  and  Fer 
nando  Consag  seems  to  have  been  minister  from  1736  to  1747,  and  after  him 
Pedro  Maria  Nascimben,  and  later  Jose"  Gasteiger. 

28  Order  of  May  10th  and  July  10,  1728.  £aja  Gal,  Cedulas,  MS.,  102-4. 

29  HI*?.  Com  p.  Jesus,  iii.  236. 

30  Brother  Francisco  Trompes  succeeded  him  as  procurador  and  served  till 
his  death  in  1750. 

31  His  letter  of  Feb.  10,  1730,  is  in  Venegas,  ii.  421-4.     Over  6,000  natives 
had  been  baptized  in  the  north. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    29 


450  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

where  the  new  missions  were  to  be.  One  of  them  at 
Las  Palmas,  the  original  site  of  Santiago,  could  not  be 
begun  yet  for  want  of  a  minister;  for  the  other  it  wa£ 
decided  to  transfer  Tamaral  from  Purisima,  where  his 
place  would  be  taken  by  Father  Sigismundo  Taraval 
soon  to  arrive,32  since  an  experienced  missionary  would 
be  needed  at  Cape  San  Lucas.  Echeverria  and  Tama 
ral  sailed  on  March  10,  1730,  arriving  in  nine  days 
at  La  Paz,  where  they  were  received  by  Father  Will 
iam  Gordon,  the  successor  of  Bravo.  The  southern 
Indians  were  now  tranquil;  and  continuing  their  jour 
ney  by  way  of  Santiago,  the  padres  found  not  far  from 
the  cape  two  fine  lakes  stocked  with  fish  and  sur 
rounded  by  wooded  hills,  about  a  league  from  the 
shore  of  a  spacious  roadstead.  Here  a  site  was  chosen 
and  temporary  buildings  were  erected.  Few  Indians 
presented  themselves,  saying  that  the  rest  of  their 
tribe  had  perished  in  an  epidemic;  but  no  sooner  had 
Echeverria  and  two  of  the  soldiers  departed  than  the 
natives  came  in  crowds.  Inviting  as  the  spot  had 
seemed,  life  there  soon  became  intolerable  by  reason 
of  mosquitoes;  and  Tamaral  soon  selected  a  new  site 
six  miles  from  the  coast,  where  another  church  and 
dwelling  were  erected,  and  here  sprang  up  the  mission 
of  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  where  1,300  natives  were  bap 
tized  the  first  year.  Meanwhile  Father  Taraval 
arrived  in  May,  and  proceeded  immediately  to  Puri- 
sima,  though  disappointed  in  not  being  able  to  found 
his  new  mission  at  Las  Palmas.33 

This    same    year   the   missions    had    to    bear   the 
greatest  loss  since  the  death  of  Salvatierra  in  1717. 

32  His  name  appears  first  on  May  4,  1730,  at  S.  Ignacio.  Lib.  Ifmow,  MS. 
Names  appearing  on  the  Loreto  records  this  year  are  those  of  Mayorga,  Guil 
len,  Echeverria,  and  Tamaral.  Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision,  MS. 

33  Sigismundo  Taraval  was  born  at  Lodi  in  1700.     He  was  a  young  man  of 
literary  ability,  and  was  charged  by  the  provincial  to  write  a  history  of  the 
California  missions,  and  he  seems  to  have  done  so,  for  Venegas  admits  having 
derived  most  of  his  information  from  the  work;  and  Clavigero  saw  over  12 
volumes  of  MSS.  in  the  Jesuit  college  at  Guadalajara.    I  have  before  me  Tar 
aval,  Eloglos  de  Misioneros  de  Baja  California,  MS.,  being  eulogies  of  padres 
Tamaral,  Carranco,  and  Mayorga.     He  was  rector  in  1737,  and  died  at  Gua 
dalajara  in  17G3,  having  lived  there  since  1751. 


DEATH  OF  UGARTE.  451 

Juan  Ugarte  died  the  29th  of  December,  at  the  age 
of  seventy  years,  thirty  of  them  spent  in  California. 
Again  and  again  had  his  courage,  pertinacity,  and 
tact  saved  the  missions  from  dissolution.  Every  crisis 
of  distress  and  despair  had  found  him  ready.  His 
heart  had  been  strong  when  all  others  were  weak,  his 
hand  active  when  others  were  listless.  The  natives 
feared,  respected,  and  loved  him,  for  he  ever  tempered 
the  ruler's  authority  with  the  friend's  affability,  the 
gentleness  of  the  priest  with  the  dignity  of  the  man. 
He  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree  the  qualities  in 
dispensable  to  a  leader  of  pioneers.  He  died  at  his 
own  mission  of  San  Javier,  or  San  Pablo.34 

Having  served  a  year  at  Purisima,  and  made  several 
entradas  by  which  he  had  extended  the  jurisdiction  of 
that  mission,  Taraval  was  called  in  1732  to  San  Igna- 
cio  to  take  the  place  of  Sistiaga,  now  made  visitador. 
On  the  west  coast  in  that  latitude  was  a  Christian 
rancheria  of  Walimea,  or  Trinidad,  under  a  pious 
Indian  named  Cristobal.  Through  his  influence  the 
natives  of  that  coast  and  islands  farther  north  were 
induced  to  ask  for  a  visit  from  the  padre;  and  the  3d 
of  December  Taraval  set  out  for  the  west.  Reaching 
the  great  bay  intersected  on  modern  maps  by  the 
parallel  of  28°,  he  named  it  San  Javier,  and  crossed 
on  a  raft  to  a  small  island  called  Afegua,  or  isle  of 
Birds,  now  Natividad.  From  this  island  he  went  to 
the  larger  one  of  Cedros,  then  called  Amalgua,  or  isle 
of  Fogs.  From  a  high  mountain  on  the  island  he  saw 
the  western  islets  now  called  San  Benito  and  others 
in  the  bay;  and  far  to  the  north  he  descried  what  he 
thought  were  other  islands,  probably  in  reality  pro 
jecting  points  of  the  main.  Believing  himself  in  lati- 

34  Villavicencio  (Jnan  Jose],  Vlda  y  Virtudes  de  el  Venerable  y  Apostdlico 
Padre  Jnan  de  Uyarte  de  la  Campania  de  Jesus,  Misione.ro  de,  las  fslas  Cali- 
fornias,  y  uno  de  sus  j)rvrlcros  Conquistadores,  etc.  Mexico,  1852.  Svo.  7  1. 
214  p.,  is  one  of  the  typical  eulogies  of  one  Jesuit  by  another,  filled  for  the 
most  part  with  long  disquisitions  on  the  Christian  virtues  of  the  subject;  giv 
ing  a  brief  though  tolerably  accurate  account  of  Ugarte 's  life;  but  adding 
nothing  of  importance  to  what  has  been  given  in  my  text. 


452  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

tude  31°  he  was  disposed  to  identify  the  northern 
islands  with  Vizcaino's  Santa  Catalina  and  others  of 
the  Santa  Barbara  Channel.  He  was  a  long  way  out 
of  his  reckoning  as  are  those  who  have  adopted  his 
idea.35  The  bay  islands  were  named  Dolores  as  a 
group.  The  islanders  returned  with  the  padre  in  a 
body  to  settle  at  San  Ignacio,  one  sorcerer  who  showed 
reluctance  being  killed  by  a  shark  in  crossing  to  the 
main.  Jacobo  Droet  is  the  name  of  a  new  padre  who 
came  to  Loreto  in  1732.36 

Early  in  1733,  still  other  tribes  came  to  San  Igna 
cio  for  baptism  from  different  directions;  but  Taraval 
was  interrupted  in  his  work  by  the  return  of  Sistiaga, 
who  had  been  succeeded  by  Guillen  as  visitador,37  and 
who  brought  with  him  Father  Fernando  Consag, 
lately  arrived  in  the  country.38  In  obedience  to  Gui 
llen's  instructions  Taraval  now  prepared  to  found  his 
new  mission  at  Las  Palmas  Bay.  He  sailed  from 
Loreto  about  the  middle  of  the  year  and  from  La  Paz 
proceeded  by  land,  finally  erecting  his  chapel  not  far 
from  the  original  site  of  Santiago,39  and  dedicating  it 

35Venegas,  ii.  432-43,  gravely  discusses  the  matter;  and  most  others  ex 
press  no  strong  doubt  on  the  subject.  Most  follow  also  the  English  edition 
of  Venegas  with  its  errors  and  omissions  of  dates.  For  instance  all  between 
Taraval's  arrival  in  May  1730  and  this  journey  is  omitted,  and  thus  1730  is 
often  given  as  the  date  of  the  expedition.  Taylor,  Hist.  Sum.,  claims  to  have 
consulted  the  original;  but  he  gives  the  date  as  1730.  The  trip  is  recorded 
also  in  CaL,  Estab  y  Prog.,  196.  In  his  report  of  this  year  made  before  the 
journey,  Carta  al  Visitador  General  sobre,  Mision  de  Purisima,  1730,  Taraval 
gives  a  detailed  description  of  Purisima  and  all  its  pueblos  and  rancherias,  as 
well  as  of  the  mission  system  and  routine. 

'^Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision,  MS.  Luyando  and  Mugazabal  also  appear  on 
the  records. 

31  We  hear  of  no  rector  or  superior  succeeding  Ugarte;  but  the  visitador 
seems  to  have  exercised  the  same  control. 

38  Fernando  Consag — so  he  wrote  his  name,  also  written  Konsag  and  Kon- 
schak,  see  Backer,  Bibliotheque — was  a  native  of  Hungary  born  in  1703,  the 
son  of  an  officer  in  the  army.     He  came  to  America  in  1730  and  to  California 
in  1732.     He  served  chiefly  at  S.  Ignacio,  but  also  for  a  time  in  the  south. 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  several  of  his  northern  explorations.     He  died 
Sept.  10,  1759.     Zevallos  (Francisco],  Vida  del  P.  Fernando  Konsag,  Mexico, 
1764,  12mo,  31  pp.,  is  a  letter  from  the  provincial  on  the  early  life,  missionary 
labors,  and  writings  of  the  padre.     This  writer  implies  what  is  stated  by 
Backer,  Bibliotheque,  that  Consag  wrote  the  Apostolicos  Afanes;  but  I  think 
such  was  not  the  case. 

39  Clavigero,  S.foria,  ii.  78-9,  diverges  from  his  model  to  say  that  Sta  Rosa 
was  "'not  founded  here  but  at  Todos  Santos  near  the  west  coast;  but  others 


TROUBLE  IX  THE  SOUTH.  453 

to  Santa  Rosa  in  honor  of  the  foundress,  Dona  Rosa 
cle  la  Peiia.  He  found  his  flock  already  somewhat 
domesticated,  and  in  a  few  months  made  great  prog 
ress  in  winning  their  esteem,  as  he  had  reason  to  know 
in  the  troubles  that  were  to  come.  Yet  they  were 
fickle  and  treacherous,  and  the  padre  kept  his  army 
of  three  troopers  near  him. 

For  some  time  the  southern  savages  had  been  chaf 
ing  under  restraints  imposed,  being  especially  indig 
nant  that  polygamy  was  not  permitted.  Perhaps  the 
padres  might  have  succeeded  in  allaying  the  brewing 
storm,  but  for  the  efforts  of  Chicori  and  Boton,  the 
first  a  mulatto  and  the  second  the  offspring  of  a 
mulatto  and  Indian,  formerly  in  some  authority  at 
Santiago,  but  deposed  and  publicly  whipped  by  Padre 
Carranco  for  his  vicious  conduct.  Boton  swore  ven 
geance,  but  Carranco  was  warned  in  time  to  escape, 
and  the  conspirator  went  to  join  Chicori,  chief  of  the 
Teneca  rancheria  near  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  who  was 
angry  with  Padre  Tamaral  for  a  reprimand.  The  two 
resolved  to  kill  the  fathers.  Tamaral  went  to  aid 
Carranco  in  quelling  disturbances  at  Santiago;  and 
the  two  plotters  with  a  band  of  villains  lay  in  wait 
for  him  on  his  return.  Receiving  a  warning,  how 
ever,  from  friendly  natives,  Tamaral  sent  instructions 
to  his  neophytes  to  fall  upon  the  enemy's  rear  which 
they  did,  forcing  them  to  flee  for  their  lives,  and 
destroying  their  rancherias.  The  two  leaders  soon 
tendered  their  submission,  the  padres  too  readily  con 
sented  to  a  peace,  and  there  was  no  further  outbreak 
in  1733. 

In  January  1734  the  Manila  galleon  for  the  first 
time  put  in  at  San  Bernabe  just  east  of  the  cape;  anji 
the  crew,  sorely  afflicted  by  scurvy,  were  restored  to 
health  by  pitahayas  and  fresh  meat  from  the  mission. 
Three  men  remained,  one  of  whom  died,  and  the 
others,  Captain  Baytos  and  Fray  Domingo  Horbi- 

say  that  it  was  La  Paz  that  was  transferred  to  Todos  Santos.  Venegas,  ii. 
443-5;  Alcyre,  iii.  251;  CaL,  Estab.  y  Proy.,  197. 


454  JESUIT  ANXALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

goso,  recovered  to  depart  later.  The  commander  an 
nounced  that  the  galleon  would  touch  here  on  every 
voyage,  asking  that  a  supply  of  provisions  should  he 
made  ready.  He  also  urged  upon  the  government 
the  importance  of  a  presidio  at  the  cape,  but  without 
effect. 

Meanwhile  Boton  and  Chicori  were  secretly  spread 
ing  sedition,  their  main  reliance  being  the  unpopularity 
of  the  law  against  polygamy.  The  military  force  in 
the  south  was  six  men;  three  soldiers  at  Santa  Rosa 
with  Taraval,  two  invalid  mestizos  with  Carranco  at 
Santiago,  one  man,  Romero,  in  charge  of  La  Paz, 
while  Father  Gordon  was  absent  at  Loreto,  and  no 
guard  at  all  with  Tamaral  at  San  Jose.  Yet  the  Ind 
ians  greatly  dreaded  the  fire-arms,  and  the  insurgents 
resorted  to  stratagem.  Early  in  September  1734  they 
waylaid  and  murdered  one  of  Taraval's  soldiers,  and 
sent  for  the  padre  to  visit  the  man  who  they  said  was 
lying  sick  in  the  woods.  His  suspicions  being  aroused 
he  did  not  go;  but  a  few  days  later  Romero,  the  soli 
tary  guard  at  La  Paz,  was  killed.  About  this  time  a 
soldier  came  to  San  Jose  to  protect  Tamaral,  who  was 
in  bad  health,  and  finding  signs  of  rebellion  he  begged 
the  padre  to  flee,  and  on  his  refusal  started  for  La  Paz 
alone.  He  found  a  ruined  mission  with  blood-stained 
walls  and  floors,  marks  of  violent  deeds  everywhere, 
and  he  fled  in  terror  to  Dolores.  Yisitador  Guillen 
had  long  apprehended  this  trouble;  and  he  sent  let 
ters  summoning  the  padre  to  Dolores,  but  the  roads 
were  already  closed.  Carranco  sent  a  party  of  his 
Christian  Indians  to  bring  Tamaral  to  Santiago,  but 
again  he  refused  to  quit  his  post.  The  party  fell  in 
with  a  large  body  of  the  rebels  on  their  way  to  San 
Jose ;  but  learning  that  Carranco  suspected  their  de 
signs  they  resolved  to  attack  him,  first  forcing  the 
Christians  to  join  them. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  October  1st  they  reached 
Santiago.  While  Father  Carranco  was  engaged  in 
conversation  with  the  neophytes  the  others  rushed  in 


MURDER  OF  CARRANCO  AND  TAMARAL.  455 

and  killed  him.  His  body  with  that  of  an  Indian 
servant,  after  gross  indignities,  was  burned.40  The 
church  was  then  destroyed  and  the  ornaments  were 
burned,  and  the  two  mestizo  guards  returning  from 
the  fields  shared  the  fate  of  their  master,  both  pagans 
and  Christians  dancing  deliriously  the  while  about  the 
holocaust  they  had  made.  The  insurgents,  followed 
by  a  great  crowd,  now  bent  their  steps  to  San  Jose, 
arriving  in  the  morning  of  the  3d.  Tamaral  knew 
his  time  had  come,  but  he  spoke  calmly  to  the  mob, 
refusing  to  quarrel  about  the  impossible  things  they 
asked,  and  dying  without  a  sign  of  annoyance.41  The 
scene  at  Santiago  was  then  reenacted,  but  more  delib 
erately  and  with  more  abominable  ceremonies.  These 
orgies  gave  Father  Taraval  time  to  escape  from  Santa 
Rosa  with  the  church  paraphernalia  to  La  Paz,  whence 
he  crossed  on  a  boat  sent  by  Guillen  to  Espiritu  Santo 
Island,  and  soon  went  to  Dolores.  The  murderers, 
enraged  at  Taraval's  escape,  wreaked  their  vengeance 
on  his  neophytes,  killing  twenty-seven  of  them.  Then 
they  began  to  quarrel  among  themselves;  and  soon 
the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  was  once  more  in 
the  state  of  chaotic  discord  in  which  the  missionaries 
had  originally  found  it.42 

At  the  first  alarm  Guillen  had  written  to  the  vice 
roy  and  provincial,  urging  the  founding  of  a  presidio 
in  the  south ;  but  the  viceroy  declined  to  do  more  than 
recommend  an  application  to  the  court  at  Madrid.43 
This  was  but  poor  comfort,  and  the  revolt  threatened 
to  infect  the  whole  province.  The  captain,  with  nine 
men,  went  down  to  Dolores,  but  did  not  deem  it  pru- 

40  Lorenzo  Carranco  was  a  native  of  Cholula,  educated  at  Puebla,  and 
passed  his  novitiate  at  Tepozotlan.  Clavigero,  Storia,  ii.  90.  Alegre,  iii.  261, 
says  his  martyrdom  in  California  had  been  foretold  by  Padre  Zorilla  in  Mex 
ico.  See  biographical  sketch  in  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  194-5.  See  also  Taraval, 
Elofjios,  MS. ,  2-4,  9. 

"See  Taraval,  Eloyios,  MS.,  4-8. 

*2Baegert,  Nachrichten  von  Cal.,  277-8,  triumphantly  tells  us  that  the 
original  population  of  4,000  was  in  a  few  years  reduced  to  400  by  war  and 
diseases  sent  upon  these  people  for  their  sins. 

43  Alegre,  iii.  256-7,  says  a  reason  for  failures  was  that  viceroy,  archbishop, 
and  provincial  were  not  personally  on  friendly  terms. 


456  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

dent  to  advance  on  the  foe.  Even  the  warlike  Cochi- 
mis  of  the  north  showed  some  signs  of  dissatisfaction, 

r^  * 

though  they  had  always  been  friendly  to  the  padres. 
They  saw. their  old  customs  overturned,  their  gods 
belittled,  their  lands  coolly  appropriated  by  invad 
ers  without  strength,  conquerors  without  force,  and 
masters  without  title.  Now  that  the  example  was 
set,  the  temptation  was  strong  to  follow  it,  Guillen 
was  resolved  that  the  southern  tragedies  should  not 
be  repeated  in  the  north;  and  early  in  1735  he  per 
emptorily  ordered  all  the  padres  to  repair  at  once  to 
Loreto.  They  obeyed  somewhat  deliberately,  each 
bringing  with  him  the  valuables  of  his  mission. 

A  new  appeal  of  Father  Guillen  to  the  vicer.oy  had 
no  effect,  though  the  provincial,  through  Procurador 
General  Rodero,  succeeded  in  arousing  some  interest 
in  Spain.44  But  at  the  same  time  Father  Bravo  sent  an 
appeal  to  Governor  Huidrobo  and  the  Sinaloa  mis 
sionaries,  for  soldiers  or  Yaquis.  Five  hundred  Ya- 
quis  at  once  volunteered,  only  sixty  of  whom  could  be 
brought  by  the  vessel.  By  the  time  of  their  arrival 
all  need  for  their  services  in  the  north  had  ceased; 
for  the  tribes  had  voluntarily  tendered  their  submis 
sion,  with  expressions  of  contrition  for  backslidings, 
arid  had  persuaded  the  padres  to  return  to  their  posts. 
The  Yaqui  warriors  were,  therefore,  sent  down  to 
Dolores  to  reenforce  the  captain  and  his  little  band. 
Then  an  advance  was  made  into  the  country  of  the 
foe,  the  army  advancing  by  land  and  water  to  La  Paz 
as  a  base  of  operations.  One  party  was  furiously 
attacked  on  arrival,  but  on  the  coming  of  the  others 
the  savages  scattered. 

As  was  generally  the  case  on  Such  occasions,  many 
natives  now  came  to  the  camp  claiming  to  have  been 
loyal  from  the  first.  From  these  men  were  learned 
the  particulars  of  an  affair  which  had  made  the  rebels 

44  Two  or  three  orders  of  1735-7,  vaguely  ordering  the  viceroy  to  take  the 
necessary  steps  to  put  down  the  revolt  in  California.  Baja  CaL,  Cedillas,  MS., 
104-7. 


ATTACK  OX  THE  GALLEON'S  CREW.         457 

i 

more  recklessly  audacious  than  before.  The  Manila 
galleon,  the  San  Cristobal,  had  approached  San  Ber- 
nabe  expecting  the  same  hospitable  treatment  that 
had  welcomed  the  ship  of  the  preceding  year.  Though 
the  prearranged  signals  were  not  seen,  the  captain 
sent  a  boat  with  thirteen  men  ashore,  all  of  whom 
were  massacred.  A  larger  force  landed,  found  the 
murderers  breaking  up  the  boat  for  her  iron,  killed 
some  of  them  and  carried  off  four  prisoners  to  Aca- 
pulco.45 

So  far  as  pecuniary  support  was  concerned  the 
missions  had  now  been-  for  some  years  on  a  secure 
footing,  owing  to  the  wise  system  of  investing  the 
California  fund  in  real  estate.  In  1735  the  marquis 
de  Villapuente  and  his  wife  made  very  large  addi 
tions  to  the  estates,46  so  that  the  once  worthless 
peninsula  was  now  grown  into  a  province  well  worthy 
of  the  crown's  protection.  Still,  so  long  as  the  re 
bellion  had  brought  disaster  to  missionaries  only 
the  viceroy  had  remained  unmoved;  but  the  murder 
of  the  galleon's  sailors  and  passengers,  some  of  the 
latter  perhaps  men  of  distinction,  could  not  be  per 
mitted  to  pass  unavenged.  Governor  Huidrobo  was 
therefore  ordered  to  invade  the  country  with  a  strong 
force  and  reduce  the  rebels  to  order,  acting  according 
to  his  own  judgment,  without  being  in  any  way  sub 
ject  ,to  the  authority  of  the  padres.  The  governor 
made  known  his  orders  to  the  fathers,  directed  that 
hostilities  in  the  La  Paz  district  should  be  suspended, 
and  asked  for  a  vessel  to  fetch  him  and  his  troops. 
His  commands  were  obeyed  to  the  letter,  and  he  was 
received  with  great  honors  at  Loreto.  He  began 
operations  in  the  most  approved  military  style  and 
with  much  energy.  The  reduction  of  these  miserable 

45  Venerjas,  ii.  485-7;  Clavirjf.ro,  ii.  101-2.    Alegre,  iii.  257-9,  has  an  ac 
count  taken  from  a  letter  of  the  captain  of  the  galleon  to  the  viceroy,  which 
gives  a  version  that  differs  in  details  from  that  given  by  the  others,  and  is 
quite  as  likely  to  be  accurate. 

46  Grant  of  the  San  Pedro  Ibarra  hacienda  in  San  Miguel,  Documentos, 
3-4,  10-17.     See  also  Doylt's  Hist.  Pious  Fund,  4. 


458  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

savages  lie  thought  an  easy  matter,  and  he  paid  no 
heed  to  the  missionaries'  advice  or  experience.  For 
several  months  this  self-reliant  and  over-wise  general 
carried  on  a  fruitless  campaign.  The  rebels  were  now 
scattered  all  over  the  country,  and  simply  fled  or  hid 
themselves  at  his  approach.  Wherever  he  went  the 
country  seemed  an  uninhabited  desert,  and  at  last  the 
baffled  governor  was  obliged  to  turn  to  the  padres  for 
aid. 

This  change  of  policy  took  place  at  the  end  of  1736. 
The  Jesuits  without  thought  of  past  rebuffs  were  glad 
to  devote  all  their  skill  to  the  task ;  and  by  their  con 
trivance  the  savages  were  wheedled  into  a  general 
engagement,  in  which  they  were  routed  with  great 
loss.  Once  again  they  rallied  and  met  Huidrobo's 
force  in  open  battle  with  the  same  result;  and  then 
they  tendered  submission  and  prayed  for  mercy.  The 
governor  insisted  on  a  surrender  of  the  ringleaders, 
but  instead  of  inflicting  the  capital  punishment  their 
crimes  so  richly  deserved,  he  merely  banished  them  to 
the  mainland.47 

While  the  war  was  going  on  the  king  had  yielded 
to  importunities  of  Jesuits  and  others,  and  had  issued 
orders  for  an  increase  of  the  presidial  force  and  the 
establishment  of  a  new  presidio  in  the  south.43  The 
execution  was  intrusted  to  Governor  Huidrobo,  who, 
for  the  greater  convenience  of  the  Manila  ship,  decided 
to  found  the  presidio  at  San  Josd  del  Cabo  instead  of 
La  Paz  as  had  been  intended  at  first.  The  command 
ant  was  to  be  entirely  free  from  missionary  control; 

47  The  old  writers  exultingly  tell  us  how  God  took  their  punishment  into 
his  own  hands.     They  attempted  while  crossing  to  seize  the  vessel,  and  in  the 
conflict  most  were  killed.     The  survivors,  probably  Boton  and  Chicori,  soon 
died  a  violent  and  miserable  death  on  the  main.     The  cost  of  the  campaign 
was  finally  paid  from  the  royal  treasury  by  an  order  of  April  2,  1742.    Vene- 
gas,  ii.  499;  Claviyero,  ii.  115;  Alcgre,  iii.  276.     The  order  of  April  referred 
to  is  in  Baja  Cat.,  Cedillas,  MS.,  110-18,  and  is  of  1843  instead  of  1842.     The 
amount  granted  from  the  treasury  was  about  50,000  pesos.     Many  previous 
orders  are  alluded  to  and  many  details  given  of  the  official  acts  to  be  noted  in 
a  general  way  in  my  text. 

48  This  order  of  1735  is  not  given,  but  is  alluded  to  in  the  order  of  April 
1743  as  a  secret  one. 


A  PRESIDIO  AT  THE  CAPE.  459 

but  this  innovation  was  neutralized  at  first  by  the 
appointment  of  a  son  of  the  captain  at  Loreto,  Ber 
nardo  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  y  la  Rea,49  who  had  inher 
ited  all  his  father's  reverence  for  the  missionaries. 
This  officer,  caring  less  for  the  convenience  of  the  Ma 
nila  ship  than  for  the  safety  of  the  missions,  divided  his 
force,  placing  ten  men  at  La  Paz,  ten  at  Santiago,  and 
ten  at  the  cape.  This  soon  sealed  his  fate.  He  was  dis 
placed  by  Pedro  Alvarez  de  Acebedo,  against  the  pro 
test  of  the  procurador  that  it  was  a  violation  of  the 
original  charter.  Disorders  under  Acebedo's  rule  came 
near  causing  another  revolt;  the  viceroy  admitted  his 
error,  and  a  lieutenant  was  appointed  subject  to  the  cap 
tain  at  Loreto,  who  was  as  before  amenable  to  the 
authority  of  the  padre  superior. 

As  soon  as  order  had  been  restored  steps  were 
taken  for  a  restoration  of  the  destroyed  missions. 
Padre  Mayorga  had  died  in  November  1736,  at  the 
mission  of  Comondu,  which  he  had  founded  in  1708;50 
and  the  force  had  been  still  further  reduced  by  the 
removal  of  Father  Helen  to  the  mainland  in  1735. 51 
In  1736,  however,  there  arrived  Father  Antonio 
Tempis;52  and  the  next  year  there  appear  on  the 
records  the  names  of  padres  Francisco  Javier  Wagner, 
who  succeeded  Mayorga  at  Comondu,  and  Andres 
Javier  Garcia.  In  1740  the  name  of  Francisco  Maria 
Masariegos  appears.53  It  was  probably  in  1737,  but 

49  He  was  probably  a  native  of  California.  Venegas  and  his  followers  fall 
into  some  confusion  about  the  name  as  between  Lorenzo  and  La  Rea.  It  is 
possible,  however,  that  he  was  a  son  of  Lorenzo's  wife  by  a  former  husband, 
though  I  find  no  evidence  of  the  fact.  ' 

J° Eulogy  of  Padre  Mayorga,  in  Taraval,  Elogios,  MS.,  10-22. 

51Everardo  Helen,  Hellen,  or  Hyelen,  had  come  to  California  in  1719. 
Except  that  he  was  a  German  and  died  at  Tepozotlan  in  1757,  nothing  is 
known  of  him  beyond  his  labors  in  the  peninsula.  Dice.  Univ.,  iv.  217-18, 
from  Clavigero. 

52  Tempis  was  a  native  of  Olmuz,  Moravia,  born  in  1703,  of  noble  parent 
age.  He  was  educated  in  Prague,  distinguishing  himself  there  and  elsewhere 
as  a  scholar  and  teacher.  His  only  missionary  service  was  at  Santiago,  Cal., 
where  he  died  July  6,  1746.  Consarf,  Vida  y  Trabajos  del  P.  Antonio  Tempis 
(Mexico,  1749),  12mo,  43  pages.  This  is  a  letter  of  Oct.  1,  1748,  to  the  supe 
riors  of  the  order  in  Mexico,  in  which  the  writer  describes  the  life  and  virtues 
of  his  countryman. 

i3  Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision,  MS.     Some  of  these  may  have  been  mere 


460  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWES,  CALIFORNIA. 

possibly  in  1738,  that  Tempis  went  to  reestablish  the 
mission  of  Santiago,  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his 
life.  About  the  same  time  a  new  mission  was  formed 
of  three  pueblos  between  Dolores  del  Sur  and  San 
Javier.  It  was  endowed  by  Luis  de  Velasco,  named 
San  Luis  Gonzaga,  and  its  first  minister  was  either 
one  of  the  two  new  padres  named  above  or  Padre 
Lamberto  Hostell,  who  was  serving  there  in  1745.54 

On  leaving  California  Huidrobo,  who  flattered  him 
self  that  the  natives  had  been  taught  a  lesson  never 
to  be  forgotten,  ordered  all  soldiers  to  be  withdrawn 
from  the  missions  to  the  presidios,  except  a  guard  of 
eight  or  ten  at  San  Ignacio  and  Dolores.  But  after 
the  Indians  of  San  Jose*  de  Comondu  had  twice  at 
tempted  the  life  of  Father  Wagner,55  the  captain  of 
Loreto  took  the  responsibility  of  sending  a  soldier  for 
the  protection  of  each  padre.56  And  this  precaution 
proved  a  necessary  one,  for  it  was  not  long  before  the 
tribes  from  Santiago  to  the  cape  were  again  in  revolt. 
Murdering  a  goatherd  and  attempting  the  life  of  an 
other,  they  induced  the  neophytes  of  San  Josd  to 
desert  in  a  body.  The  fugitives  were,  however,  in 
duced  to  return;  and  the  captain,  with  an  army  of 
soldiers,  neophytes,  and  pagan  allies,  soon  put  down 
the  revolt,-  killing  several  of  the  foe,  executing  three 
and  banishing  four  ringleaders,  besides  flogging  many 
more.57  Yet  no  lasting  impression  could  be  produced 
on  these  fickle  and  treacherous  savages.  Turbulence 
suppressed  in  one  district,  broke  out  in  another ;  now 
the  crew  of  a  pearl-craft  were  killed ;  now  the  cattle 

visitors,  as  nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  last  two.  Father  Ndpoli's  name 
appears  in  1736,  showing  that  he  had  not  yet  left  the  country. 

54Clavigero,  ii.  42,  doubtless  a  misprint,  makes  the  founding  1747. 

55  On  each  occasion  Alferez  EsteVan  had  quelled  the  tumult,  putting  to 
death  three  ringleaders,  exiling  and  flogging  others.  Clavigero,  Storia,  ii. 
109-11. 

56 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  462,  says  that  in  the  California  conversion 
the  faith  seems  to  have  been  merely  pinned  on,  prendlda  con  alfileres,  for  it 
was  much  less  difficult  to  convert  the  natives  than  to  control  them  aa 
Christians. 

67  Clavigero,  Storia,  ii.  112-14. 


EPIDEMIC.  401 

of  a  mission  were  stampeded;  now  a  tribe  attacked  a 
neophyte  community  or  a  rival  rancheria.58  For  a 
decade  and  more  after  the  governor's  campaigns  the 
south  was  seldom  free  from  disorders  of  some  kind. 
At  first  the  blame  was  laid  at  the  door  of  the  inde 
pendent  captain;  but  the  records  do  not  show  any 
diminution  of  troubles  after  that  officer  was  subjected 
to  the  padres. 

In  addition  to  these  calamities  an  intermittent  epi 
demic  made  fearful  havoc  among  the  southern  tribes 
from  1742  to  1748.  Some  of  the  missions  were  so 
completely  depopulated  by  this  scourge  that  it  became 
necessary  to  incorporate  them  with  others.  In  this 
way  the  surviving  neophytes  of  Santa  Rosa  and  San 
Jose  were  transferred  to  Santiago,  while  the  remnants 
of  La  Paz  were  removed  to  Todos  Santos.59 

It  is  said  that  at  Loreto  a  new  presidio  was  built, 
but  not  on  the  original  site,  in  1 742-3. 60  In  1744 
the  veteran  Captain  Lorenzo  became  blind  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Bernardo,  dying  two  years 
later.61  In  the  same  year  the  missionaries  lost  two 
of  their  number.  Jaime  Bravo  died  at  San  Javier 
the  13th  of  May  1744,  after  almost  forty  years  of 

™A1egre,  iii.  288-9;  Cal.,Estab.  y  Prog.,  201;  Clavigero,  ii.  123,  says  that 
the  southern  captain  was  too  prone  to  bloody  revenge  for  outrages  of  the 
savages. 

oaThe  epidemic,  probably  small-pox,  raged  most  furiously  in  1742,  1744, 
and  1748.  Hardly  one  sixth  of  the  southern  people  were  left  alive.  The 
Uchitis  lost  more  than  any  other  tribe,  only  one  surviving  in  17C7.  Clavigero, 
ii.  123.  All  agree  that  the  plague  was  a  punishment  from  heaven.  One 
writer  tells  us  that  not  only  did  the  Indians  of  the  north  escape,  but  loyal 
ones  in  the  south  were  saved  by  lemon-juice  and  sea-baths,  a  treatment  that 
proved  fatal  to  malefactors.  At  San  Jos(§  del  Cabo  alone  500  natives  were 
carried  off.  Sales,  Noticias  Col.,  i.  90-1. 

coln  Ilastradon  J\lcxicana,  i.  277-8,  is  a  view  of  the  presidio  in  1850.  It 
is  said  that  on  the  lintel  of  the  chief  door  is  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that 
the  building  was  completed  in  1742.  Negrete,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geo>j.  J3ol.,  vii. 
338-9,  says  the  presidio  was  founded  on  its  present  site  in  1743;  but  he  is  in 
error  in  supposing  it  had  been  at  San  Bruno  before. 

61  Estevan  Rodriguez  Lorenzo  was  a  native  of  Portugal.  In  Mexico  he 
was  for  some  years  majordomo  of  an  hacienda  belonging  to  the  Tepozatlan 
college.  He  came  to  California  with  Salvatierra  in  1097,  and  was  made 
captain  by  his  companions  in  1701.  His  marriage  in  1707  has  been  noted. 
He  was  as  pious  as  he  was  brave,  and  nothing  could  shake  his  devotion  to 
the  padres.  He  died  full  of  years  and  honors  Nov.  1st  or  4th,  1746.  Not 
withstanding  his  services  no  pension  could  be  obtained  in  his  last  years. 


4G2  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

faithful  service;62  and  Francisco  Javier  Wagner  died 
at  San  Jose  de  Comondu  the  12th  of  October,  being 
succeeded  by  Jacobo  Droet,  who  had  come  in  1732. 
But  two  new  padres  arrived  at  the  same  time;  one 
of  them  was  Gaspar  de  Trujillo  to  take  charge  of  Lo- 
reto,  which  flourished  exceedingly  under  his  care, 
particularly  in  matters  religious,63  and  the  other  Mi 
guel  del  Barco.64  Other  padres  who  came  before 
1745,  some  of  them  perhaps  several  years  earlier,  were 
Karl  Neumayer,  Lamberto  Hostell,  Pedro  Maria 
Nascimben,  and  Jose*  Gasteiger.65  Father  Antonio 
Tempis  died  in  1746  at  Santiago  as  has  already  been 
noted.  In  1747  Sebastian  Sistiaga  was  transferred 
to  the  mainland  by  reason  of  ill  health,  his  place  at 
San  Ignacio  being  taken  by  Consag;  and  in  1748  the 
list  of  losses  was  increased  by  the  death  of  Father 
Clemente  Guillen,  the  senior  member  of  the  band/6 
and  in  1750  by  that  of  the  young  comandante  Lorenzo 
y  la  Rea.67  The  last  accessions  of  the  half  century 
were  padres  Juan  de  Armesto  and  Ducrue,  the  for 
mer  taking  the  place  of  Trujillo  in  1748.63 

Perhaps  the  most  important  event  of  the  period 
was  Father  Consag's  exploration  of  the  upper  gulf 

62  He  was  61  years  of  age,  the  founder  of  La  Paz,  and  died  as  piously  as 
he  had  lived.     He  was  buried  in  the  centre  of  the  presbytery  1|  varas  from 
the  last  step  of  the  high  altar.  Loreto,  Libro  de  Mision,  MS. 

63  His  name  appears  frequently  down  to  1752.  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 
He  obtained  'la  apetida  licencia  de  tener  en  dep6sito  al  Seiior  Sacramen- 
tado. .  .Ningun  otro  misionero  ha  podido  conseguir  hasta  ahora  para  su 
mision  e"  iglesia  esta  gracia  tan  estimable.'  Barco,  Informe  del  estado  de  la 
mision  de  San  Francisco  Javier  de  California,  1762,  205. 

64  His  name  appears  in  April  and  May  1744  in  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 
Clavigero  implies  that  he  came  in  1737. 

65  Venegas,  ii.  546-50,  names  these  padres  not  mentioned  before  in  a  list 
of  missions  and  their  padres.     Most  of  them  appear  later  on  the  registers  of 
Loreto  and  San  Ignacio. 

60  He  died  at  Loreto  April  8,  1748,  aged  71  years,  52  years  a  Jesuit,  and 
34  (37?)  in  California,  spending  20  years  in  converting  the  Guaicuri  nation. 
Came  to  Loreto  for  his  health  in  April  1747,  intending  to  go  later  to  Co 
mondu.  Worked  hard  learning  new  languages  within  a  week  of  his  death. 
Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 

67  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.     He  died  Dec.  10,  1750.     The  death  of  Lieut. 
Juan  Carrillo  on  May  4,  1748,  is  also  recorded.     He  was  husband  of  Efigenia 
Millan,  whoever  she  may  have  been. 

68  Barco,  Informe,  1762,  p.  207. 


COXSAG'S  VOYAGE. 


4G3 


coasts  in  1746.  It  was  made  by  order  of  Provincial 
Escobar  who  hoped  by  the  results  to  increase  the 
importance  of  California  in  the  king's  eyes.  Though 
the  padres  were  to  bear  the  expense,  and  had  no 
reason  to  believe  that  their  cause  would  be  advanced 
by  results,  they  did  not  hesitate.  The  9th  of  June 
Consag  with  a  party  of  Yaquis,  Californians,  and 


Las  Virgenes  enlosquales 
k  SehinflescuW.  rto  A'olcanes 

<K  d'Fuego  Ano  1746 

<*cv 


CON  SAG'S  MAP,  1746. 

soldiers,  sailed  in  four  open  boats  from  San  Carlos,  a 
shallow  inlet  lying  a  little  north  of  east  from  the 
padre's  mission  of  San  Ignacio.  Slowly  they  worked 
their  way  northward,  as  near  the  shore  as  possible, 
landing  often,  finding  the  natives  at  one  point  friendly, 


464  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

at  another  hostile,  until  they  reached  the  mouth  of 
the  Colorado  in  the  middle  of  July.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  explore  the  river,  but  was  frustrated  by 
the  strong  current,  one  boat  being  lost.  On  the  25th 
they  started  southward  and  on  the  return  examined 
such  points  as  had  been  omitted  on  the  upward  trip. 
The  results  of  the  expedition  are  shown  on  the  annexed 
copy  of  Consag's  map.69  The  diary  gives  a  detailed 
description  of  the  coast,  but  records  nothing  of  note 
in  the  way  of  adventures.  The  voyage  once  more 
proved  California  to  be  a  peninsula. 

After  the  royal  order  of  April  1743,  in  which  ex"- 
penses  of  the  Californian  revolt  were  assumed  for  the 
treasury,  a  consultation  was  held  by  the  council  of 
the  Indies  through  the  influence  of  Jesuit  authorities ; 
and  the  recommendations  of  the  council  were  issued  in 
a  cedula  of  November  13,  1744.  The  document  was 
loner,  and  favorable  to  the  Jesuits.  Past  orders  in 
their  behalf  were  mentioned,  with  the  admission  that 
those  orders,  particularly  in  the  payment  of  stipends, 
had  not  been  obeyed,  but  with  the  assurance  that 
they  would  now  be  promptly  attended  to.  Settle 
ments  and  presidios  and  vessels  were  to  be  provided, 
and  detailed  reports  were  to  be  called  for  that  the  aid 
might  be  more  efficient.  The  royal  views  went  far 
beyond  the  peninsula,  up  to  Monterey,  and  an  essen 
tial  feature  of  the  new  movement  was  to  be  the  occu 
pation  of  Pimeria  Alta,  a  presidio  on  the  Gila,  and  an 
advance  on  California  from  the  north-east.  All  this, 
however,  took  the  form  of  general  recommendations 
of  a  grand  scheme  to  be  investigated.  In  1745  the 
provincial  Escobar  prepared  a  report  on  the  condition 
and  needs  of  the  Californian  establishments  with  a 
view  particularly  to  the  projects  of  the  late  cedula. 
He  showed  that  California  was  too  sterile  a  province 

69  Consag,  Derrotero  del  Viage  que  en  descubrimienlo  de  lacosta  Oriental  de 
Californias  hasta  el  Rio  Colorado .  , .  hizo  d  Padre . .  .11 '46.  In  Venegas,  Noticia, 
in.  140-94;  also  in  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  ii.  276-94.  And  more 
briefly  in  Apostolicos  Afancs,  389  et  seq.;  Clavifjero,  Storia,  ii.  120-2;  Alegre, 
Hist.,  Hi.  286-7;  Zevallos,  Vidade  Konsag,  9-10. 


END  OF  VENEGAS'  RECORD.  4G5 

for  Spanisli  settlements;  that  a  new  vessel  and  an 
increased  military  force  were  essential,  and  that  the 
missionaries  should  have  a  larger  stipend  than  three 
hundred  pesos.  And  he  went  somewhat  into  details 
respecting  the  necessity  and  methods  of  occupying  the 
Gila  region  as  a  step  toward  the  conquest  of  the  coast 
to  the  north.  It  was  by  Escobar's  orders  and  with  a 
view  to  these  general  projects  that  Consag's  explora 
tion  was  made  in  1746,  as  already  recorded.  The  new 
king,  December  4,  1747,  reissued  the  former  cedula 
with  Escobar's  report,  and  ordered  the  viceroy  to  take 
such  steps  as  might  seenr  necessary  for  the  carrying-out 
of  the  projects  recommended.  And  that  seems  to  have 
been  the  end  of  the  matter  for  years  so  far  as  Cali 
fornia  was  concerned.  I  find  no  evidence  even  that  a 
stipend  was  paid  to  any  Jesuit  missionary,  or  that  any 
additional  expense  was  incurred  by  the  government 
for  garrison  or  maritime  service.70 

The  record  of  Father  Venegas  ends  practically  with 
1746,  and  so  far  as  details  of  California  happenings 
are  concerned  we  shall  find  nothing  to  take  its  place 
for  the  next  twenty  years.  I  append  his  closing  table 
of  missions,  pueblos,  and  padres/1  adding  such  changes 

70Orders  of  Nov.  13,  1744,  and  Dec.  4,  1747,  in  Baja  Cal,  Cedula*,  MS., 
117-44:  Venefjas,  Not.,  ii.  498-520,  536-4G;  Clav'vjero,  Storia,  ii.  115-20; 
Alcgre,  Hist.,  in.  286. 

71  Venerjas,  Not.,  ii.  546-50;  Cataloyus  Personarum  et  Domiciliorum, 
Mexici,  1751. 

I.  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Loreto,  25°  30';  presidio,  P.  Caspar  de  Trujillo 
(1750,  P.  Juan  Armesto,  procurador). 

II.  San  Javier,  25°  30';  P.  Miguel  del  Barco  (visitador  in  1750).    Pueblos: 
Sta  Rosalia,  7  leagues  w. ;  S.  Miguel,  8  1.  N.;  S.  Agustin,  10  1.  s.  E. ;  Dolores, 
21.  E.;  S.  Pablo,  81.  N.  w. 

III.  Dolores  del  Sur,  formerly  San  Juan  Bautista  Malibat,  or  Ligui;  P. 
Clemente  Guillen  (1750,  P.  Lamberto  Hostell,  superior).     Pueblos:  Dolores, 
24°  30';  Concepcion,  Encarnacion,  Trinidad,  Redempcion,  Resurreccion. 

IV.  San  Luis  Gonzaga,  25°;  P.  Lamberto  Hostell  (1750,  P.  Jacob  Bae- 
gert).     Pueblos:  S.  Juan  Nepomuceno;  Sta  Maria  Magdalena,  on  bay  of  same 
name. 

V.  San  Jose*   de  Comondu,  26°;   P.  Jacobo  Droet  (1750,  P.  Josd  Ron- 
dero— Rotea?).     Pueblos:  three  not  named,  1  1.  w.,  7  1.  N.,  10  1.  E.  on  the 
shore. 

VI.  Santa  Rosalia,  26°  50';  P.  Pedro  Maria  Nascimben.     Pueblos:  Trini 
dad,  6  1.  s.  E. ;  S.  Marcos,  8  1.  N. 

VII.  Puri'sima  Concepcion,  26°;  P.  Jacobo  Droet.     Six  pueblos  within  8 
leagues. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    30 


4G6  JESUIT  ANNALS  OF  LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 

in  the  personnel  as  are  recorded  in  a  Latin  catalogue 
of  the  order  for  1750.  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez  de 
voted  a  chapter  of  his  work,  published  in  1748,  to 
a  somewhat  superficial  description  of  the  Californian 
establishments,  besides  devoting  considerable  space  to 
Consag's  exploring  voyage.72 

VIII.  Nuestra  Seuora  de  Guadalupe,  27°;  P.  Jos<§  Gasteiger.     Pueblos: 
Concepcion,  61.  s.;  S.  Miguel,  G  1.  s.  \v.;  S.  Pedro  y  S.  Pablo,  6  1.  w.;  Sta 
Maria,  5  1.  N. 

IX.  San  Ignacio,  28°;  P.  Sebastian  Sistiaga  (Consag  from  1747).  Pueblos: 
S.  Borja,  81.;  S.  Joaquin,  3  1. ;  S.  Sabas,  31.;  S.  Atanasio,  5  1. ;  Sta  Monica, 
7  1. ;  Sta  Marta,  111.;  Sta  Lucia,  10  1.;  Sta  Ninfa,  5  1. 

X.  Dolores  del  Norte,  29°;  PP.  Sistiaga  and  Consag,  in  connection  with 
S.  Ignacio;  1,548  converts.     (Not  in  Cataloyus.) 

XI.  Santa  Maria  Magdalena.     Not  yet  founded,  though  the  Indians  had 
been  converted  by  Consag. 

XII.  Santiago  del  Sur,  23°;   P.  Antonio  Tempis   (1750,  Juan  Bischoff). 
Anchorages  of  Sta  Maria  cle  la  Luz  and  San  Borja. 

XIII.  Nuestra  Sefiora  del  Pilar  de  la  Paz.     No  reports.     (1750,  P.  Fran 
cisco  Inama. ) 

XIV.  Santa  Rosa.     No  reports.     (1750,  P.  Jorge  Redo— Retz?) 

XV.  San  Jose"  del  Cabo.     No  reports.     (1750,  P.  Carlos  Neumayer.) 

XVI.  San  Juan  Bautista,  in  the  north.     Preparations  made  but  not  yet 
founded. 

72  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro  Americano,  ii.  272-94. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

LOWER  CALIFORNIA-JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 
1750-1769. 

REVIVAL  OF  INDUSTRIES — CALUMNIES — MEAGRE  RECORDS— CONSAG  ON  THE 
PACIFIC — FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  GERTRUDIS-JIIVERA  Y  MONCADA  COM 
MANDANT — COAST  EXPLORATION — HURRICANE— VENEGAS'  MAP — FOUND 
ING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DE  BORJA — CHANGES  IN  MISSIONARIES— LINK'S 
EXPLORATIONS — FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  MARIA — TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH — 
DEMAND  FOR  WOMEN  AND  SECULARIZATION — EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS — 
ARRIVAL  OF  GOVERNOR  PORTOLA — WORKS  OF  BAEGERT  AND  DUCRUE — 
MAP — PARTING  SCENES— LIST  OF  JESUIT  MISSIONARIES — COMING  OF  THE 
FRANCISCANS — OBSERVANTES  AND  FERNANDINOS — NAMES  OF  THE  SIX 
TEEN—DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  FRIARS— A  NEW  SYSTEM— COMING  OF 
VISITADOR  GENERAL  GALVEZ— REFORMS  INTRODUCED — MISSION  CHANGES 
— TOWNS  AND  COLONIZATION — REGULATIONS— MINING— TRADE— PREP 
ARATIONS  FOR  THE  OCCUPATION  OF  ALTA  CALIFORNIA — THE  FOUR  EX 
PEDITIONS — SECULARIZATION  OF  SANTIAGO  AND  SAN  JOSE — FOUNDING  OF 
SAN  FERNANDO  DE  VELICATA — THE  OLD  MUST  SUPPORT  THE  NEW. 

WHILE  no  statistics  have  been  preserved,  it  appears 
that  in  grain,  fruit,  live-stock  and  like  standard  sup 
plies,  the  missions  of  Lower  California  were  now  nearly 
self-supporting,  and  that  revenues  from  the  estates  of 
the  pious  fund  were  amply  sufficient  to  meet  all  the 
wants  of  the  missionaries.  The  military  establishment 
was  supported  by  the  government.  There  are  indica 
tions  that  about  the  middle  of  the  century  the  Jesuits 
adopted  a  somewhat  less  exclusive  policy  than  that 
of  earlier  years,  and  even  gave  some  little  encourage 
ment  to  the  legitimate  development  of  the  country's 
slight  resources.  The  Manila  ship  touched  at  the 
cape  each  year,  exchanging  goods  for  produce  and  thus 
creating  quite  a  lively  trade.  Other  vessels  began  to 
arrive  from  time  to  time  and  found  the  padres  ready 

(467) 


468  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

for  barter.  Pearl-fishing  was  no  longer  frowned  down 
as  altogether  detrimental  to  the  country's  prosperity, 
and  a  few  mines  were  opened  on  the  peninsula.  Under 
this  revival  of  industries  farming  and  stock-raising  on 
a  small  scale  became  profitable.  But  we  have  only 
very  scanty  information  on  the  general  subject.1 

It  was,  however,  impossible  to  please  everybody — 
or  even  anybody  in  the  case  of  the  Jesuits  as  it  would 
seem.  That  the  general  and  growing  feeling  against 
the  society  was  not  well  founded  I  am  not  prepared 
to  say;  but  it  is  certain  that  no  imaginable  change  of 
policy  in  California  could  have  lessened  that  feeling. 
In  former  years  the  Jesuit  monopoly  was  believed  to 
conceal  vast  treasures.  California  was  an  'el  dorado/ 
and  the  padres  were  dragons  guarding  its  wealth.2 

And  now  that  communication  was  open  by  other 
than  missionary  craft,  the  grounds  of  calumny  were 
by  no  means  removed.  Not  content  with  their  old 
mysterious  wealth  of  gold  and  pearls,  the  Jesuits  now 
insisted  that  the  galleon,  greatly  to  her  own  disadvan 
tage,  should  touch  at  the  cape  for  their  profit;  and 
the  coming  of  other  vessels  was  encouraged  that  the 
padres  might  engage  in  smuggling!3 

It  is  not  possible  to  form  a  connected  and  complete 
narrative  of  mission  annals  from  year  to  year  for  the 
remainder  of  the  Jesuit  period.  Only  a  few  events 
are  preserved  in  the  records;  but  they  are  naturally 
the  most  important,  and  from  them  and  the  details  of 
the  past  the  reader  may  picture  to  himself  the  monot 
ony  of  peninsula  happenings  and  progress  in  these 
years.  Even  the  Jesuit  chroniclers  found  nothing 
of  interest  in  the  dry  record. 

1  The  general  industries  of  the  country,  especially  the  pearl-fisheries,  will 
receive  attention  in  a  later  chapter  of  this  work. 

2 '  The  Jesuits  kept  Europe  ignorant  about  California  as  long  as  they  could,' 
says  De  Pauw,  'and  Anson  in  1744  was  the  first  to  discover  how  dangerously 
powerful  they  were.'  Itecherches  Phil.,  158. 

3Venegas,  iii.  222-5,  indignantly,  but  needlessly,  denies  these  charges. 
Alegre,  iii.  289,  mentions  the  circulation  of  such  reports  in  connection  with 
the  visit  of  a  Dutch  vessel  in  1747-8. 


COXSAG  ON  THE  COAST.  469 

In  May  and  June  1751  Father  Consag  crossed 
from  San  Ignacio  to  the  Pacific,  and  explored  the 
coast  somewhat  carefully  between  latitudes  28°  and  30°. 
A  place  called  Kalvalaga  was  the  northern  limit,  and 
there  they  heard  of  people  in  the  far  north  dressed 
like  themselves,  obtaining  some  pieces  of  cloth  and 
other  articles  which  could  not  have  come,  as  was 
thought,  from  the  Californian  neophytes  or  pearl- 
fishers.  The  party  returned  on  July  8th  to  Piedad 
rancheria  above  San  Ignacio.4 

Many  natives  had  been  converted  in  the  northern 
regions  by  Consag  and  Sistiaga  iu  former  years;  but 
lack  of  missionaries  and  troubles  in  the  south  had 
prevented  the  founding  of  a  new  mission.  Funds 
were  not  wanting,  for  Villapuente  had  suggested  that 
the  revenues  of  San  Jose  del  Cabo  should  be  applied 
to  a  new  northern  establishment,  whenever  the  former 
should  be  abandoned  or  become  self-supporting.  Con- 
sag  in  his  late  trip  selected  a  site,  sending  thither 
some  neophytes  under  a  native  teacher;  and  in  the 
summer  of  1752  Father  Jorge  Ketz  went  to  take 
charge  of  the  mission  which  was  named  Santa  Ger- 
trudis.5  In  the  same  year  Father  Armesto  went  to 
Mexico  as  procurador,  and  his  place  at  Loreto  was 
taken  by  Juan  Javier  Bischoff.6  Father  Jacob  Baegert 
may  also  have  come  about  this  time,  though  there  is 
no  definite  record  of  the  fact.  It  was  in  1752  also 
that  Don  Fernando  Rivera  y  Moncada,  a  man  promi 
nent  in  the  later  annals  of  both  Californias,  received 

*  Consctfj,  Diario  de  su  Entrada,  de  1751.  In  Aposttflicos  Afanes,  391-429. 
The  diary  is  full  of  petty  details,  though  distances  and  directions  are  given  in 
the  usual  vague  manner.  Account  also  in  Zevallos,  Vida  de  Konsafj,  11-12. 

5  According  to  Santa  Gcrtrudis,  Libros  de  Mision,  MS.,  Padre  Ketz  was 
superior  of  the  missions  and  from  1756  to  1762  confirmed  1,740  persons.     The 
soil  was  barren,  and  the  mission  required  much  outside  aid  for  years;  but 

frain  and  fruit  were  eventually  raised  with  success.   Clavifjero,  ii.   132-9; 
>alou,  Not.,  i.  161;  CaL,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  201.     Sales,  Noticias  de  Cal.,  ii. 
39-41,  says  Sta  Gertrudis  was  founded  in  1746;  but  dates  in  that  work  are 
not  to  be  relied  on. 

6  CaL ,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  207-8.    Bischoff  is  said  to  have  made  great  improve 
ments  in  the  establishment.     He  was  transferred  to  Purisima  in   1757.     The 
name  of  Padre  Francisco  Maria  Badillo  also  appears  on  the  Loreto  books  in 
1752.  Loreto,  Lib.  Hwion,  MS. 


470  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

from  the  king  his  commission  as  commandant  of  the 
Loreto  garrison.7 

In  1753  Consag  made  a  new  exploration  of  the 
western  coast  up  to  latitude  31°,  as  he  believed,  really 
perhaps  not  quite  to  30°,  being  well  received  by  the 
natives,  of  whom  he  brought  back  many  to  Santa  Ger- 
trudis.  He  was  accompanied  by  Captain  Rivera, 
whose  zeal  is  highly  praised  in  the  diary.8  A  hurri 
cane  nearly  destroyed  several  of  the  northern  missions 
in  1754,  besides  wrecking  the  best  of  the  padres'  ves 
sels.9  It  was  in  1757  that  Venegas'  standard  work 
as  revised  by  Burriel  was  published  at  Madrid. 
Enough  has  been  said  of  the  work  elsewhere;  but  I 
reproduce  the  map  which  accompanied  it.  From  this 
year  to  the  end  of  the  Jesuit  period  the  name  of 
Father  Lucas  Ventura  appears  on  the  registers  as 
minister  at  Loreto.10 

It  was  intended  to  establish  a  new  northern  mission 
in  1759,  and  in  a  sense  it  was  founded,  though  with 
out  a  regular  minister  for  three  years.  The  duchess 
of  Gandia,  Maria  de  Borja,  had  left  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  endow  the  mission,  which  was  to  be  called 
San  Francisco  de  Borja.11  Retz  had  found  a  good 
site  three  days'  journey  north  of  Santa  Gertrudis; 
Consag  was  to  superintend  the  founding,  and  Father 
Jose  Rotea,  a  new-comer,  was  to  be  the  minister. 
But  Consag  died  in  September  1759,  and  Rotea  had 

7  Sept.  9,  1752.  Baja  CaL,  CecMas,  MS.,  145-6.  This  is  the  first  that  is 
known  of  Rivera;  but  he  is  spoken  of  as  a  man  familiar  with  all  parts  of  the 
province,  where  he  had  probably  served  for  some  years. 

*Zevallos,  Vida,  12-14;  Clavifjero,  ii.  139;  CaL,  Estdb.  y  Pro.?.,  201. 

9  The  ill-luck  of  old  seems  to  have  returned  to  the  mission  flotilla  in  these 
years.     Procurador  Armesti  in  1759  persuaded  the  viceroy  to  build  a  vessel 
at  a  royal  expense  of  19,000  pesos,  and  the  craft  was  lost  at  San  Lucas  on  its 
first  trip.     Then  a  vessel  belonging  to  Dolores  was  broken  up  by  the  native 
crew  after  the  captain  had  been  murdered.     The  criminals  were  punished; 
but  thereafter  communication  with  Loreto  was  by  land.     Finally  an  excellent 
vessel  was  built  in  California  by  one  Molina,  at  a  cost  of  18,000  pesos,  of  which 
sum  10,000  was  paid  by  the  treasury;  and  Molina  later  built  a  smaller  vessel 
paid  for  by  the  missions,  though  surrendered  at  the  expulsion  in  1767.  Clavi- 
gero,  ii.  142-4. 

10  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 

11  Clav'icjero,  Storia,  ii.  139-40.     Palou,  Not.,  i.  162-3,  says  this  mission  was 
endowed  by  Antonio  Lanza. 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA. 


471 


VENEGAS'  MAP  OF  THE  PENINSULA,  1757. 


472  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

to  take  his  place  at  San  Ignacio.  Yet  Ketz  went'  on 
with  his  work,  not  only  converting  and  instructing 
natives,  but  opening  a  road  from  Santa  Gertrudis  and 
building  a  church  and  dwelling.  Thus  all  was  read}r, 
when  in  1762  the  Bohemian  Jesuit,  Wenceslao  Link, 
arrived  and  was  appointed  to  San  Francisco.12  Sev 
eral  years  passed  before  Borja  became  self-supporting, 
supplies  being  meanwhile  brought  by  sea  to  Los 
Angeles  Bay,  some  twenty  miles  from  the  mission. 
It  soon  became  comparatively  a  large  and  prosperous 
establishment;  but  it  also  had  its  troubles,  caused  by 
the  determination  of  certain  medicine-men  that  the 
northern  tribes  should  not  apostatize  from  their  origi 
nal  faith.  It  took  all  of  Padre  Wenceslao's  energy 
to  overcome  the  hostility  excited;  but  he  did  it,  on 
one  occasion  taking  prisoners  a  whole  rancheria  with 
out  striking  a  blow.13 

In  1761  the  name  of  Padre  Manuel  Maria  Sotelo  y 
Figueroa,  appears  on  the  records  of  Loreto  and  Santa 
Gertrudis. u  At  the  end  of  the  same  year  Brother 
Mugazabal  died  at  his  post  at  the  age  of  seventy-seven 
years,  fifty-eight  of  which  had  been  passed  in  Cali 
fornia,  and  forty-three  as  a  Jesuit.15  For  1762  we 
have  reports  from  fathers  Barco,  Link,  and  Kotea  on 
the  missions  of  San  Javier,  San  Francisco  de  Borja, 
and  San  Ignacio  respectively,  with  items  of  informa 
tion  on  other  establishments,  this  matter  closing  one 

12  Link,  or  Linck,  was  a  native  of  Nider,  born  in  1736,  who  became  a  Jes 
uit  in  1754.  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo,  24.     In  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  739-40,  we  read 
that  after  the  expulsion  he  died  at  Vienna  in  1772;  but  a  better  authority, 
Ducrue,  in  Jesuites,  Expulsion,  367,  states  that  in  1773  he  became  catechist  at 
Olmiitz  college;  also  that  he  wrote  a  history  of  the  missions  in  Latin.     Link 
(  IVenzel),  Nachrichten  von  Cal'ifornien,  is  a  brief  description  of  the  peninsula 
in  Murr,  Nachrichten,  402-12,  where  it  is  stated  in  a  note  that  he  was  born  at 
Joachimthal,  and  was  still  living  at  Olmiitz  in  1790.     I  shall  have  occasion  to 
cite  other  writings  of  his. 

13  Clavifjero,  Storia,  ii.  139-50;  Link,  Informe  de  San  Borja,  1762.    Extracts 
in  CaL,  Estab.  y  Prog.,  212-15. 

u Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  Sta  Gertrudis,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.  Sotelo  in 
1767  was  in  Puebla.  He  was  a  native  of  Galicia,  born  in  1736,  and  made  a 
Jesuit  in  1752.  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo,  40.  P.  Lamberto  Hostell  was  visitador 
in  1761. 

15 Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.;  Barco,  Informe  de  1762,  209-10.  His  body 
was  buried  near  that  of  Padre  Bravo. 


LINK'S  EXPLORATIONS.  473 

of  the  most  important  records  hitherto  consulted.16 
Early  in  this  year  the  name  of  Padre  Ignacio  Tiirsch 
appears  on  the  records.17  Between  August  1762  and 
April  of  the  next  year,  the  small-pox  carried  off 
many  neophytes  at  Loreto.  Father  Li'icas  Ventura 
began  his  service  in  1764,  and  fathers  Victoriano 
Arnes  and  Javier  Franco  arrived,  the  latter  taking 
charge  of  Todos  Santos  on  the  death  of  Father  Neu- 
mayer  in  August.  The  name  of  Juan  Jose  Diez  first 
appears  in  1766.18  There  were  three  other  Jesuits  in 
the  country  in  1767,  respecting  whose  coming  I  have 
found  no  record.19  -x 

In  1765  Father  Link  made  an  exploration  of  Angel 
de  la  Guarda  Island,  finding  it  destitute  of  water  and 
not  inhabited  by  either  men  or  animals,  though  the 
natives  had  led  him  to  expect  a  different  state  of 
things.20  In  February  1766  the  same  padre  set  out 
with  a  large  party  from  Borja  with  the  intention  of 
reaching  the  Colorado  River  by  land.  He  came 
within  some  twenty  or  thirty  leagues  of  the  river,  as 
he  believed;  but  difficulties  of  the  way  and  the  ex 
haustion  of  the  animals  forced  him  to  turn  back. 
His  diary  is  full  of  details,  but  has  no  general  inter 
est  except  in  the  fact  that  it  records  the  first  explora 
tion  of  the  northern  peninsula.21 

There  was  money  from  the  duchess  of  Gandia's 
bequest  for  a  new  mission  in  the  north;  and,  Link 
having  failed  to  find  a  better  site,  Arnes  and  Diez 
went  in  October  to  found  it  at  a  spot  called  Calagnu- 
juet,  eighty  miles  above  Borja,  where  Consag  had  been 

16  CaL,  Estab.  y  Pro.?,,  202-19.     The  Baja  CaL,  Cedulas,  MS.,  is  ended 
by  two  brief  ctfdulas  of  1763-4  of  no  importance,  p.  146-7. 

17  Loreto,  Lib.  Vision,  MS.     His  name  was  written  Tirs  by  the  Spaniards. 
He  was  a  native  of  Cometzer,  born  in  1733,  and  became  a  Jesuit  in  1754.     He 
was  minister  at  Santiago  at  the  expulsion.   Comp.  Jesus,  Cat.,  42. 

18  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ;  Sta  Gertrudis,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.     Padres  Juan 
Mariano  Blanco  and  Julian  Jose"  Salazar  officiated  at  baptisms  in  1766;  but 
they  seem  to  have  been  Sinaloa  missionaries  visiting  the  peninsula. 

19  These  were  Inama,  Escalante,  and  Villavieja. 
2Q  Clavifjero,  Sforia,  ii.   155-7. 

21  Link,  Diario,  1766,  MS.;  Clavigero,  Storia,  i.  21;  Baenert,  Nachrichten, 
5-6;  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  99. 


474  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

in  earlier  years.  The  padres  worked  hard,  and  with 
much  success  in  the  matter  of  conversion,  Arnes  con 
tinuing  his  toil  alone  after  Diez  was  worn  out  and 
transferred  to  Borja  and  then  to  Purisima;  and  some 
serious  troubles  with  the  natives  were  quelled  by  the 
father's  skilful  application  of  Link's  former  policy,  a 
happy  mingling  of  conquest  and  clemency;  but  by 
reason  of  the  barren  soil  and  alkaline  water  the  estab 
lishment  had  to  be  moved  in  May  1767  to  a  new  site 
some  fifty  miles  distant,  where  new  buildings  were 
erected,  and  where  under  the  name  of  Santa  Maria 
the  mission  soon  became  somewhat  prosperous.  It 
was  the  last  of  the  Jesuit  establishments.22 

Since  1760,  the  scanty  chronicles  of  this  epoch  pay 
ing  little  heed  to  dates,  new  troubles  had  arisen  in  the 
south.  Several  mines  were  now  worked  in  that  re 
gion,  and  the  miners  had  considerable  difficulty  in 
obtaining  supplies,  the  missionaries  having  but  little 
to  spare  after  feeding  their  neophytes,  and  demanding 
what  were  regarded  as  extortionate  prices.  In  their 
consequent  hostility  to  the  missions  these  men  shrewdly 
began  to  instil  new  ideas  into  the  minds  of  the  natives, 
telling  them  how  the  aborigines  in  New  Spain  tilled 
their  own  fields,  paid  tribute  to  the  king,  and  sold  the 
produce  as  they  chose.  This  was  a  revelation  to  the 
Californians,  who  soon  began  to  demand  from  the 
padres  a  division  of  land  and  of  live-stock;  the  women, 
children,  old,  and  sick  to  be  left  in  care  of  the  mission 
aries.  The  absurdity  of  such  demands  is  obvious 
enough.  It  was  only  by  the  most  unremitting  labors 
that  these  lazy  natives  had  been  induced  to  work  for 
a  living.  Without  the  urging  and  example  and  author 
ity  of  the  padres  they  would  soon  have  returned  to 
their  original  savagism;  but  the  miners  would  in  the 
mean  time  have  cheated  them  out  of  their  lands  and 
cattle,  which  was  exactly  what  they  desired. 

'^Clavigero,  Storia,  ii.  l76-83j  Palou,  Not.,  i.  1G4-5.  It  was  on  the 
stream  called  Carbujakaamang. 


NATIVE  DIPLOMACY.  475 

Another  cause  of  dissatisfaction,  especially  in  the 
south,  was  the  scarcity  of  women.  Many  natives  at 
Loreto  and  in  the  north  obtained  Yaqui  wives;  but 
the  turbulent  bachelors  of  the  south  found  no  favor  in 
the  eyes  of  mainland  maidens.  The  padres  did  all 
they  could  to  remedy  the  evil;  and  they  even  applied 
to  the  governor  of  Sinaloa,  engaged  in  campaigns 
against  the  Seris,  to  capture  as  many  girls  of  that 
tribe  as  possible  to  be  made  wives  in  the  peninsula, 
but  none  could  be  caught. 

Such  being  their  chief  grievances,  the  southerners 
resolved  to  send  a  deputation  ta  demand  from  the 
government  the  dismissal  of  the  missionaries,  and 
secularization  of  the  missions.  Twenty  men  in  the 
night  seized  one  of  the  padres'  vessels  and  crossed 
to  Ahome.  The  padre  there  succeeded  in  detaining 
them  for  months,  except  three  who  succeeded  in 
reaching  Montesclaros  and  laying  their  complaint 
before  the  alferez  in  command,  who  promised  to  for 
ward  it  to  his  superiors,  but  was  induced  by  the 
Jesuits  not  to  meddle  in  what  did  not  concern  him. 
Meanwhile  a  vessel  came  from  Loreto  to  carry  the 
fugitives  back.  They  were  condemned  to  a  severe 
flogging  but  pardoned  at  the  padres'  intercession. 
But  the  Indians,  at  the  instigation  of  the  miners — as 
the  Jesuits  say,  and  as  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt — 
renewed  their  efforts,  and  after  an  unsuccessful  appli 
cation  to  the  visitador  general,  again  crossed  the  gulf 
in  a  stolen  craft,  part  going  to  Durango  and  the  rest 
to  Tepic.  Three  of  the  latter  reached  Guadalajara, 
whence  the  oidores  reported  their  complaints  to  the 
court  at  Madrid.  After  being  reduced  to  great  des 
titution  on  the  main  the  Californians  were  sent  home 
after  an  absence  of  two  years,  reaching  Loreto  in  a 
very  penitent  frame  of1  mind,  though  in  their  absence 
their  countrymen  had  made  other  efforts  in  the  same 
direction.  In  1766  the  Jesuit  provincial  made  a  for 
mal  offer  to  give  up  all  the  society's  missions,  includ 
ing  those  of  California;  and  in  1767  the  Jesuits 


476  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

declined  to  receive  the  bequest  of  Dona  Josefa  Ar- 
giielles  y  Miranda,  who  by  her  will  left  a  large  fort 
une  for  the  Californian  fund.23 

At  first  'thought  it  may  appear  that  the  Jesuits 
were  wrong  in  making  such  efforts  to  prevent  the 
complaints  of  their  neophytes — especially  if  they  were 
as  absurdly  unfounded  as  is  claimed — from  reaching 
the  government;  but  they  well  knew  the  use  that 
would  be  made  at  this  critical  time  by  their  enemies 
of  such  complaints.  Their  effect  would  be  consum 
mated  long  before  any  explanation  could  be  utilized. 
It  behooved  them  to  keep  their  local  troubles  as  quiet 
as  possible  and  leave  the  great  battle  to  be  fought  out 
in  Europe. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  all  Spanish 
dominions  in  1767  is  a  subject  that  has  received  due 
attention  in  another  part  of  this  work.24  The  compli 
cated  causes  leading  to  that  event  did  not  depend 
very  largely  on  the  doings  and  reputation  of  the  order 
in  America,  and  still  less  of  course  on  developments 
in  any  particular  American  province.  In  each  prov 
ince  the  Jesuits  had  contributed  material  for  the 
charges,  true  and  false,  that  had  stirred  up  such  a 
storm  of  opposition,  but  it  is  obviously  impossible  to 
estimate  the  weight  of  any  particular  contribution. 
In  each  case  the  charges,  the  bitterness  of  prejudice 
and  hatred,  were  exaggerated  by  the  missionaries 
themselves.  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  Califor 
nia  by  reason  of  its  isolation,  the  air  of  mystery  always 
enveloping  it,  its  known  wealth  in  pearls,  the  exclu- 
siveness  of  Jesuit  occupation,  and  the  large  sums 
contributed  by  private  benefactors,  played  as  promi 
nent  a  part  in  the  drama  as  any  province  of  the  New 
World.25 

23  Clavigero,  Storia,  ii.  157-70. 

24  See  Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  iii.,  this  series. 

25Baegert,  Nachrichten,  331-4,  mentions  a  series  of  eight  charges  pre 
sented  to  the  viceroy  in  1766:  1,  that  the  soldiers  were  slaves  to  the  padres; 
2,  were  forced  to  pay  exorbitant  prices  for  food;  3,  that  the  Indians  were 


AN  UNEXPECTED  CHANGE.  477 

Late  in  September  1767  it  was  reported  that  a 
party  of  strangers  had  landed  at  Puerto  Escondido 
below  Loreto,  remained  a  few  days,  and  mysteriously 
sailed  away.  They  appeared  later  near  La  Paz, 
departing  after  obtaining  some  provisions  and  stating 
that  a  new  governor  was  coming  with  a  party  of 
Franciscan  friars.26  The  Jesuits  thought  that  perhaps 
their  resignation  had  been  accepted,  but  they  were  far 
from  suspecting  the  truth.  In  fact  Don  Gaspar  de 
Portold  had  been  sent  as  governor  to  execute  the 
decree  of  expulsion,  and  the  mysterious  strangers  were 
a  part  of  his  company  strictly  enjoined  not  to  divulge 
the  nature  of  their  mission.27  They  returned  to  the 
main  because  Portold  had  been  delayed;  but  on  the 
30th  of  November  the  governor  landed  near  San  Jose 
del  Cabo;  was  welcomed  with  his  company  at  Mission 
Santiago  by  Padre  Tiirsch,  and  soon  had  an  interview 
with  Captain  Rivera  y  Moncada.  He  also  visited 
some  mines  in  the  vicinity.'28  If  he  had  any  extrava 
gant  expectations  respecting  the  wealth  of  the  country 
and  the  prospect  of  a  forcible  resistance  to  his  meas 
ures,  they  were  promptly  dispelled  by  his  observations 
in  the  south  and  on  the  march  to  Loreto,  as  well  as 
by  the  statements  of  Tiirsch  and  Rivera.  The  Jesuit 

overworked  and  underfed;  4,  that  the  Jesuits  had  silver  mines  concealed;  5, 
that  it  was  their  fault  that  the  mines  of  Sta  Ana  and  S.  Antonio  did  not 
flourish;  6,  that  they  opposed  colonization;  7,  that  they  traded  with  English 
men;  8,  that  they  taught  the  Indians  nothing  of  the  king  of  Spain.  The 
captain  of  the  garrison  sent  a  sworn  denial  of  the  truth  of  these  charges. 
Pauw,  Recherchex,  i.  161-G,  says  the  Jesuits  at  first  hankered  after  pearls; 
then  they  hoped  to  find  a  rich  and  civilized  country;  and  at  last  found  trade 
with  the  galleon  very  profitable.  Robertson,  Hist.  Amer.,  ii.  330,  tells  us 
the  Jesuits  studiously  concealed  the  great  resources  of  the  peninsula;  and 
this  has  always  been  a  popular  idea,  though  a  very  absurd  one.  Forbes, 
Hist.  CaL,  61-2,  complains  of  the  slavery  that  destroyed  the  natives;  and 
Combier,  Voyage,  330-3,  rails  at  some  length  in  the  same  strain. 
wpalou,  Not.,  i.  14. 

27  It  was  feared  perhaps  that  the  Jesuits  would  arm  for  defence,  or  at  least 
conceal  their  treasure.     At  least  this  is  a  favorite  view  of  the  padres.     Bae- 
gart,  Nachrichten,  302,  says  it  was  rumored  that  there  were  8,000  muskets 
concealed  in  their  houses  with  which  to  arm  the  Indians.     The  greatest  care 
had  been  taken  to  prevent  news  of  what  was  taking  place  on  the  main  from 
crossing  the  gulf. 

28  Some  information  about  these  mines,  which  seem  not  to  have  been  very 
profitable  investments,   is  given  in   Claviyero,  Storia,   ii.  157-9;  Baeyert, 
Nachrichten,  77-83;  Lassepas,  JJaja  CaL,  9. 


473  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

chroniclers,  and  especially  Father  Baegert,  a  writer 
of  great  force  and  humor,29  are  fond  of  dwelling  on 
and  doubtless  exaggerating  the  disappointment  of 
Portola  and  his  men  at  finding  so  barren  and  poverty- 
stricken  a  country  where  they  had  looked  for  a 
paradise  rich  in  silver  and  pearls. 

Portold,  reached  Loreto  the  17th  of  December.  He 
at  once  wrote  to  Father  Ducrue,  the  visitador  who 
was  at  Guadalupe,  requesting  him  to  come  to  the 
presidio  and  enclosing  a  letter  from  the  viceroy  which 
contained  the  fatal  decree  of  expulsion.  There  was 
nothing  for  it  but  to  submit,  and  he  sent  notice  to  his 
brother  missionaries  that  by  the  governor's  orders 
they  were  all  to  embark  at  Loreto  on  January  25, 
1768,  at  the  same  time  directing  them  to  pacify  the 
Indians  and  prepare  them  by  every  possible  means 
for  the  coming  change.  Then  he  bade  adieu  to  his 
weeping  neophytes,  who  followed  him  for  leagues  as 
he  set  out  with  a  heavy  heart  for  Loreto.30  The  sad 

29  Jacob  Baegert,  or  Santiago  Begert  as  the  Spaniards  wrote  it,  was  born 
at  Schlettstadt,  Upper  Rhine,  iu  1717,  became  a  Jesuit  in  1736,  sailed  for  Cali 
fornia  in  1751,  was  minister  of  San  Luis  Gonzaga  in  17G7,  and  returning  to 
Europe  died  atNeuburg,  Bavaria,  in  Dec.  1772.  Backer,  Bibliotheque,\.\.4A;  v. 
28;  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdloyo,  8.   Ducrue,  JReisebeschreibitny,  416,  says  Baegert  died 
Sept.  24, 1772.    This  writer's  work,  which  does  not  bear  his  name,  is  entitled, 
Nachrichtcn  von  dcr  Amerikanischen  Halbinsel  Calif ornien:  mit  einem  zwey- 
fachen  Anhany  falscher  Nachrichten.     Geschrieben  von  einem  Priester  der 
Gesellschafb  Jesu,  welchcr  long  darinn  diese  letztere  Jahre  gelcbt  hat.    Mit  Er~ 
laubnuss  der  Oberen.     Mannheim,  1772, 12mo ;  also  edition  of  1773  with  slight 
corrections.     An  extract  was  published  in  the  Berliii'sche  L'Merarische  Wo- 
chenblatt,  1777,  ii.  625;  and  Baerjert's  Account  of  the  Aboriginal  Inhabitants  of 
the  Cali/ornian  Peninsula  [Wash.,   1864],   8vo,  352-99,  is  a  translation  of 
ethnographical  portions  of  the  work  by  Prof.  Charles  Eau,  published  in  the 
Smithsonian  Reports.     Clavigero,  Storia,  i.  15,  mentions  the  work,  which  he 
did  not  see. 

I  append  a  copy  of  Baegert's  map.  Father  Jacob  was  a  vigorous  and  an 
amusing  writer,  in  style  somewhat  reminding  the  reader  of  Thomas  Gage, 
though  disposed  to  be  fair  and  truthful,  which  is  more  than  can  be  said  of 
Gage  in  all  cases.  He  gives  an  unfavorable  picture  of  the  peninsula  and  its 
people,  finding  something  to  praise  in  its  climate,  and  accusing  Venegas  of 
exaggerating  its  resources  and  charms. 

30  Franz  Benno  Ducrue  was  born  at  Munich  in  1721,  became  a  Jesuit  in 
1738,  was  sent  to  California  in  1748,  and  died  at  Munich  in  1779.  Comp. 
Jesus,  Catdloyo,  16,  where,  however,   his  birthplace  is  given  as  'Monaco, 
Bohemia, '  and  his  death  is  not  recorded.     He  wrote  an  account  of  the  expul 
sion  and  journey  to  Europe,  which  must  be  regarded  as  a  standard  work  on 
the  subject  so  far  as  California  is  concerned.  Ducrue,  Reisebeschreibuny  aus 
Calif  ornien  durch  das  Gebiet  von  Mexico  nac/i  Europa,  1767.     In  Murr,  Na- 


EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 


479 


scene  of  parting  was  repeated  at  each  mission.    From 
Santa  Gertrudis  Father  Ketz  had  to  be  carried  on 


BAEGERT'S  MAP,  1757. 

the  back  of  his  Indians,  having  recently  broken  his 
leg.  Of  the  parting  at  another  place,  says  Baegert, 

chrichten,  Halle,  1809,  413-30.  Also  Ducrue,  Notes  Hisforiques  sur  I  'expulsion 
des  Jcsuitc'S  dr.  la  province  dit  Mexique  ct  principaleme.nt  de  la  Ccdifornie  en 
17G7;  par  le  P.  Pennon-Francois  Ducrue,  Miswonnaire  en  cette  meme  province, 
JK  iiilmit  vinyl  ans.  In  Documens  In&dits  concernant  la  Compaynie  de  Jesus 
(1860),  pt,  ii.  doc.  iii.  This  is  said  to  have  been  translated  from  a  Latin  edi 
tion  of  Murr,  1784.  It  is  in  the  library  of  John  T.  Doyle. 


480  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

"not  only  did  I  weep  then  but  throughout  the  jour 
ney,  and  even  now  as  I  write  the  tears  stand  in  my 
eyes."  The  grief  of  the  Indians,  if  not  disinterested, 
was  real  enough;  their  affection  was  that  of  the  dog 
for  the  hand  that  feeds  and  protects.  No  human 
beings  could  be  more  hopelessly  dependent  on  others. 
At  this  time  they  remembered  only  that  they  had 
been  fed  and  cared  for,  forgetting  the  prayers  and 
work  and  occasional  flogging.  On  the  other  hand  the 
padres'  affection  for  their  neophytes  and  desire  for 
their  well-being  must  have  been  disinterested,  other 
wise  they  had  little  reason  to  regret  leaving  the  bar 
ren  peninsula.  Sixteen  Jesuits  left  their  missions  at 
this  time.31 

While  the  padres  were  concentrating  at  the  presidio, 
Portola  busied  himself  with  taking  an  account  of  mis 
sion  and  garrison  property.  The  amount  of  the  in 
ventory  was  about  7,000  pesos  in  money,  and  goods 
to  the  amount  of  60,000  pesos,  chiefly  for  the  soldiers' 
pay,  which  with  a  little  grain  and  meat  constituted 
the  whole  wealth  of  California,  not  including  I  sup 
pose  the  mission  cattle  nor  the  vestments,  plate,  and 
other  church  property,  which  the  Jesuits  state  were 
of  considerable  value,  for  the  missionaries  had  taken 
much  pride  in  decorating  their  temples.32  The  meagre 
result  as  compared  with  the  extravagant  expectations 

81  These  were  Hostell,  rector  at  Mision  de  la  Pasion  (Dolores),  born  at  Miin- 
ster  1706,  Jesuit  1752;  Barco,  San  Javier,  born  Casas  de  Miln  (?)  1706, 
Jesuit  1753;  Ducrue,  visitador,  Guadalupe;  Baegert,  San  Luis;  BischoiF,  Santa 
Kosa,  born  Bohemia  1710,  Jesuit  1727;  Tiirsch,  Santiago;  Inaama,  San  Jose", 
bom  Vienna  1719,  Jesuit  1735;  Diez,  Purisima,  born  Mexico  1735,  Jesuit 
1752,  died  Ferrara  1809;  Escalante,  rector  Sta  Rosalia,  born  Jaen  1724,  Jesuit 
1744,  died  Jaen  1806;  Rotea,  San  Ignacio,  born  Mexico  1732,  Jesuit  1749, 
died  Bolouia  1799;  Retz,  Santa  Gertrudis,  born  Conflanz  1717,  Jesuit  1733; 
Link,  San  Borja;  Arn6s,  Santa  Maria,  born  Graus  1736,  Jesuit,  1754;  Ven 
tura,  Loreto,  born  Zaragoza  1727,  Jesuit  1749,  died  Bolonia  1793;  Franco, 
Loreto,  born  Agreda  1738,  Jesuit  1753;  and  Villavieja,  lay  brother,  Loreto, 
born  Villa  de  Sota  1736,  Jesuit  1762.  Of  the  padres  who  had  left  the 
country  before  1767,  Armesto  is  the  only  one  belonging  to  the  Mexican  pro 
vince  in  that  year;  he  was  born  at  San  Crist6bal,  Spain,  1713,  became  a 
Jesuit  1735,  and  died  Bolonia  1799.  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlofjo,  passim. 

32  Ducrue,  Notes,  355-6.  The  writer  says  that  he  desired  to  revisit  his 
mission,  but  found  himself  suspected  of  a  design  to  abstract  treasure.  The 
funds  at  Guadalupe  were  13  pesos. 


FAREWELL  TO  CALIFOENIA.  481 

attributed  to  the  government  by  the  Jesuits,  gives 
Baegert  and  his  brother  chroniclers  a  new  opportu 
nity  for  sarcastic  reflections. 

January  19th  news  came  that  a  party  of  Francis 
cans  and  soldiers  had  arrived  at  the  cape,  but  there 
were  other  causes  of  delay,  and  the  date  of  departure 
had  to  be  postponed  from  January  25th  to  the  3d  of 
February.  The  decree  of  expulsion  had  been  read  to 
the  assembled  padres.  The  last  day  was  spent  largely 
in  the  performance  of  religious  duties.  At  the  hour 
of  sailing  the  Jesuits  offered  a  last  prayer  for  Cali 
fornia  and  for  themselves.  They  marched  in  a  body 
to  the  shore  at  night  to  avoid  a  crowd;  but  a  multi 
tude  of  Indians  thronged  to  the  beach  prostrating 
themselves  with  loud  lamentations,  kissing  the  padres' 
hands  and  feet,  and  offering  to  carry  them  to  the 
boats.  Even  the  governor  shed  tears.  The  exiles 
standing  in  the  boat  loudly  chanted  the  litany  of  Our 
Lady,  and  so  bade  farewell  to  the  land  of  their  toil. 

The  vessel  that  carried  them  to  Matanchel  in  four 
days  was  a  little  two-masted  transport  without  accom 
modations  for  passengers,  the  padres  making  their 
beds  on  deck.  At  Matanchel  they  were  despoiled  in 
the  king's  name  of  the  few  trifling  comforts  which  the 
kind-hearted  Portold.  had  given  them.  Without  rest 
they  were  reshipped  to  San  Bias,  and  after  four  days 
in  wretched  lodgings  they  started  on  horses  and  mules 
across  the  continent,  closely  guarded  and  subjected  to 
many  needless  hardships.  They  were  not  allowed 
communication  with  any  one  on  the  way,  nor  to  accept 
any  assistance.  They  reached  Vera  Cruz  after  forty- 
four  days  on  March  27th  and  the  13th  of  April  they 
sailed  for  Europe.33  I  append  a  list  of  the  fifty  Jesuit 
missionaries  who  served  in  California  with  the  dates 
of  their  service.  Five  of  the  number,  whose  names 
appear  on  the  mission  books,  may  have  been  merely 
visitors  from  the  mainland  missions.  Of  the  rest 

*zDncnte,  Notes;  Id.,  Reisebeschreibung;  Comp.  Jesus,  Caidlogo;  Baegertr 
Nachrichteii,  302-12;  Claviyero,  Storia,  ii.  202-5. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATKS,  VOL.  I.    31 


482  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

fourteen  died  at  their  posts,  nine  were  transferred  to 
the  main,  sixteen  were  expelled  in  1767—8,  and  as  to 
what  became  of  the  remaining  six,  Napoli,  Gordon, 
Droet,  Trujillo,  Nascimben,  and  Gasteiger,  the  records 
are  silent.34 

In  June  1767  on  the  enforcement  of  the  expulsion 
decree  in  Mexico  the  California  missions  were  ten 
dered  by  Viceroy  Croix  to  the  Franciscan  college  of 
San  Fernando,  and  the  trust  being  accepted  it  was 
arranged  that  seven  friars  should  set  out  from  the 
college  and  be  joined  by  five  others  from  the  Sierra 
Gorda  missions.  Nine,  however,  started  on  July 
16th,  and  not  meeting  the  others  at  Queretaro  or 
Guadalajara  went  on  to  Tepic.35  Here  they  found 
Governor  Portold,  with  his  fifty  men  ready  to  sail, 
Palou  and  Gaston  accompanying  him  on  August  24th, 

3iList  of  Jesuits  who  served  in  California,  1697-1768. 

d,  died;   I,  left  the  country  before  1768;  *  expelled. 

Arraesto,  Juan,  1748-52,  1.  Masariegos,  Fran.  M.,  1740. 

Arnes,  Victoriano,  1764-8.*  Mayorga,  Julian,  1707-36,  d. 

Badillo,  Francisco  Maria,  1752.  Minutili,  Ger6nimo,  1702-(10),  1. 

Barco,  Miguel,  1744.-68.*  Mugazabal,  Juan  B.,  1720-61,  d. 

Baegert,  Jacob,  1752-68.*  Napoli,  Ignacio  Ma.,  1721  et  seq.  ? 

Basaklua,  Juan  M.,  1702-9,  d.  Nascimben,  Pedro  Ma.,  1745-(50).  ? 

Bischoff,  Juan  Javier,  1752-68.*  Neumayer,  Karl,  1745-64,  d. 

Bravo,  Jaime,  1705-44,  d.  Ossorio,  Francisco,  1725. 

Carranco,  Lorenzo  Jos 6,  1727-34,  d.      Peralta,  Francisco,  1709-11,  1. 
Consag,  Fernando,  1733-59,  d.  Piccolo,  Francisco  Ma.,  1697-1729,  d. 

Diez,  Juan,  (1766)-8.*  Retz,  Jorge,  1751-68.* 

Droet,  Jacobo,  1732-(50).  ?  Rotea,  Jose"  Mariano,  1759-68.* 

Ducrue,  Franz  Benno,  1748-68.*  Salvatierra,  Juan  Ma.,  1097-1717,  d. 

Escalante,  Francisco  (1765)-S.*  Sistiaga,  Sebastian,  1718-47.  1. 

Franco,  Francisco  J.,  1764-8.*  Sotelo,  Manuel  Ma.,  1761. 

Garcia,  Andrei  Javier,  1737.  Tamaral,  Nicolas,  1717-34,  d. 

Gasteiger,  Jose",  (1745J-50.  ?  Taraval,  Sigismundo,  1730-(50).  1. 

Gordon,  William,  1730  et  seq.  ?  Tempis,  Antonio,  1736-46.  d. 

Guillen,  Clemente,  1711-48,  d.  Trujillo,  Gaspar,  1744-(49).  ? 

Guisi,  Benito,  1711,  d.  Tiirsch,  Ignacio,  1762-8.* 

Helen,  Everard,  1719-35.  1.  Ugarte,  Juan,  1700-30,  d. 

Hostell,  Lambert,  (1745)-68.*  Ugarte,  Pedro,  1704-10,  1. 

Inama,  Francisco  (1750)-6S.*  Ventura,  Liicas,  1757-68.* 

Link,  Wenceslao,  1762-8.*  Villavieja,  Juan,  (1766)-68.* 

Luyando,  Juan  B.,  1727-(32),  1.  Wagner,  Francisco  J.,  1737-44,  d. 

35  The  nine  were,  Junipero  Serra,  president;  Francisco  Palou,  Juan  Moran, 
Antonio  Martinez,  Juan  Ignacio  Gaston,  Fernando  Parron,  Juan  Sancho  de 
la  Torre,  Francisco  Gomez,  and  Andre's  Villumbrales.  Palou,  Noticias,  i.  9-20, 
is  the  authority  for  the  movements  of  the  friars.  At  Tepic  they  were  lodged 
at  the  hospice  of  Sta  Crua,  and  were  well  treated  by  the  commander  of  the 
expedition  against  Cerro  Prieto  awaiting  transportation  to  Guaymas. 


FERXAXDIXOS  AND  OBSERVANTES.  483 

but  all  being  driven  back  to  Matanchel  the  5th  of 
September.30  Meanwhile  the  five  friars  from  Sierra 
Gorda  had  arrived,37  as  had  many  others  for  mainland 
missions ;  but  after  the  reverend  party  had  waited  till 
October  for  a  vessel,  tiiere  came  an  order  that  changed 
all  the  plans.  It  was  that  the  California  missions 
should  be  given  to  the  Franciscan  observants  of 
Jalisco,  while  the  friars  of  San  Fernando  and  Quere- 
taro  colleges  should  be  sent  to  Sonora.  It  was  feared 
that  those  of  Jalisco  and  Queretaro  might  quarrel, 
but  this  imputation  on  their  brotherly  love  was  in 
dignantly  repelled  by  the  padres,  and  Palou  and 
Campa  were  sent  in  haste  to  Guanajuato  and  Mexico. 
They  obtained  from  the  viceroy  a  decree  of  November 
llth  revoking  the  order  and  restoring  the  original  ar 
rangement.  The  envovs  sent  the  decree  in  advance. 

O  «/  *? 

and  themselves,  accompanied  by  padres  Dionisio  Bas- 
terra,  and  Juan  de  Medina  Vey tia,  arrived  at  Tepic  at 
the  end  of  December.  Meanwhile  Portold  had  sailed 
the  19th  of  October  with  twenty-five  dragoons,  and 
with  fourteen  observant  friars  and  twenty-five  in 
fantrymen  on  another  vessel.  Portola's  arrival  at 
the  end  of  November  has  been  already  noted,  as  also 
that  of  the  padres  observantes  in  January,  after  many 
mishaps  on  the  gulf. 

Father  Junipero's  band  at  Tepic,  about  the  time 
of  Palou's  return  from  Mexico,  heard  by  the  gov 
ernor's  returning  vessel  that  the  observants  had  not 
been  heard  of,  and  considerable  anxiety  was  felt  about 
future  prospects.  During  January  1768  most  of 
Colonel  Elizondo's  troops  sailed  for  Guaymas,  and 
the  friars  destined  for  Sonora  took  their  departure. 
The  Fernandinos,  however,  did  not  remain  idle,  but 
held  misiones,  or  revival  meetings,  in  the  neighboring 

36  Palou  relates  that  when  the  tempest  was  at  its  height  Padre  Gaston  cast 
on  the  raging  waters  some  moss  from  the  famous  Tepic  cross,  whereupon  the 
winds  instantly  subsided.  Baegert,  Nachrichten,  303,  says  that  this  was 
Portola's  second  unsuccessful  attempt  to  cross. 

37Jos<§  Murguia,  Juan  Ramos  de  Lora,  Juan  Crespi,  Miguel  Campa  y  Cos., 
and  Fermiu  Francisco  Lasuen. 


484  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

districts.  At  length  in  February  the  Conception,  with 
the  expelled  Jesuits  on  board,  arrived  with  orders  to 
bring  the  missionaries  across  the  gulf.  They  em 
barked  on  March  14th,83  and  reached  Loreto  the  1st 
of  April.  Father  Manuel  Zuzaregui  was  in  charge, 
but  an  order  recalling  the  observants  scattered  at  the 
different  missions  had  been  issued.  Five  of  them 
sailed  April  10th  on  the  Conception,  and  the  rest 
soon  followed.39 

The  Franciscans  were  at  once  made  acquainted  with 
the  viceroy's  orders  that  they  were  to  be  put  in  charge 
of  church  property  and  spiritual  interests  only,  the 
temporalities  being  intrusted  to  military  comisionados. 
This  was  a  bitter  disappointment,  as  they  had  expected 
to  receive  the  missions  on  the  same  basis  as  the  Jesuits 
had  held  them,  and  they  believed  that  without  con 
trol  of  the  temporalities  no  progress  could  be  made, 
but  the  good-natured  PortoU  gave  them  encourage 
ment  that  a  change  might  be  effected  when  the  visi- 
tador  general  should  come.  After  a  few  days  of  rest 
and  a  celebration  of  easter  festivities  Padre  Serra  read 
to  the  assembled  friars  his  plan  for  their  distribu 
tion.40  The  6th  of  April  they  went  to  San  Javier, 

™  Palou,  Not.,  20-6.  According  to  Id.,  Vida,  561,  the  date  is  given 
March  12th. 

39  Cancio,  Cartas,  253-4. 

40  The  distribution  was :  S.  Jos£  del  Cabo,  Moran ;  Santiago  de  los  Coras, 
Murguia;  Nra  Sra  del  Pilar,  or  Todoe  Santos,  Ramos  de  Lora;  Dolores  or  La 
Pasion,  Gomez;  S.  Luis  Gonzales,  Villumbrales;  S.  Francisco  Javier,  Palou; 
S.  Jos6  Comondu,  Martinez;    Purisima,    Crespi;    Guadalupe,   Sancho  de  la 
Torre;  Sta  Rosalia  Mulege',  Gaston;  S.  Ignacio,  Campa;  Sta  Gertrudis,  Bas- 
terra;  S.  Francisco  de  Borja,  Lasueii;  Sta  Maria,  Veytia;  Loreto,  Serra  and 
Parron.  Palou,  Not.,  i.  26;  Id.,  Vida,  57.     In  the  Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision, 
MS.,  we  find  the  following  in  Padre  Junipero's  handwriting:   'Dia  dos  de 
Abril,  sabado  de  gloria  de  este  ano  1768  entramos  d  esta  Mision  y  Real  Pre 
sidio  de  Loreto,  cabezera  de  esta  Peninsula  de  California  diez  y  seis  Religiosos 
sacerdotes  Predicadores  Misioneros  Apostolicos  del  Colegio  de  propaganda 
fide  de  Mexico,  del  (Srden  serafico  eiiviados  de  nrs  Prelados  pa  Ministros  de 
todas  las  Misiones  de  esta  Prova  q.  en  nombre  de  su  Magd  Catholica  (q.  Dios 
gde )  por  decreto  del  Exc^o  Sr  Marque's  de  Croix,  Virrey  y  Capitan  Genl  de 
esta  Nueva  Espafia,  se  pusieron  d  cargo  del  d^o  Apostolico  colegio  expelidos 
de  esta  Peninsula  y  demas  Dominios  del  Catholico  Monarca,  pr  motives  d  su 
Magd  reservados,  los  PP.  de  la  Sagrada  Compania  de  Jesus,  y  habiendo  yo, 
el  infra-escripto  Presidente  de  dh°s  Religiosos,  por  el  expresado  Colegio  re- 
suelto  quedarme  &  administrar  por  mi  mismo  esta  Mision  y  Real  Presidio  en 
compama  de  P.  P°r  Fr.  Fernando  Parron,  uno  de  los  de  dicho  numo  y  colegio, 


FRANCISCANS  IN  POSSESSION.  485 

where  after  a  solemn  mass  they  separated  on  the  8th, 
eight  going  north  and  five  south.  Brother  Pedro 
Fernandez,  chaplain  of  the  troops,  remained  at  San 
Javier.  On  reaching  his  mission  each  friar  received 
from  the  comisionado,  signing  duplicate  receipts,  the 
church  with  its  paraphernalia,  also  the  dwelling  and 
household  utensils.  They  were  furnished  with  board 
by  the  comisionados,  and  their  functions  did  not  ex 
tend  beyond  matters  purely  ecclesiastical. 

The  evils  of  such  a  system  had  been  clearly  fore 
seen.  The  comisionados  could  not  be  expected  to 
take  a  very  deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  country, 
the  prosperity  of  the  missions,  or  the  comfort  of  the 
natives.  They  lacked  skill,  interest,  and  conscience 
for  an  economical  administration  of  the  temporalities. 
The  padres  could  no  longer  attract  the  pagans  by  gifts 
of  food  and  clothing;  and  their  loss  of  power  caused 
the  neophytes  to  have  less  respect  for  them  than  for 
the  Jesuits.  The  result  justified  the  president's  re 
monstrances.  The  missions  rapidly  declined  under 
the  new  regime,  and  it  soon  became  clear  that  unless 
the  spiritual  authority  and  the  temporal  were  reunited, 
a  few  years  would  suffice  to  undo  all  that  the  Jesuits 
had  accomplished. 

Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  the  visitador  general,  came  to 
the  north-west  invested  with  the  fullest  powers  not 
only  to  settle  Indian  troubles  in  Sonora,  and  after 
investigations  to  introduce  at  his  discretion  all  needed 
reforms  in  peninsula  affairs,  both  secular  and  ecclesi 
astical,  but  by  despatches  received  en  route  he  was 
directed  to  advance  the  Spanish  occupation  up  the 
coast  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey.  He  arrived  at 
Cerralvo  Island  the  6th  of  July,  and  proceeded  to  the 
mining  district  of  Santa  Ana,  where  his  family  was 
lodged  in  the  house  of  Manuel  Osio,  the  wealthy 
speculator  in  pearls  and  mines.  Soon  the  whole  prov- 

assignd  d  las  deraas  Misiones  los  Ministros  en  esta  forma.'  Then  follows  the 
distribution  as  already  given.  The  signatures  of  Serra  and  Parron  appear 
often  on  the  books  in  1768-9;  also  that  of  Chuplaiii  Pedro  Fernandez  and  that 
of  Padre  Pulou  in  1769-70. 


486  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

ince  was  in  a  flutter  over  the  investigations  and  decrees 
of  the  great  man.  He  called  for  and  obtained  exact 
reports  from  the  padre  and  comisionado  of  each  mis 
sion.  Then  he  made  a  tour  of  investigation  in  the 
south,  at  once  detecting  the  evils  and  abuses  of  the 
prevalent  system.  The  remedy  was  radical  and 
promptly  applied.  On  August  12th  he  issued  a  decree, 
ordering  the  comisionados  to  turn  over  all  mission 
property  to  the  friars,  at  the  same  time  sending  in 
their  accounts  through  the  missionaries,  who  were  to 
examine  and  sign  them.  This  was  carried  out  except 
at  Loreto,  the  friars  feigning  a  degree  of  reluctance 
for  effect,  and  not  a  few  instances  of  dishonesty  and 
wastefulness  were  revealed.  Palou  publishes  several 
extracts  of  letters  in  which  Galvez  expressed  his  anger 
at  the  rascalities  of  the  comisionados;  yet  it  appears 
that  all  of  them  escaped  punishment,  at  the  interces 
sion  of  the  padres  it  is  said. 

Next  the  indefatigable  visitador  turned  his  atten 
tion  to  the  forming  of  settlements  and  ameliorating 
the  condition  of  the  Indians.  If  his  reforms  were  not 
always  successful  it  was  not  owing  to  any  lack  of 
energy  or  sagacity  on  the  part  of  the  projector.  It 
was  found  that  lands  and  Indians  were  very  unequally 
divided  among  the  missions,  and  to  remedy  the  dis 
proportion  many  changes  were  decreed.  Dolores  and 
San  Luis  were  abandoned,  their  neoplrytes  being  trans 
ferred  to  Todos  Santos,  whose  few  people  were  sent 
to  Santiago.  Surplus  families  of  San  Javier  were 
added  to  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  while  the  surplus  at 
Guadalupe  and  Santa  Gertrudis  were  transferred  to 
Comondu  and  Purisima.  These  changes  were  made 
in  September  by  Adjutant  Juan  Gutierrez  and  Lieu 
tenant  Jose  Garazo.  Certain  transfers  of  northern 
families  to  the  south  for  the  relief  of  poor  missions 
like  Borja  and  Santa  Maria  were  abandoned  on  account 
of  the  reluctance  of  the  Indians  to  leave  their  homes.41 

41  Correspondence  between  Galvez  and  Lasuen  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS., 
i.  8-14;  viii.  139-49.  Two  vessels  with  grain  and  clothing  sent  to  the  northern 


EFFORTS  OF  GALVEZ.  487 

There  was  ample  room  it  appears  for  the  visitador's 
good  offices,  for  he  was  much  disappointed  with  the 
condition  in  which  he  found  the  peninsula  establish 
ments.42 

It  was  not  solely  to  the  missions  and  Indians,  how 
ever,  that  Galvez  gave  his  attention.  A  pet  project 
was  to  establish  in  the  south  the  nucleus  of  a  coloni 
zation  to  gradually  extend  over  the  country  as  the 
missions  disappeared.  On  August  12th  he  issued  a 
decree  defining  privileges  offered  to  colonists  and 
regulations  by  which  they  were  to  be  governed. 
Crown  lands  were  separated  from,  those  of  the  mis 
sions  arid  offered  to  Spaniards  of  good  character43 
under  easy  conditions,  chiefly  the  obligation  of  mak 
ing  improvements,  and  paying  a  small  annual  tax  to 

missions.  Id.,  i.  20-1.  Correspondence  about  furnishing  the  Indians  with 
tobacco.  Id.,  i.  1-7;  xi.  371. 

42  It  has  been  stated,  Lassepas,  Baja  Cal.,  167,  that  Galvez  admired  the 
Jesuit  management,  but  in  a  letter  to  Lasuen,  Arch.  StaJB.,  MS.,  i.  22,  he 
alludes  to  certain  scandalous  evils  caused  by  the  Jesuits;  and  the  fact  that  he 
restored  the  temporalities  to  the  Franciscans  only  proves  that  he  regarded 
the  original  system  as  less  injurious  to  the  country  than  the  rascality  of  the 
comisionados.     In  a  proclamation  of  Nov.  23,  1768,  Id.,  i.  17-20,  he  expresses 
his  surprise  and  disappointment  at  the  state  of  affairs.     After  all  the  laws 
made  and  moneys  granted  he  expected  to  find  thriving  settlements;  but  finds 
instead  mere  haciendas  de  campo,  or  farms,  with  houses  for  padres,  soldiers, 
and  servants  only.     The  natives  go  naked;  have  been  withdrawn  from  the 
seashore,  where  they  lived  by  fishing,  and  are  forced  to  wander  in  the  moun 
tains,  living  on  roots  and  berries,  often  obliged  to  work  without  recompense. 
Hence  they  look  with  dislike  upon  agriculture,  and  regard  civilization  as  the 
greatest  evil.     Missions  with  fertile  lands  need  laborers,  while  many  ran- 
cherias  are  collected  in  sterile  spots.     No  Indian  is  permitted  to  own  property. 
The  system  has  reduced  the  population  to  7, 149  souls.     In  this  proclamation 
and  in  a  letter  to  Lasuen  of  the  same  date,  Id.,  i.  22-8,  he  announces  his 
determination  to  improve  this  state  of  things  by  settling  the  Indians  in  fixed 
domiciles,  where  they  may  till  their  own  soil  and  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their 
labor.     And  he  appeals  to  the  padres  to  help  him.     He  ordered  that  no  mis 
sion  should  keep  more  Indians  than  it  could  feed  and  clothe.     To  the  north 
he  sent  supplies  of  food  and  clothing.     '  Let  the  northern  Indians  know  that 
I  am  taking  steps  to  relieve  all  their  wants,'  he  wrote,  Id.,  20;  and  he  urged 
the  padres  "to  engage  in  otter-catching  and  other  enterprises  to  make  the  mis 
sions  self-supporting;  and  it  appears  that  a  little  was  actually  done  in  the 
direction  of  otter-hunting.  Id.,  xi.  371-4;  viii.  139-49.     Moreover,  Galvez 
attempted  by  the  employment  of  surgeons  to  check  the  progress  of  disease, 
especially  of  syphilis,  which  was  making  great  havoc.     Palou,  Not. ,  i.  139-42, 
tells  us  that  nearly  all  at  Santiago  and  many  at  Todos  Santos  were  affected  by 
this  disease. 

43  The  first  colonists  were  discharged  soldiers  and  sailors  from  Loreto,  who 
had  earned  some  means  and  were  favored  by  the  padres.     There  were  very 
few  others  before  1821.  Lassepas,  Baja  Cal.,  10. 


488  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

the  king.44  Within  a  few  months  much  was  clone 
toward  perfecting  the  plan.  The  two  mining  districts 
of  San  Antonio  del  Oro  and  Santa  Ana  with  some 
ranchos  were  formed  into  one  settlement  with  its 
capital  at  Santa  Ana.  This  district  became  also  a 
curacy  under  Brother  Isidro  Izarzabal  as  curate,  with 
a  thousand  dollars  besides  alms  for  a  church.  A 
lieutenant-governor  attended  to  judicial  matters,  and 
a  royal  commissary  to  farming  and  mining,  one  mine 
being  worked  to  pay  expenses  of  government.  Militia 
companies  were  soon  formed  in  the  young  colony. 
Four  Indian  boys  were  sent  to  the  pueblo  from  each 
mission  to  learn  trades.  Another  settlement  was 
attempted,  with  slight  success  on  account  of  the  small 
number  of  colonists,  at  San  Bernabe  to  succor  the 
galleon  and  protect  the  cape;  and  still  another  was 
planned  at  La  Paz,  where  a  sergeant  and  eight  sol 
diers  were  stationed.  Captain  Manuel  Garcia  Morales 
was  the  comisario  appointed  to  superintend  the  found 
ing  of  the  new  towns.45 

The  visitador's  efforts  to  promote  mining  were  not 
very  successful.  The  mines  were  not  so  rich  as  he 
had  been  led  to  believe,  and  facilities  for  working 
them  were  few.  He  imported  laborers  from  the  main 
and  put  up  houses  for  them;  but  the  expense  was 
greater  than  the  return,  and  the  mines  were  finally 
rented  to  private  speculators  or  abandoned.46  The 
loyalty  of  LJon  Jose*  was  by  no  means  less  conspicuous 
than  his  philanthropy;  and  in  all  his  efforts  to  secure 
advantages  for  the  new  establishments  of  the  country 
he  had  volunteered  to  regenerate,  he  was  equally 
careful  to  protect  the  king's  interests.  Thus  in  No 
vember  he  forbade  all  trade  with  the  Manila  ships, 

44  Galvez,  Decreto  de  Colonization  en  Baja  California,  1768,  MS.     In  Arch. 
Cal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  61-6. 

45  Palou,  Notlcias  i.  57-60. 

46  Palou,  Not.,  i.  142-3,  says  Galvez  bought  all  the  buildings  and  mining 
effects  at  Santa  Ana  from  Osio;  and  that  the  mines  were  ordered  to  be  sold 
or  given  away  in  1671.     Lassepas,  Baja  Cal.,  48,  tells  us  the  royal  mining 
district  of  Tescalama,  east  of  San  Antonio,  was  rented  to  Osio,  who  soon 
died,  leaving  his  fortune  much  impaired  by  the  speculation. 


ALTA  CALIFORNIA.  489 

which  under  existing   regulations   could   dispose   of 
their  goods  only  at  Acapulco.47 

Though  busy  with  so  many  other  matters  Galvez 
by  no  means  neglected  the  project  of  extending  Span 
ish  dominion  northward,  but  rather  deemed  it  more 
important  than  all  the  rest.  After  careful  investiga 
tion  he  resolved  to  send  four  expeditions,  two  by  land 
and  two  by  water,  to  start  separately,  but  all  to  unite 
at  San  Diego  and  press  on  to  Monterey.  Details  of 
preparation  belong  to  the  history  of  the  northern 
province,  and  are  fully  presented-in  another  volume 
of  this  work.48  Captain  Rivera,  beginning  in  August, 
recruited  men  and  collected  supplies  for  the  land  ex 
peditions;  while  Galvez  attended  personally  to  all 
connected  with  despatching  the  vessels;  and  Serra  to 
preparations  " for  mission  extension.  There  is  no  evi 
dence  that  the  padres  had  come  to  California  with 
any  definite  hope  or  plan  of  an  immediate  advance 
northward,  but  they  had  long  desired  such  a  step; 
they  were  disappointed  with  the  state  of  things  in 
the  peninsula,  and  they  gave  a  most  enthusiastic  sup 
port  to  the  visitador's  project. 

On  January  9,  1769,  the  San  Carlos  sailed  under 
Vicente  Vila  with  sixty-two  persons  on  board,  includ 
ing  Padre  Parron,  Lieutenant  Fages  with  twenty -five 
infantrymen  from  the  mainland,  Alferez  Costanso,  and 
Surgeon  Prat.  The  San  Antonio,  commanded  by 
Juan  Perez,  sailed  the  15th  of  February,  carrying 
besides  her  crew  fathers  Vizcaino  and  Gomez.  March 
24th  the  first  land  expedition,  commanded  by  Rivera, 
and  including  Padre  Crespi,  Pilotin  Canizares,  a  com 
pany  of  twenty- five  soldiers  from  the  Loreto  presidio, 
and  a  band  of  forty-two  native  Californians,  set  out 
from  Velicatd  on  the  northern  frontier;  and  finally  on 
the  loth  of  May  Governor  Portola,  with  nine  or  ten 
soldiers  under  Sergeant  Ortega,  Father  Serra,  and 

47  Xov.  2,  17C8.  Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  67. 

48  See  Hint.  Cal.,  vol.  i.  chap.  iv.  this  series. 


490  JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS. 

another  company  of  natives,  began  his  march  from  the 
same  point.  All  were  reunited  at  San  Diego  at  the 
beginning  of  July.49 

In  order  that  there  might  be  missionaries  for  the 
northern  field,  the  college,  at  Serra's  request,  sent 
padres  Juan  Escudero,  Juan  Vizcaino,  and  Benito 
Sierra  to  the  peninsula;  and,  also  by  Serra's  advice, 
Santiago  and  San  Jose  del  Cabo  were  converted  into 
curacies,  thus  releasing  two  more  friars.  It  was  fur 
ther  arranged  that  Chaplain  Fernandez  should  take 
charge  of  Loreto,  releasing  Padre  Parron.  Juan 
Antonio  Baeza  from  Guaymas  came  to  Santiago  as 
curate  in  March  1769,  and  a  clergyman  from  Sonora, 
not  named,  took  charge  of  San  Jose  a  little  later.50 
Thus  there  were  six  friars  to  spare,  five  of  whom  as 
we  have  seen  accompanied  the  expeditions,  and  one 
took  charge  of  a  new  mission  on  the  northern  frontier. 
This  mission  was  San  Fernando  de  Velicata,  where 
Captain  Rivera  had  established  his  rendezvous  as  a 
better  position  than  Santa  Maria.  He  had  built  some 
huts  and  a  chapel,  where  Lasuen  had  celebrated  a  fare 
well  mass  on  the  departure  of  the  party.  The  place 
was  deemed  well  suited  for  a  mission,  and  Galvez  had 
expressed  his  desire  that  one  should  be  founded  there 
to  facilitate  communication  with  San  Diego.  Accord- 

49  It  is  well  to  preserve  the  names  applied  by  these  first  expeditions  be 
tween  Velicatd  and  San  Diego.  The  names  are  from  Crespi,  Primera  Expedi 
tion,  the  additions  in  parentheses  being  those  applied  by  the  second  or  Portola's 
party.  The  course  is  N.  \v.  or  N.  N.  w. 

Velicatd,  S.  Juan  de  Dios  arroyo,  4.5  leagues,  30°  46';  Santos  Martires 
arroyo,  3  1.;  Las  Palmas  arroyo  (2  1.  w.  s.  w.),  and  31.;  S.  Angelo  de  Fulgino 
arroyo,  or  Corpus  Cristi,  3.5  1.;  Alamos  arroyo,  3.5  1.;  Cieneguilla,  4  1.;  30° 
56';  S.  Ricardo  (Sta  Humiliana),  31.;  S.  Vicente  Ferrer  (Sta  Petronila),  3  1.; 
S.  Dionisio  rio,  3  1.,  31°  8';  S.  Leon  arroyo  (S.  Andre's  Hispelo),  21.;  S.  Angel 
de  Clavacio  (S.  Pacifico),  61.;  S.  Telmo  pozo  (Stos  Martires),  4  1.,  31°  11';  S. 
Rafael  (Sta  Margarita),  3  1.;  S.  Bernab^,  5  1.;  Sta  Isabel  (S.  Guido),  3  1.,  32°; 
Alisos  arroyo  (S.  Nazario),  5  1.;  Jacobo  Ilirico  (S.  Antonio),  2  1.,  32°  8';  S. 
Anselmo  (S.  Basilio),  31.;  S.  Francisco  Solano  (S.  Antonio),  1.5  1.;  S.  Jorge 
(S.  Aten6genes);  (2  1.)  [near  Todos  Santos  Bay];  Stos  Martires  (S.  Gervasio), 
31.;  S.  Pedro  Martyr  (Sta  Miguelina),  2  1.;  Santos  Ap6stoles,  3  1.;  Sta  Cruz 


Coronados];  Santi  Spiritu  [on  S.  Diego  Bay]. 
Noticias,  i,  39,  60-1. 


THE  MISSIONS  STRIPPED.  491 

ingly  on  May  14th,  the  clay  before  PortoM  and  Serra 
started  for  the  north,  the  ceremonies  of  founding  were 
performed,  and  Father  Campa  was  left  as  minister 
with  a  guard  of  ten  men  and  a  supply  of  food  with 
which  to  attract  converts.  San  Fernando  was  the 
only  mission  founded  in  the  peninsula  by  the  Francis 
cans,  and  became  somewhat  prosperous.51 

It  was  decided  that  the  old  missions  must  supply 
the  new  ones  with  church  paraphernalia,  furnishing 
also  grain  and  other  food  as  a  gift,  and  live-stock  and 
implements  as  a  loan.  To  despoil  these  poor  establish 
ments  of  the  property  accumulated  under  the  Jesuit 
regime  seems  an  injustice;  but  Galvez  affirmed  that 
the  friars  were  bound  by  their  vows  to  spread  the 
faith,  not  to  accumulate  riches,  and  Serra  found  that 
it  was  in  accordance  with  both  Jesuit  and  Franciscan 
policy  that  old  missions  must  support  new  ones.  Palou, 
the  historian,  defends  the  policy,  and  also  claims  that 
the  peninsula  missions  were  subsequently  repaid  for 
all  that  was  taken  from  them.52  Whatever  may  be 
said  in  defence  of  the  policy,  it  is  certain  that  under 
different  circumstances  it  would  have  provoked  much 
controversy.  Had  the  authority  of  Galvez  been  less 
complete,  had  President  Serra  not  been  personally 
interested  in  the  northern  enterprise,  had  the  padres 
in  charge  been  of  a  different  order  from  those  bound 
northward,  or  even  attached  by  long  service  to  the 
old  establishments,  the  matter  would  doubtless  have 
assumed  a  different  aspect.  But  the  friars  were  new 
comers,  disgusted  already  with  prospects  in  the  bar 
ren  peninsula,  hoping  each  to  secure  a  better  position  in 
the  earJy  future.  The  Indians,  the  only  parties  really 
interested,  were  not  consulted;  the  authorities  were 
all  in  accord,  and  there  was  none  to  make  objections. 

51  Palou,  Not.,  i.  270-5;  Id.,  Vida,  75;  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
i.  10.3-5;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  38-9;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  i.  85-7. 

02  For  instance  Galvez  gave  8,000  pesos  in  cloth;  the  viceroy  sent  a  com 
plete  outfit  for  the  Loreto  church,  established  a  warehouse  for  the  purpose  of 
repaying  the  value  of  articles  taken,  gave  250  pesos  per  year  for  oil  and  wax, 
and  gave  up  5,000  pesos  in  money  left  by  the  Jesuits.  Palou,  Not.,  i.  40-56. 


CHAPTER  XYIII. 

SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 
1701-1730. 

KINO'S  LABOIIS  IN  PIMERIA — EXPLORING  TOUR  WITH  SALVATIERRA— MAP — 
SIXTH  TRIP  TO  THE  GILA  AND  ACROSS  THE  COLORADO — LAST  TOUR  IN  THE 
NORTH — FINAL  EFFORTS  AND  DISAPPOINTMENTS — DEATH  OF  KINO — EX 
PLORATIONS  BY  CAMPOS — UGARTE  ON  THE  COAST — MOQUI  PROJECTS — 
SERIS  AND  TEPOCAS — MISSION  DECLINE — STATISTICS — JESUITS  VERSUS 
SETTLERS — POLITICAL  AND  MILITARY  AFFAIRS — RULE  OF  SALDANA  AND 
TUNON — SlNALOA  PROVINCES — CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

WE  left  Father  Kino  at  the  end  of  1700  engaged 
in  vain  efforts  to  obtain  missionaries  for  Pimeria  Alta. 
Again  and  again  he  had  traversed  the  country  between 
his  mission  of  Dolores  and  the  Bio  Gila,  finding  the 
natives  filled  with  a  childish  enthusiasm  to  have 
churches  and  padres.  More  than  ten  thousand  had 
been  registered,  and  children  had  been  baptized  in  all 
directions,  many  of  the  chieftains  also  holding  their 
office  under  commissions  or  badges  given  by  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Spanish  crown.  In  many  rancherias- 
houses  had  been  built,  fields  planted,  and  live-stock 
carefully  tended  in  readiness  for  the  padres  who  were 
so  slow  to  corne.  Besides'  these  preparations  at  home 
the  Pimas  had  repeatedly  fought  side  by  side  with 
the  Spanish  soldiers  against  the  savage  hordes  of  the 
north-east,  doing  terrible  execution  with  their  poisoned 
arrows,  and  meriting  from  the  highest  officials  warm 
commendations.  All  Jesuits  who  ventured  near 
Dolores  were  taken  by  Kino  on  a  northern  tour,  and 
none  ever  returned  with  any  doubt  that  this  people 
was  indeed  ripe  for  salvation — or  at  least  they  never 

(492) 


KIXO'S  EFFORTS.  493 

expressed  such  doubts  until  they  had  left  the  country. 
Yet  the  Pimas  were  always  suspected  by  such  as  had 
not  been  among  them  of  hostile  intentions  and  of 
complicity  in  the  plots  of  savages.  No  sooner  was 
one  rumor  proved  false  than  another  became  current. 
For  every  one  that  accepted  Kino's  invitations  to  in 
vestigate,  there  were  many  who  had  no  such  oppor 
tunity  or  desire,  and  who  persisted  in  regarding  Kino 
and  his  associates  as  reckless  enthusiasts.  The  Jesuit 
authorities  were  timid  about  sending  missionaries  into 
so  dangerous  a  field,  and  the  secular  powers  were  but 
too  glad  to  avoid  the.  expense.  "We  shall  see  that  in 
time  the  Pimas  became  nearly  as"  bad  as  they  were 
now  unjustly  accused  of  being;  but  not  during  the  life 
of  Kino,  who  kept  on  with  undiminished  zeal,  and  to 
whose  labors  down  to  his  death  in  1711  the  first  part 
of  this  chapter  is  devoted.  • 

In  January  1701  Salvatierra  came  over  from  Cali 
fornia  by  order  of  his  provincial,  chiefly  for  the  pur 
pose  of  examining  the  port  of  Guaymas  and  studying 
the  disposition  of  the  natives  in  that  vicinity,  whose 
conversion  had  been  intrusted  to  the  California  estab 
lishment.  He  seems,  however,  to  have  forgotten  to 
a  certain  extent  his  primary  purpose,  or  at  least  he 
gives  in  his  letter  describing  the  trip  but  little  in 
formation  about  Guaymas  or  its  people.1  He  landed 
from  the  San  Jose  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  del  Fuerte 
in  the  middle  of  January,  and  having  first  visited 
Comandante  Rezabal  at  the  Real  de  los  Frailes  to 
make  some  preparations  for  the  protection  of  Loreto, 
he  started  northward  by  land  intending  to  approach 
the  Guaymas  tribes  from  the  Pima  missions.  High 
water  in  the  streams  prevented  him  from  visiting 
more  than  one  rancheria  called  Ecatacari,  but  he  ob 
tained  a  promise  from  the  natives  to  join  Villafane's 
mission,  and  then  went  on  to  Quatape.  Here  he  was 
shown  by  Padre  Kappus  certain  shells  sent  down  by 
the  Gila  Indians,  but  which  it  was  thought  must  have 

1  Scdvatierra,  Rdaciones,  125-56. 


494  SONOBA  AND  SINALOA. 

come  from  the  shore  of  the  Pacific  and  not  from  the 
gulf.  After  much  conversation  respecting  Kino's 
recent  explorations  he  became  strongly  impressed  with 
the  idea  that  California  might  after  all  be  attached  to 
the  main;  and  he  soon  concluded  that  in  no  way  could 
he  serve  his  California  projects  so  well  as  by  solving 
the  problem  at  once.  Leal,  the  visitador,  favored  the 
scheme,  and  Salvatierra  went  over  to  the  capital,  San 
Juan,  where  Comandante  Jironza,  Captain  Antonio 
Recalde,  and  Padre  Bastiromo  readily  furnished  at 
their  own  cost  an  escort  of  twelve  men  under  Captain 
Mange,  all  the  regular  troops  being  needed  at  the 
time  for  active  service  against  the  savages.2 

On  his  wray  to  Dolores  Salvatierra  passed  through 
the  new  Tepoca  pueblo  of  Magdalena,  while  the 
soldiers  in  two  detachments  under  Mange  and  Adju 
tant  Nicolas  Bohorques  took  different  routes,  and 
during  the  week  from  the  17th  to  the  24th  of  February 
had  several  successful  encounters  with  savages  who 
were  raiding  in  this  region  and  had  attacked  several 
towns  for  plunder.  Sacarachi  was  the  point  most 
threatened,  where  three  hundred  warriors  had  stolen 
two  hundred  head  of  cattle.  Salvatierra's  party 
included  some  Californian  natives.  He  was  welcomed 
at  Dolores  by  Kino,  and  by  Campos  at  San  Ignacio, 
where  he  was  joined  by  the  soldiers  and  was  ready 
for  a  new  start  on  the  27th,  reaching  Caborca,  by  way 
of  Tubutama  on  the  6th  of  March.3  On  the  way  he 

2  Up  to  this  point  Salvatierra's  letter  is  the  only  original  authority;  but 
now  Mange's  diary  begins.  Hist.  Pimeria,  323-37.     He  says  that  Jironza 
furnished  4  regular  soldiers  and  hired  8  vecinos  at  12  reals  per  day  to  com 
plete  the  force"  Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  ii.  75-6,  97-103,  gives  a  confused  version 
of  this  expedition  at  its  beginning,  making  Salvatierra  arrive  in  October.    The 
author  of  Apost.  Afanes,  290-5,  implies  that  Salvatierra  came  over  for  the 
express  purpose  of  northern  exploration,  and  got  an  escort  of  10  men.     See 
also  Akgre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  124-6.     None  of  the  writers  add  anything 
accurate  to  the  original  diaries  of  Salvatierra  and  Mange. 

3  There  is  some  discrepancy  between  the  diaries  respecting  details  of  the 
march  from  S.  Juan  to  Caborca,  but  it  seems  that  Salvatierra  went  to  S. 
Ignacio  on  the  24th,  was  joined  by  the  soldiers  thereon  the  27th  and  by  Kino 
at  Caborca;  though  Mange  implies  that  Kino  was  with  him  all  the  way. 
According  to  Apost.  Afanes,  Kino  left  Dolores  March  ^Ist,  and  went  via 
Cocospera,  S.  Simon,  and  Busanic.     New  names  are  Atf,  4  1.  below  Tubu 
tama,  and  Soba,  or  Pitiqui,  at  the  junction,  where  a  pestilence  was  raging. 


SALVATIERRA  AND  KIXO.  495 

had  preached  and  exhorted  with  good  apparent  effect, 
and  had  heard  rumors  of  goods  cast  on  shore  from  the 
west,  a  fact  which  seemed  to  bear  directly  on  the 
main  object  of  his  journey.  Remaining  several  clays 
at  Caborca,  still  under  Padre  Varilla,  he  was  joined 
by  Kino,  started  on  the  10th,  and  marched  up  to 
Sonoita,  where  they  arrived  the  14th,  after  having 
had  great  difficulty  in  finding  water  for  their  band  of 
a  hundred  horses.4 

From  Sonoita  the  party,  following  at  first  the  course 
of  the  stream  now  known  as  Rio  Pa"pago,  went  down 
to  the  coast,5  with  the  intention  of  following  the 
shore  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado,  against  the 
advice  of  Mange,  who  was  sure  that  want  of  water 
would  prevent  success,  and  favored  the  old  route  of 
1G99  to  the  Gila.  On  the  way  they  passed  the  foot 
of  Santa  Clara  Mountain,  from  the  summit  of  which 
Kino  had  already  surveyed  the  gulf.  Reaching  the 
shore  on  March  21st,  the  last  ten  leagues  over  barren 
sands,  it  seemed  to  the  padres  that  they  were  in  lati 
tude  32°/  that  the  gulf  at  that  point  was  twelve 
leagues  wide,  that  it  narrowed  to  at  most  six  leagues 
in  the  north-west,  and  that  the  coasts  probably  came 
together  at  a  distance  of  about  thirty-six  leagues.7 
Their  opportunities  for  observation  here  were  not 
nearly  so  good  as  those  of  Kino  in  his  previous  trip; 
and  the  result  was  only  a  matter  of  opinion,  on  which 
actual  observations  had  less  effect  than  theories  and 
the  reports  of  Indians.  Salvatierra  and  Kino  thought 
California  to  be  a  peninsula;  but  Mange  was  inclined 
to  the  opposite  opinion,  relying  mainly  on  the  strong 
gulf  currents.  An  amigable  disputa  ensued  in  which 

4  Caborca;  S.  Eduardo  Baipia,  16  1.  N.  w.;  S.  Luis  Bacapa,  30  1.  N.  and  N. 
W.;  Sonoita,  191. 

5  Route:  Sonoita;  Comaquidam,  or  Anunciata,  101.  on  river;  Sicobntova- 
bia,  or  Totonat,  10  1.  s.  w.  on  river;  Basotutcan,  or  J.  Jos6  Ramos  Ayodsudao, 
8 1.  s.  w.  and  w.  over  a  plain  at  foot  of  Sta  Clara  Mt;  Tupo,  or  Aibacusi,  8 
1.  w.  over  volcanic  desert;  Cubo  Guasibavia,  or  Duburcopota,  8  1.  w.  over 
sand,  2  1.  from  shore. 

6According  to  Aposf.  Afanes,  31°. 

7  Salvatierra  mentions  only  the  width  of  the  gulf  and  the  conclusion  that 


496  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

all  the  arguments  pro  and  con  were  brought  up,  and 
after  which,  as  is  usual  in  all  discussions,  opinions  as 
well  as  facts  remained  unchanged.  It  was  manifestly 
impossible  for  the  whole  party  to  follow  the  shore  up 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado,  for  nine  horses  had 
died  on  the  beach  already;  arid  it  was  even  deemed 
too  great  a  risk  for  Mange  to  make  the  attempt  with 
a  small  detachment  as  he  desired.  They  therefore  re 
turned  inland  on  the  23d,  after  Salvatierra  had  sent  a 
letter  overland  to  Piccolo  in  California,  a  letter  which 
the  native  carriers  never  delivered. 

After  returning  to  the  stream,  while  the  soldiers 
and  horses  went  on  to  Sonoita,  the  friars  and  captain 
made  a  day's  trip  to  the  north,  and  on  March  31st 
climbed  a  mountain  some  six  leagues  farther  north 
than  Santa  Clara.  The  view,  taken  in  connection 
with  that  below  and  Kino's  observations  about  the 
Gila  mouth  and  the  statements  of  a  native  chief  who 
served  as  guide,  confirmed  the  padres  in  their  belief 
that  there  was  no  estrecJw;  but  Mange  says,  "we  were 
left  in  the  same  doubt  as  on  the  shore."  At  Sonoita 
on  April  6th  the  company  separated.  Salvatierra, 
receiving  Kino's  promise  to  come  up  in  the  autumn, 
when  water  would  be  plentiful,  to  clear  up  what  little 
doubt  might  still  remain  on  the  geographical  problem, 
returned  with  the  train  to  Dolores,  and  went  to 
Guaymas,  where  he  found  the  San  Jose  awaiting  him, 
and  also  a  flourishing  pueblo  of  incipient  Guaymas 
Christians,  called  San  Jose  de  la  Laguna  and  under 
the  care  of  Padre  Manuel  Diaz.  He  sailed  for  Cali 
fornia  in  May.  Kino  and  Mange  in  the  mean  time 
crossed  the  country  eastward  to  Bac  and  thence 
reached  Dolores  April  16th  by  way  of  Cocospera. 
The  warriors  of  Bac  were  absent  on  a  campaign 
against  the  Apaches;  and  the  natives  of  Cocospera 
and  Remedies  were  busy  in  building  new  churches. 

the  coasts  came  together.  He  says  they  saw  a  little  island,  examining  the 
beach  and  a  good  estc.ro.  Mange  says  there  was  no  sign  of  a  port.  They 
were  somewhat  above  Shoal  Point,  and  the  36  leagues  was  merely  an  estimate 
of  the  distance  to  where  the  mountain  ranges  seemed  to  unite. 


KINO  ON  THE  GILA.  497 

One  hundred  had  been  baptized  during  the  trip  and 
four  hundred  new  souls  had  been  registered.8 

In  fulfilment  of  his  promise  Kino  set  out  on  No 
vember  3,  1701,  and  went  by  a  partially  new  route  to 
Sonoita,9  and  thence  to  the  rancheria  San  Pedro  on 
the  Gil  a.  He  had  asked  for  a  guard  to  explore  the 
mouth  of  the  Colorado,  but  failed  to  obtain  it  on 
account  it  seems  of  Jironza's  removal  from  the  mili 
tary  command.  Neither  tould  Mange,  his  indefati 
gable  co-explorer  and  careful  chronicler,  go  with  him 
this  time,  for  he  had  to  undertake  an  entrada  against 
the  Apaches;10  therefore  the  padre  went  alone,  or 
with  one  Spaniard  who  subsequently  deserted.  With 
two  hundred  Pimas  and  Yumas  he  went  to  San 
Dionisio,  and  thence,  recrossing  the  Gila,  down  to 
the  last  Yuma  rancheria  named  Santa  Isabel,  enter 
ing  on  the  19th  the  lands  of  the  Quiquimas  and  calling 
the  first  rancheria  San  Felix  de  Valois.  These 
stranger  natives  were  hospitable,  and  were  filled  with 
wonder  at  the  padre's  sacred  vestments,  and  especially 
at  the  horses,  that  could  outstrip  their  fleetest  runners. 
One  day  farther  down  the  Colorado  he  crossed  the 
21st  on  a  raft  pushed  by  the  Quiquima  chief  and  his 
followers  swimming.  The  spot  was  called  Presenta- 
cion,  and  the  river  was  two  hundred  yards  wide  and 
very  deep.  The  horses  could  not  cross,  and  Kino's 
explorations  on  the  western  shore  did  not  extend  over 
three  leagues.  He  visited,  however,  the  chieftain's 
hut,  amid  a  great  concourse  of  Cutganas,  Coanopas, 
and  Giopas,  who  were  eager  to  receive  the  true  faith 

8  According  to  Apost.  Afanes  and  Venegas,  the  padres  founded  a  chapel  at 
Sonoita  in  honor  of  Our  Lady  of  Loreto.  Venegas  took  his  account  from 
Kino's  diary  and  did  not  see  that  of  Mange.  I  have  not  deemed  it  necessary 
to  note  slight  differences  between  the  diaries.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii. 
124-0,  consulted  both.  See  also  Dice.  Univ. 

'Dolores,  Remedies,  Cocospera,  S.  Lazaro,  S.  Luis  Babi  (?),  S.  Simon, 
Busanic,  S.  Estanislao  Ooltan,  Sta  Ana  Anamic,  15  1. ;  S.  Martin,  S.  Eafael, 
Sonoita,  19  1.  from  Sta  Ana. 

10  Mawje,  IIi.it.  Phneria,  337-40.  Here  end  this  writer's  invaluable  diaries. 
He  barely  mentions  the  entrada  of  Kino  and  Gonzalez  in  1702,  and  says  there 
were  two  others  (one  of  them  the  present?)  of  which  the  records  had  been  lost. 
During  the  joint  explorations  of  Kino  and  Mange  they  had  travelled  3,000 
leagues,  registered  14,000  natives,  and  baptized  700. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  32 


498  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

and  entertained  their  guests  with  dances.  Here  Kino 
learned  that  the  blue  shells  came,  as  had  been  sup 
posed,  from  the  contra  costa  of  California,  only  eight 
or  ten  days  distant;  and  also  that  a  day's  journey 
would  bring  him  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado.  Had 
his  animals  been  available  he  would  have  pressed  on 
and  solved  the  question  of  strait  or  no  strait.  As  it 
was  he  felt  sure  he  was  in  California,  and  sent  a  letter 
addressed  to  Salvatierra  at  Loreto ;  but  postal  facilities 
were  not  good  on  this  route,  and  this  letter  like  a 
former  one  for  Piccolo  never  reached  its  destination. 
Returning  by  way  of  Sonoita,  where  he  caught  his 
runaway  servant,  and  found  the  church  completed  and 
whitewashed,  he  reached  Dolores  the  7th  of  Decem 
ber.  This  exploration  strengthened  the  growing  belief 
that  California  was  a  peninsula,  but  did  not,  as  most 
writers  state,  prove  it  to  be  so.11  I  give  herewith 
Kino's  map,  which  may  be  regarded  as  the  earliest  one 
extant  representing  the  Gila  region  from  actual  obser 
vation.  It  is  remarkably  accurate  considering  the 
circumstances  under  which  it  was  made — :much  supe 
rior  to  many  modern  maps,  and  may  be  supposed  to 
have  been  drawn  by  Kino  on  his  return  from  the  trip 
just  described.12 

11  The  best  account  of  this  trip,  made  probably  from  Kino's  report,  is  in 
the  Apost.  Af ernes,  29G-3GO.     See  also  Veiieyas,-  Not.  CaL,  ii.  103-5;  Alcgre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  134. 

12  Tabula  California?,  Anno  1702.    Ex  autoptica  observations  dclineata  a  R. 
P.  Chino  e  S.  J.     A  photograph  of  an  old  copy  with  names  in  Latin,  and  in 
which  the  portion  below  25°  was  added  from  other  sources  than  Kino's  origi 
nal.    I  have  given  the  names  their  original  Spanish  form  for  the  reader's  con 
venience.    The  map  is  also  given  in  Lettres  Ediftantes,  v.  29;  Lockman'x  Trav. 
Jesuits,  i.  393;  Marcoic's  Notes,  and  Hintoii's  Hand-book  Ariz.    Le  Gobien, 
in  a  letter  translated  by  Lockman,  p.  336,  says  this  map  was  '  lately  drawn  by 
Father  Kino,  who  is  very  well  skilled  in  the  mathematics. '    According  to 
Apost.  Afanes,  242-4,  Kino  sent  several  maps  to  Europe,  but  none  of  them 
could  be  found.    Le  Gobien  says  of  Kino's  journeys,  from  which  this  map  was 
made :  'He  advanced,  in  1698,  northward  along  the  sea  as  far  as  the  mountain 
of  Santa  Clara.     There,  observing  that  the  sea  ran  from  east  to  west,  instead 
cf  following  its  course  farther,  he  entered  the  country;  when  travelling  always 
from  South- East  to  North-West,  he  discovered  in  1699,  the  banks  of  the  Bio 
Azul,  or  blue  river,  which  after  receiving  the  waters  of  the  River  Hila,  runs 
and  discharges  its  own  into  the  great  river  Colorado,  or  of  the  North.     He 
crossed  the  Blue  river;  and  in  1700  arrived  near  the  river  Colorado,  when 
crossing  it,  he  was  greatly  surprised,  in  1701,  to  find  himself  in  California, 
and  to  hear  that,  about  thirty  or  forty  leagues  from  the  place  where  he  then 


PIMERf  A  ALTA. 


FATHER  KINO'S  MAP,  1701. 


500  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

After  a  brief  stay  at  home,  Kino  went  back  in 
February  to  the  Colorado,  and  Padre  Francisco  Gon 
zalez  of  Oposura  went  with  him.  They  reached  San 
Dionisio  via  Sonoita,  and  proceeded  down  to  Santa 
Isabel.  From  this  point  they  were  in  new  territory. 
Going  down  the  river  through  the  Quiquima  ranche- 
rias,  called  San  Rudesindo  and  San  Casimiro,  they 
reached  the  tide- water  on  March  5th,  and  on  the  7th 
the  very  mouth  of  the  river.  Nothing  but  land  could 
be  seen  in  the  south,  west,  and  north;  surely  they 
thought  there  could  be  no  estrecho  and  California  was 
a  part  of  America;  though  Mange  in  noticing  this 
trip  insists  that  it  still  left  the  matter  in  doubt.  The 
explorers  were  urged  to  cross  to  the  western  bank, 
but  the  horses  could  not  do  it,  and  the  illness  of  Gon 
zalez  hastened  the  start  homeward.  Kino  indeed 
attempted  to  take  a  short  cut  to  Sonoita  over  the 
sand-plains;  but  after  advancing  eighteen  leagues  was 
obliged  to  return  and  take  the  Gila  route.  Gonzalez 
had  to  be  carried  from  San  Marcelo  and  soon  died 
at  San  Ignacio.  On  April  2d  Kino  wrote  to  his 
superior  announcing  his  return,  describing  the  jour 
ney,  and  contradicting  a  report  that  both  padres  had 
been  drowned.  He  never  visited  either  the  Gila  or 
the  Colorado  again.13 

Kino  was  now  old  and  his  career  as  an  explorer 
was  nearly  at  an  end.  Father  Luis  Velarde  came  to 
aid  him  at  Dolores  about  1702.  In  1704  he  opened 
a  new  route  to  Guaymas  by  way  of  Nacameri  and 

was,  the  Colorado,  after  forming  a  bay  of  a  pretty  long  extent,  empties  itself 
into  the  sea,  on  the  eastern  side  of  California,  which  thereby  appears  to  be 
separated  from  America  only  by  this  river. ' 

™Apo*t.  A  fanes,  301-9,  from  Kino's  letter.  The  Indians  had  reported 
another  river,  the  Amarillo  west  of  the  Colorado,  and  said  that  the  Colorado 
separated  into  two  branches  before  entering  the  gulf,  thus  forming  a  large  and 
fertile  island.  The  author  indulges  in  some  speculations  about  the  gulf  geog 
raphy  which  have  now  no  interest  or  value.  See  also  Alegre,  Hist.  Gomp. 
Jesus,  iii.  134-5;  Vencrjas,  Not.  CaL,  ii.  105-6;  California,  Hist.  Chrct.,  102- 
3;  Bunictfs  Chron.  Hist.,  iv.  358;  Tuthill's  Hist.  CaL,  52.  InApost.  Afanes, 
Padre  Gonzalez  is  said  to  have  died  at  Tubutama;  but  I  have  the  record  of 
his  death  on  Aug.  10th  at  San  Ignacio,  where  he  was  buried  by  Padre  Cam 
pos.  Sun  Ignacio,  Lib.  Mision.,  MS.,  30.  There  are  some  indications  that 
Gonzalez  had  been  appointed  to  serve  at  San  Javier  del  Bac. 


KINO'S  LAST  TOURS.  501 

Populo;  and  in  January  and  February  of  1706  lie  ad 
vanced  south  and  west  from.  Caborca,  over  land  never 
before  explored,  to  the  gulf  shore,  where  he  discovered 
an  island  named  Santa  Ines,  and  a  more  distant  land 
named  San  Vicente,  which  might  be  California.  He 
was  perhaps  half  way  between  Libertad  and  Tepoca, 
though  he  called  the  latitude  31°.H  In  October  and 
November  of  the  same  year  he  made  his  last  extended 
and  recorded  tour  in  the  north.  He  went  over  to 
Cuquiarachi  for  two  cabos  militares  who  were  to 
accompany  him,  and  brought  them  back  to  Dolores,15 
whence  they  started  on  October  21st,  and  were  joined 
next  day  at  Remedios  by  Manuel ~0juela,  a  Francis 
can  who  had  come  from  Guadalajara  to  seek  alms. 
Passing  through  Cocospera  to  Tubutama,16  they  were 
welcomed  by  the  new  missionary  Minutili,  and  then 
passed  on  to  Caborca  and  Sonoita.  Kino  preached 
and  baptized  all  along  the  way,  and  we  may  imagine 
the  brightening  of  the  old  man's  eye  as  he  pointed 
out  to  the  soldiers  and  the  friar  his  enthusiastic  and 
respectful  audiences,  their  stores  of  grain,  their  herds 
of  live-stock,  and  especially  their  neatly  whitewashed 
chapels  and  houses ;  and  then  we  may  see  the  sad  and 
perhaps  bitter  expression  with  which  he  explained  that 
no  padres  could  be  induced  to  come  and  occupy  these 
houses  and  chapels.  They  went  on  yet  a  little  farther, 
climbing  and  camping  for  the  night  on  Santa  Clara 
Mountain,  from  w^hich  Kino  took  his  farewell  look 
out  over  the  gulf  waters  and  river  mouth  in  the  hazy 
distance,  recapitulating  to  his  companions  the  labors 
and  arguments  by  which  he  had  satisfied  himself  and 
many  others  that  the  opposite  land  was  not  an  island, 
and  musing  sorrowfully  as  he  descended  the  hill  on 
the  Pimas,  Yunias,  and  Quiquimas,  waiting  at  the 

lf  Taylor  in  Browne's  L.  Col.,  34-5,  speaks  of  Kino's  port  of  S.  Juan  Bau- 
tista,  now  Libertad. 

15 Cuquiarachi;  Real  de  Bacanuchi,  10  L;  Dolores,  20  1. 

16 Cocospera;  S.  Simon  y  S.  Judas,  15  1.;  Babasaqui;  Sta  Barbara,  141.; 
S.  Ambrosio  Busanic,  4  1.;  Sta  Gertrudis  Saric,  31.;  S.  Bernardo  Aquimuri; 
Tubutama. 


502  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

head  of  the  gulf  for  salvation  that  was  so  long  in 
coming.  Father  Ojuela  climbed  a  higher  peak  and 
obtained  a  broader  view,  discovering  as  he  thought  a 
fine  bay  which  he  named  San  Manuel.  They  returned 
to  Tubutama  by  another  way17  reaching  Dolores  the 
16th  of  November.18 

With  the  exception  of  these  last  tours,  the  life  of 
Kino  and  the  annals  of  Pimeria  from  1703  to  1710 
form  but  a  series  of  failures  and  bitter  disappointments 
for  the  venerable  apostle,  interpersed  with  and  largely 
caused  by  not  only  the  exasperating  indifference  but 
the  active  opposition  of  the  military  government. 
Campos  at  San  Ignacio  and  Velarde  at  Dolores  were 
Kino's  only  permanent  companions  during  this  period, 
though  Piccolo  from  California  visited  him  in  1706. 
Minutili,  who  had  come  to  Tubutama  from  California 
for  his  health,  did  not  probably  remain  there  long; 
Varilla  also  seems  to  have  soon  left  Caborca;  and 
Coritreras  had  never  returned  after  the  burning  of 
Cocospera.  One  authority  mentions  the  arrival  of 
four  padres  in  1701,  and  their  distribution  to  Caborca, 
Tubutama,  Bac,  and  Guevavi,  whence  they  soon  re 
tired  on  account  of  sickness  and  other  causes;  but 
this  is  probably  an  error,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  any 
padres  besides  those  who  have  been  named  were  actu 
ally  stationed  in  Pimeria  Alta  during  Kino's  life, 
though  it  seems  that  on  several  occasions  missionaries 
were  appointed  for  the  field  by  the  provincial  in 
Mexico.  Alegre  notes  that  four  padres  started  in 
1703,  but  were  frightened  away  by  false  rumors  of 
Pima  hostilities.  Frontier  missionaries  in  different 
places  were  said  to  have  been  assassinated ;  the  Pinias 

"Sonoita;  S.  Rafael  Actun,  18  1.;  S.  Martin;  Sta  Bibiana,  91.;  S.  Estan- 
islao  Octam,  121.;  Busanic,  3  1. 

18  The  two  c abos  had  orders  to  keep  a  diary,  but  did  not  send  it  to  Mexico. 
The  best  account  of  the  trip  is  in  Apost.  Afanes,  323-6,  taken  from  Kino's 
report.  The  author  saw  also  a  report  by  Ojuela,  but  did  not  use  it,  because 
as  he  says  it  contained  things  hard  to  believe  which  the  padre  had  probably 
recorded  from  hearsay.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  146-7,  calls  the  Fran 
ciscan  Manuel  de  Ojeda.  See  also  Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  ii.  107;  Cal.,  Hist. 
Chrtt.,  103. 


FALSE  CHARGES.  503 

were  treacherous  brutes,  wholly  unfit  for  Christianity; 
the  Sobas  were  in  league  with  the  Seris  to  invade 
Sonera;  the  Sobaipuris  were  at  the  bottom  of  Apache 
raids ;  the  Papagos  inhabited  a  sterile  wraste  of  sand ; 
the  tribes  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado  were  myths;  the 
neophytes  of  the  missions  already  founded  had  just 
killed  their  padres  and  fled,  or  were  on  the  point  of 
doing  so. 

It  would  seem  also  that  the  military  force  and  the 
Spanish  settlers  became  not  only  willing  listeners  to  all 
that  could  be  said  against  the  Pimas,  but  active  op 
ponents  to  Kino's  plans. ,  This  state  of  things  began, 
if  we  may  believe  Mange — who  was  very  likely  not 
altogether  free  from  prejudice  on  the  subject — with 
the  accession  of  General  Jacinto  Fuens  Saldana  to  the 
command  of  the  compania  volante  in  place  of  Jironza 
in  1701.  He  is  said  to  have  behaved  very  badly,  and 
his  successor  and  nephew,  Gregorio  Alvarez  Tun  on, 
still  worse.  The  army  was  made  up  largely  of  men 
who  desired  the  spoils  and  glories  of  conquerors  with 
out  great  risks;  long  and  tedious  pursuits  of  Apache 
raiders  did  not  meet  their  requirements.  Miners  and 
settlers  wanted  laborers,  for  which  purpose  Apa 
ches  were  not  available.  It  was  not  difficult  to  trump 
up  charges  to  serve  as  excuses  for  plundering  the  rich 
Piina  towns  and  enslaving  the  people.  The  stores  of 
maize  and  live-stock  accumulated  by  the  rancherias 
under  Kino's  influence  excited  the  avarice  of  the  sol 
diers  no  less  than  of  the  savages.  Naturally  this  was 
not  long  in  bringing  about  an  open  quarrel  with  the 
missionaries ;  and  a  certain  lieutenant  of  the  province, 
not  named,  went  so  far  as  to  present  formal  charges 
of  a  serious  nature,  not  specified,  against  the  Jesuits. 
The  charges  were  proven  false,  if  we  may  accept  the 
Jesuit  version,  and  the  officer  was  removed  from  his 
command.  The  Pimas  of  the  south  about  Dolores 
seem  to  have  submitted  to  much  abuse  without  resist 
ance,  running  to  Kino  much  as  children  would  run  to 
a  father  to  have  their  wrongs  redressed,  and  never 


504  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

refusing  aid  against  the  savages.  One  officer  is  charged 
with  having  forcibly  carried  away  neophytes  from 
Kino's  own  mission,  and  others  in  the  vicinity,  and 
with  having  burned  some  chapels.  From  the  older 
missions  in  the  south  converts  were  enticed  away  to 
work  in  the  mines  and  on  ranchos,  where  they  were 
given  the  utmost  license  in  respect  of  conduct  and 
morals,  of  course  greatly  to  the  prejudice  of  mission 
progress.  From  the  Sobaipuris  of  the  north  the 
Spaniards,  on  attempting  interference,  met  a  prompt 
rebuff.  Chief  Coro,  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  made 
some  pretty  loud  threats,  and  the  Spanish  officer  was 
not  only  driven  away  from  Quiburi  Valley,  but  spread 
such  reports  of  Coro's  hostility  that  all  Sonora  was  in 
terror,  and  rushed  to  arms  for  self-protection,  the 
padres  being  ordered  to  secure  church  property  and 
to  seek  a  place  of  safety.  Kino  was  of  course  ap 
pealed  to,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  quelling  a  rebellion 
that  was  purely  imaginary,  by  simply  summoning  Coro 
and  other  Sobaipuri  chiefs  to  Dolores. 

Meanwhile  Kino's  chief  occupation  was  to  visit  and 
pacify  his  flock,  to  protest  against  Spanish  oppression, 
to  receive  deputations  from  distant  tribes  whom  his 
infirmities  no  longer  allowed  him  to  visit,  and  to  send 
petitions  to  Mexico  for  padres  who  never  came.  His 
only  comfort  was  to  note  the  patience  and  fidelity  of 
his  beloved  Pimas.  In  1702-3,  he  had  an  idea  of 
going  personally  to  Mexico;  but  the  war  in  Europe 
made  it  certain  in  his  mind  that  such  a  trip  would 
be  unavailing.  In  1704  new  churches  were  completed 
at  Remedies  and  Cocospera,  equalling  the  finest  in 
Sonora.  Kino's  exploration  south-westward  in  1706 
and  his  final  tour  to  the  north  have  been  already 
described.  It  was  also  in  1706  that  he  made  extra 
ordinary  efforts  -to  obtain  for  Caborca,  Suamca,  Bac, 
Busanic,  and  Quiburi,  five  of  the  eight  padres  allowed 
to  Pimeria  by  the  king,  from  a  new  arrival  of  Jesuits 
in  Mexico.  Mange  and  other  officials  made  full  re 
ports  to  the  viceroy  in  support  of  his  claims,  but  as 


DEATH  OF  KINO.  505 

usual  nothing  was  accomplished.  In  1707  he  is  said 
to  have  attempted  to  secure  the  establishment  of  a 
villa  in  northern  Sonora.  In  1710  he  made  his  final 
informe,  addressed  to  the  king  in  behalf  of  the  Pima 
missions,  and  then  he  died,  as  Velarde  and  Alegre 
tell  us,  early  in  1711.19 

I  have  thus  narrated  as  fully  as  the  records  permit 
the  ofanes  of  this  famous  missionary,  who  in  fulfil 
ment  of  his  vow  to  St  Francis  Javier  had  baptized 
over  40,000  gentiles.  His  eulogy  and  the  little  that 
is  known  of  his  death  I  quote  literally  from  the 
Jesuit  historian.20  "Who  can  tell  the  inner  acts  of 
virtue  by  which  he  made  himself  so*  worthy  an  instru 
ment  of  salvation  to  many  souls  ?  In  all  his  mission 
ary  career  he  was  known  to  have  no  other  bed  than 
two  sheep-skins,21  a  coarse  blanket  for  a  cover,  and 
for  a  pillow  a  pack-saddle.  Such  was  the  couch  on 
which,  after  long  and  tiresome  journeys,  even  in  the 
most  serious  illness,  at  the  age  of  seventy  years, 
he  took  barely  a  slight  repose,  and  in  which  he  died 
at  last,  not  without  tears  from  his  good  companion, 
Padre  Campos,  witness  of  his  humility,  mortification, 
and  poverty.  Most  of  the  night  he  spent  in  prayer, 
and  when  at  Dolores  it  was  in  the  church,  into  which, 
says  his  companion,  Padre  Luis  Velarde,22  during  the 
last  eight  years  he  heard  him  enter  every  night,  but 
with  all  his  watching  never  heard  him  come  out.  To 
this  nightly  prayer  he  joined  a  bloody  disciplina, 
which  the  Indians  sometimes  saw  and  talked  about  in 
wonder.  He  was  seen  to  enter  the  church  for  prayer 

l9Apost(tfico8  Afanes,  295-337;  Velarde,  Descrip.  Hist.,  385-6;  Venegas, 
Not.  CaL,  ii.  10G-7;  Mange,  Hint.  Pimeria,  340.  Several  authors  following 
the  Apont.  Afanes,  give  1710  as  the  date  of  Kino's  death.  Reyes,  in  Sonora, 
Materials,  731,  says  that  according  to  Ribas  and  Florencia  the  Jesuit  reduc 
tion  of  Sonora  began  in  1709;  but  according  to  the  mission  books  of  Cucurpe, 
in  1560!  Berrotaran,  Informe,  207,  says  there  were  in  Sin.  and  Son.  110 
missions. 

z°Afegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  154-7,  taken  in  substance  and  much  of  it 
literally  from  Velarde,  Descrip.  Hist. ,  385-6. 

21  Safads,  a  provincial  word  applied  to  the  skins  used  as  sudaderos,  or 
saddle-cloths. 

22  This  and  Velarde's  own  statement  from  which  it  is  taken  is  the  only 
notice  we  have  that  Velarde  came  to  Dolores  before  Kino's  death. 


50G  SONOKA  AND  SINALOA. 

more  than  a  hundred  times  in  a  day,  in  imitation  of 
the  great  apostle  of  Ireland,  though  his  whole  life 
was  a  continual  prayer.  He  was  honored  with  the 
gift  of  tears,  with  which  the  Lord  endowed  him,  not 
only  in  the  holy  sacrifice  of  mass  which  he  never 
omitted,  but  even  in  divine  service  which  he  always 
said  kneeling.  He  had  ever  on  his  lips  the  sweetest 
names  of  Jesus  and  Mary;  so  that  it  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at  that  even  when  insulted  in  his  house  he 
replied  with  gentle  words,  tenderly  embracing  the 
offender.  His  conversation  was  always  of  God,  of 
his  holy  mother,  and  of  the  conversion  of  gentiles. 
He  suffered  frequent  and  acute  fevers,  of  which  he 
cured  himself  by  total  abstinence  for  four  or  six  days. 
And  even  besides  such  occasions  his  food  was  very 
meagre  and  coarse,  without  salt  or  other  condiment 
than  some  insipid  herbs  which  he  pretended  to  take 
as  medicine.  All  this  harshness  and  austerity  toward 
himself  became  suavity  and  gentleness  toward  the 
Indians,  among  whom  he  distributed  all  his  allowance 
and  all  he  could  by  industry  obtain.  Finally  Father 
Kino  was  a  perfect  example  for  apostolic  mission 
aries,  of  whom  it  was  a  common  saying :  '  To  discover 
lands  and  to  convert  souls  are  the  afanes  of  Padre 
Kino.  Continuous  prayer,  life  without  vice,  nor 
smoking,  nor  snuff,  nor  bed,  nor  wines."  Campos, 
having  finished  in  his  pueblo  of  Magdalena  a  small 
chapel  in  honor  of  San  Francisco  Javier,23  invited 
Kino  to  the  dedication  mass,  to  which  he  gladly  came. 
The  image  on  the  altar  represented  the  dying  saint. 
Saying  mass  he  felt  himself  attacked  by  his  final  ill 
ness,  the  saint  wishing  that  he  who  had  so  perfectly 
imitated  him  in  the  labors  of  the  apostolic  ministry 
should  rest  in  his  chapel.24 

23Bartlett,  Pers.  Narr.,  i.  424-7,  relates  a  legend  that  the  site  of  the 
Magdalena  church  was  selected  by  an  image  of  San  Francisco  Javier,  which 
was  carried  on  a  mule's  back,  the  animal  stopping  at  a  particular  spot  and 
refusing  to  move.  I  believe  mules  have  been  known  to  act  thus  in  other  in 
stances  and  in  places  where  no  chapels  have  as  yet  been  erected. 

21 A  writer  in  Hutchings1  Mag.,  iv.  504-7,  says  that  Kino  was  buried  at 


ANNALS  OF  PIMERf  A.  507 

It  is  most  convenient  to  follow  still  farther  the 
sluggish  course  of  progress  in  Alta  Pimeria  before 
turning  our  attention  to  the  more  southern  Sonora 
districts.  With  the  record  before  him  of  what  Kino 
had  been  able  to  accomplish  in  obtaining  padres  for 
the  northern  field,  the  reader  may  readily  imagine 
that  nothing  was  done  in  that  direction  for  a  longr 

O  O 

time  after  his  death.  Velarde  still  served  at  Dolores 
for  twenty  years  at  least,  and  Campos  remained  for 
twenty-five  years  at  San  Ignacio;  but  with  the  ex 
ception  of  Luis  Maria  Gallardi,  who  took  charge  of 
Caborca  about  1720,  arid  of  Luis.  Maria  Marjiano, 
who  served  at  San  Ignacio  in  1722-3,  during  the 
absence  of  Campos  in  Mexico,25  there  was  no  increase 
of  the  force  until  after  1730.  Campos,  Kino's  com 
panion  almost  from  the  first,  was  perhaps  no  less 
faithful  a  seeker  for  gentile  souls,  making  such  tours 
among  the  pueblos  as  his  home  duties  would  permit; 
and  for  a  time  messengers  came  as  before  from  the 
far  north  with  urgent  entreaties  for  padres;  but 
Campos  had  learned  to  be  somewhat  less  profuse 
than  Kino  in  promises,  which'  as  experience  taught 
could  not  be  kept;  and  consequently  communication 
with  the  more  distant  tribes  became  less  and  less  fre 
quent,  so  that  in  many  rancherias  all  that  had  been 
learned  of  the  new  faith  was  well  nigh  forgotten.26 

In  January  1715  Padre  Campos  was  on  the  coast 
and  found  a  port  which  he  named  Ascension  and 
located  in  30°.  Salvatierra  had  planned  to  come  over 

S.  Antonio  Oquitoa  in  a  church  built  by  himself,  where  there  is  a  tablet  to  his 
memory.  Alegre  tells  us  that  during  the  four  years  preceding  1710  no  manu 
script  of  the  period  refers  to  Kino. 

23  The  printed  authorities  place  Gallardi  at  Caborca;  but  in  the  original 
mission  registers — S.  lynacio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ;  Sta  Maria  Magdalena,  Lib. 
,  MS. — I  find  him  at  Magdalena  in  1722-3,  and  at  S.  Ignacio  in  1725-7. 


not  named  is  said  to  have  come  to  Tubutama  about  the  same  time.     A  visit 
of  Bishop  Tapis  is  recorded  at  Magdalena  in  1715. 

26  For  general  remarks  on  the  decline  of  Pimeria  Alta  after  Kino's  death 
see  Apost.  Afanes,  337,  etc.;  Ale<jre,  Hist.  Comp.  Je*us,  iii.  173;  Venega-s, 
Not,  CaL,  ii.  107,  522-4;  Cat.,  Hist.  Chret.,  252-4;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch., 
i.  371-2. 


508  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

in  June  for  a  voyage  of  exploration ;  Campos  and  Ve 
larde  accordingly  waited  for  him  at  Caborca,  making 
signals  of  fire  and  smoke  from  the  hilltops  to  guide  the 
vessel  into  Port  Ascension;  but  the  voyage  was  post 
poned  and  finally  given  up,  though  Campos  repeated 
his  preparations  and  signals  at  the  end  of  September. 
Disappointed  in  not  meeting  Salvatierra,  he  went  up 
the  coast  in  October  to  a  point  twelve  leagues  above 
Ascension,  perhaps  to  the  same  region  where  Kino 
and  Salvatierra  and  Mange  had  been  in  170 1,27  a 
region  whose  inhabitants  now  or  a  little  later  began 
to  be  known,  for  some  unknown  reason,  as  Papagos, 
or  sometimes  as  Papabotes.2*  The  most  important 
circumstance,  and  indeed  almost  the  only  one  re 
corded  in  connection  with  this  trip,  was  that  Campos 
from  his  own  observations  and  what  he  could  learn 
from  the  natives  felt  himself  justified  in  rejecting  the 
conclusions  of  previous  explorers,  and  committing 
himself  to  the  opinion  that  there  was  a  strait  sepa 
rating  California  from  the  main.  Velarde  concurred 
in  this  opinion  and  recorded  it — fortified  with  learned 
arguments  and  references  to  a  Dutch  map  and  old 
narratives  which,  he  had  seen — in  his  historical  report 
written  in  1716.29  This  difference  of  opinion  among 
those  who  were  deemed  to  have  the  best  opportuni 
ties  for  observation  accounts  in  great  measure  for 
the  curious  and  long-continued  discussions  respecting 
Californian  geography.30 

In  the  middle  of  1721  Padre  Ugarte  in  the  Triunfo 
de  la  Cruz  arrived  at  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  San 

27  The  Port  Ascension  of  Campos  may  possibly  have  been  identical  with 
Kino's  Sta  Clara  and  the  modern  Adair  Bay,  though  neither  this  hypothesis 
nor  any  other  seeins  to  agree  with  all  the  statements  of  the  narrative. 

28  Stone,  Sonora,  20-1,  speaks  of  padres  left  among  the  Papagos  at  Kino's 
death;  and  other  writers  are  wont  to  speak  of  the  northern  pueblos,  particu 
larly  of  Bac,  as  having  been  abandoned  by  their  padres;  but  in  fact  there 
had  never  been  any  resident  missionaries  north  of  Cocdspera  and  Tubutama. 

29  Velarde,  Description  Histdrica  de  la  Pimeria,  353-4.     For  notice  of  this 
•work  see  chap.  x.  of  this  volume. 

30  Velarde's  geographical  ideas  were  very  accurate  so  far  as  explored  regions 
are  concerned,  but  in  the  N.  w.  beyond  the  limits  of  actual  exploration  he  loses 
his  head  in  the  mazes  of  the  Northern  Mystery.     He  made  a  map  to  illustrate 
his  report,  but  it  does  not  appear  either  in  my  printed  or  MS.  copy. 


MOQUI  PROJECT.  509 

Ignacio,  bound  on  an  exploring  voyage  elsewhere  de 
scribed.  He  met  with  many  mishaps  on  this  coast, 
where  he  found  no  ports  whatever,  notwithstanding 
the  discoveries  of  Kino,  Campos,  and  others.  He  met 
Gallardi  at  Caborca,  and  was  soon  visited  by  Campos, 
who  hastened  down  from  San  Ignacio  with  all  the 
supplies  he  could  gather  on  short  notice.  Captain 
Mange  also  went  down  to  the  coast,  intending,  as  he 
says,  to  sail  with  Ugarte,  but  was  prevented  by  an 
accident.  The  reverend  explorer  recrossed  the  gulf 
to  continue  on  the  contra  costa  the  search  whose  re 
sults  proved  once  again  'that  California  was  not  an 
island,  Velarde  and  Campos  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing.31 

In  1723  the  project  of  reconverting  through  Jesuit 
agencies,  by  way  of  Pimeria,  the  Moquis,  who  had 
been  without  instructors  since  they  drove  out  the 
Franciscans  in  the  Ne"w  Mexican  revolt  of  1680,  was 
mooted  in  Sonora  and  Mexico.  Kino  had  supposed 
the  Moqui  province  not  mere  than  thirty  or  forty 
leagues  distant  from  the  limit  of  his  own  exploration, 
and  easily  accessible  from  that  direction.  .  As  early 
as  1711-12  the  Moquis  are  said  to  have  sent  word  by 
natives  of  other  tribes  that  they  wanted  J'esuit  mis 
sionaries  ;  but,  as  Alegre  states,  the  society  refused  to 
interfere  in  what  might  be  considered  a  Franciscan 
field.  Again  in  1720,  according  to  the  Afanes,  a 
mulatto  boy  brought  to  San  Ignacio  the  report  that 
the  Moquis  were  anxious  for  baptism,  and  Campos 
became  as  anxious  to  undertake  their  conversion. 
Captain  Becerra  of  Janos  claimed  to  have  learned  in 
New  Mexico  that  the  Moquis  wanted  Jesuits  and  had 
a  horror  of  Franciscans,  and  he  joined  Campos  in  a 
petition.  In  response  the  viceroy  was  ordered  to  pro 
mote  the  proposed  conversion,  and  in  his  perplexity 
he  consulted  Bishop  Crespo  of  Durango,  who  at  first 
favored  the  scheme;  but  when  he  understood  the  loca- 

31  Venegas,  Not.  Cal,  ii.  348-50;  Mange,  Hist.  Pirn.,  340.  For  Ugarte's 
explorations  see  chap.  xvi.  of  this  volume. 


510  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

tion  of  the  province,  and  that  the  "  seraphic  order " 
had  not  yet  abandoned  their  efforts  in  that  direction, 
he  seems  to  have  changed  his  mind,  and  the  matter 
was  temporarily  dropped.82 

In  1723  Campos",  on  a  visit  to  Mexico,  asked  for 
two  padres  for  the  northern  missions,  and  also  pro 
posed  the  founding  of  a  villa  on  the  Gila,  offering,  in 
the  name  of  the  provincial,  live-stock,  seeds,  and 
implements  for  one  hundred  families  of  pobladores; 
but  nothing  could  be  effected.33  In  1725,  however, 
Bishop  Crespo  visited  Pimeria,  and  it  happened  that 
while  he  was  at  San  Ignacio  messengers  arrived  from 
Sonoita  and  Bac — perhaps  not  altogether  by  accident 
• — to  remind  the  padre  of  their  desire  for  instructors 
and  of  the  golden  opportunities  the  Spaniards  had 
already  lost  by  delay.  The  bishop  became  interested, 
and  wrote  to  the  viceroy,  offering  to  pay  himself,  if 
the  royal  treasury  would  not,  for  the  support  of  one 
or  two  padres.  Even  on  this  basis  the  difficulties 
were  insurmountable,  and  the  bishop  applied  to  the 
king  in  1728,  forwarding  a  petition  of  the  Sobaipuris 
and  a  report  of  General  Rivera.  This  had  some  effect, 
for  in  October  of  the  same  year  the  king  ordered  the 
viceroy  to  take  speedy  steps  to  supply  northern  Sonora 
with  missionaries.34  The  order  was  obeyed  but  not 
very  promptly;  for  in  1730  the  three  padres  were 
still  serving  alone  as  before,  save  that  Gallardi  had 
changed  his  residence  first  to  San  Ignacio,  and  again 
after  1727  to  Tubutama,  becoming  rector.  Caborca 
was  now  only  a  visita,  though  it  was  the  largest  of  all 
the  four  missions  and  fourteen  pueblos.  The  whole 
district  had  now  less  than  twelve  hundred  converts, 
not  a  very  good  showing,  especially  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  Dolores  and  San  Ignacio  had  never  lacked 

**Apost.  Afanes,  345-7.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesm,  iii.  212-3,  states  that 
Campos'  petition  was  to  the  viceroy,  and  that  the  matter  came  to  an  end  by 
the  refusal  of  the  Jesuit  authorities  to  furnish  the  padres  asked  for  by  Bishop 
Crespo.  See  also  Vencgas,  Not.  Gal. ,  ii.  526-7. 

33  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  213. 

34  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  228-32;   Velasco,  Sonora,  140.     Bishop's 
visit  recorded  in  S.  Ignacio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  30,  37. 


TEPOCAS  AND  SERIS.  511 

missionaries  and  were  now  the  smallest  of  all,  having 
but  nine  and  thirty-two  families  respectively.  The 
Spanish  population  was  apparently  about  three  hun 
dred.  Cucurpe  with  its  pueblos  on  the  Rio  San 
Miguel  seems  now  to  have  been  included  in  this  dis 
trict,  but  is  not  included  in  the  preceding  figures. 

I  have  already  noticed  the  slight  progress  made  in 
attempts  to  convert  the  Tepocas  and  Seris  of  the  gulf 
coast  above  the  mouth  of  the  Yaqui,  and  the  founda 
tion  of  a  mission  pueblo  of  San  Jose  de  Guaymas 
with  which  Kino  opened  communication  by  a  new 
route  from  the  interior.  This  Guaymas  mission  was 
attached  to  the  California  establishments  under  Sal- 
vatierra,  never  had  any  resident  padre,  was  visited 
purposely  or  accidentally  at  long  intervals,  probably 
was  merely  a  rancheria  if  not  altogether  deserted 
except  at  these  irregular  visits,  and  naturally  has  left 
no  chronologic  record.  Several  of  the  California 
padres  resided  in  Sonora  at  different  times  to  attend 
to  the  shipment  of  supplies,  which  were  generally 
despatched  from  the  mouth  of  the  Yaqui.  Salvatierra 
had  visited  the  Seris,  and  made  peace  between  them 
and  the  Pimas  in  1690.  Again  as  we  have  seen  in 
1701  he  was  at  Guaymas  and  met  with  some  success 
in  preparing  the  natives  for  conversion.  In  1709  he 
was  wrecked  on  the  coast  and  improved  the  opportu 
nity  to  work  among  the  Seris,  Tepocas,  and  Guaymas 
for  two  months  with  very  flattering  success.  Padre 
Basaldua  is  also  named  as  having  taken  charge  of  the 
Guaymas  mission  about  this  time,  and  Ugarte  being 
cast  on  the  same  shore  baptized  many  natives,  built  a 
chapel,  founded  a  pueblo  de  visita,  and  would,  it  is 
said,  have  remained  there  had  his  superior  permitted 
it.  Beyond  these  vague  allusions  we  know  nothing 
whatever  of  the  coast  establishments  down  to  1730 
and  later.35 

35  Venecia*,  Not.  Cal,  ii.  138,  176,  188-9,  205-8;  Clavicjero,  Storia  CaL,  i. 
250-60;  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  124;  Villavicencio,  Vida  Uyarte,  110-11. 


512  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

For  the  first  thirty  years  of  the  century  there  is 
no  proper  mission  history  of  the  old  Sonora  and  Os- 
timuri  provinces.  The  excitement  of  the  conquista 
espiritual  was  past;  there  were  in  most  mission  juris 
dictions  no  gentiles  if  many  apostates  left  to  convert; 
the  Jesuit  establishments  had  passed  the  period  of 
their  highest  prosperity  and  were  on  the  decline;  the 
neophytes  had  decreased  and  were  rapidly  decreasing 
in  numbers,  from  the  effects  of  civilization,  from  pesti 
lence,  from  desertion,  and  from  the  ever-increasing  de 
mand  for  laborers.  The  great  desideratum  of  all  mis 
sionary  friars,  protection  at  first  and  non-interference 
later,  could  never  be  realized.  Petty  quarrels  with 
the  Spanish  population,  and  petty  losses  from  raids 
of  savages;  the  dull  routine  of  religious  service  and 
mission  toil,  an  occasional  runaway  or  flogging,  now 
and  then  a  change  of  padres  or  the  building  or  de 
struction  of  a  church,  joyous  occasions  of  procession 
and  fiesta,  statistics  of  births  and  marriages  and 
deaths — such  were  the  current  annals,  and  no  wonder, 
and  small  pity  perhaps,  that  the  record  has  not  sur 
vived.36 

On  February  14,  1730,  the  visitador  general  Pedro 
de  Rivera  in  a  report  to  the  viceroy  pictures  the  mis 
sions  in  the  brightest  couleur  de  rose.  They  were 
delightfully  located  in  fertile  valleys.  The  neophytes 
were  intelligent,  industrious,  well  dressed,  docile,  de 
vout,  and  well  versed  in  Spanish.  The  management 
was  all  that  could  be  desired,  the  padres  being  kind  in 
their  treatment  of  the  neophytes,  diligent  as  instruc 
tors,  skilled  in  the  native  idioms,  and  constantly  ap- 

36  P.  Marcos  Antonio  Kappus,  visitador;  P.  Daniel  Januske,  rector  of 
Stos  Martires  district  in  1716.  Velarde,  Descrip.  Hist.,  376-8.  Bravo  in  1717 
asked  that  the  Ahomes  and  Yaquis  be  exempted  from  mita.  The  viceroy  de 
ferred  his  decision.  Venegas,  Not.  Cat.,  ii.  301.  Fifty  pueblos  in  1721.  The 
better  the  Indians  are  treated  the  faster  they  die.  Industrious,  have  fine 
churches,  well  grounded  in  the  mysteries  of  the  holy  faith.  Outside  Indians 
changing  from  lambs  to  tigers.  Mange,  Hist.  Pimeria,  343,  394.  In  1726-7* 
Bishop  Crespo  visited  Sonora.  Apost.  Afanes,  341.  (It  was  really  in  1725-6.) 
Father  Antonio  Urquiza,  a  prominent  Jesuit,  who  is  said  to  have  served  in 
the  country  over  30  years,  died  at  San  Felipe  in  1724.  Aleyre,  iii.  217-22;  Dice. 
Univ.,  x.  696-7. 


MISSION  STATISTICS.  513 

plied  to  by  gentiles  for  baptism.  It  is  to  be  feared 
that  this  report  in  the  political  and  slangy  parlance  of 
a  later  era  would  be  classified  as  '  whitewash.'37  For 
the  year  1730  also  we  have  a  very  complete  report  on 
the  state  of  the  missions,38  by  which  it  appears  that 
there  were  in  Sonora — including  Pimeria  Alta,  but 
not  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  districts — four  rectorados, 
with  sixty-six  pueblos  in  twenty-five  missions,  with 
twenty-four  padres  serving  about  ten  thousand  per 
sons,  one  veteran,  Father  Gonzalez  at  Oposura,  still 
surviving  from  the  last  list  of  1688.  This  document 
affords  no  basis  for  an  estimate  of  the  Spanish  popu 
lation  ;  but  that  population  was  estimated  a  few  years 
later  at  one  thousand  men,  besides  the  military  force, 
and  including  the  southern  province  of  Ostimuri.  Of 
the  sixty-six  pueblos  thirty  had  good  churches  well 
adorned  and  cared  for;  six  had  small  and  poor  chap 
els;  in  seventeen  they  were  damaged  or  in  ruins; 
eight  were  in  process  of  erection;  and  five  had  no 
churches  at  all.  I  append  in  a  note  the  substance  of 
the  catdlogo.™  A.  comparison  with  Zapata's  report 

37  nil-era,  I»forme  del  Sr.  Brigadier  Visitador  General  al  Sr.  Virey  del 
extado  de  las  Misiones  de  la  Compania  en  las  provincias  de  Sinaloa  y  Sonora, 
in  Son.,  Materialcs,  833-6.  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  229-30;  Rivera  had 
made  a  tour  of  inspection  to  all  the  presidios  of  the  north,  including  New 
Mexico.  Mota-PadUla,  Conq.  N.  Gal. ,  519. 

38 Sonora,  Estado  de  la  promncia  de  Sonora  con  el  catdlorjo  de  sus  pueblos, 
iglesiax,  padres  misioneros,  numero  de  almas  capaces  de  administration,  len- 
ijna*  (/icersas  que  en  ella  se  hablan  y  ler/uas  qunse  dilata;  con  una  breve  descrip 
tion  de  la  Sonora  Jesuitica  se'/un  se  ha/la  por  el  mes  de  Julio  de  este  aiio  de 
escrito  por  un  padre,  mixionero,  etc.,  in  Sonora,  Hateriales,  617-37. 

39  Yecora,  population,  197;  Sta  Ana,  34.  P.  Pedro  Proto  (dead)  with  231 
Opatas. 

San  Francisco  Javier  Arivechi,  118;  Bacanora,  116.  P.  Juan  S.  Martia 
with  235  Eudeves. 

Sahuaripa,  150;  S.  Mateo,  95.     P.  Cristobal  Lauria  with  245  6patas. 

Cucurpe,  179;  Sacarachi,  31;  Toape,  187;  Opodepe,  134.  P.  Marcos 
Zamora  with  517  Eudeves. 

San  Miguel  Ures,  592;  S.  Pablo  Pescadero,  237;  S.  Francisco  Pitiquin. 
P.  Jose"  Calderon  with  (1,100)  Pimas. 

Nra  Sra  del  Pdpulo,  195  Seris;  Rosario  Nacameri,  62;  Los  Angeles  ranche- 
ria.  P.  Nicolas  Perera  with  561  Seris  and  Pimas. 

Matapc,  35;  Nacori,  25;  Alamos,  45;  Robesco  (Reboico?),  8;  P.  Cayetano 
Guerrero  with  113  Eudeves. 

San  Francisco  Javier  Batuco,  188;  Sta  Maria  Tepuspe  (?),  212.  P.  Jose" 
Armas  with  400  Eudeves. 

Tecoripa,  50;  Suaqui,  42;  Comuripa,  165;  Hecatari,  127.  P.  Luis  Maria 
Marciamares,  rector,  with  401  Pimas. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    33 


£14  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

of  167840  is  sufficient  to  show  the  rapid  decline  in 
mission  population,  which  was  at  least  fifty  per  cent 
in  the  aggregate  for  corresponding  missions,  Baseraca 
being  the  only  one  that  could  show  a  gain. 

The  'author  of  the  Estado  expresses  very  freely 
his  ideas  about  the  state  of  the  country,  the  people, 
and  the  padres.  He  gives  the  natives — even  the 
Opatas,  who  were  the  best  of  all — a  bad  character, 
pronouncing  them  "incredulous  respecting  Catholic 
truths,  of  malicious  spirit,  deceitful,  and  very  revenge 
ful,  particularly  the  women."  They  not  only  swore 
falsely,  but  made  use  of  the  confessional  to  bear  false 
testimony,  and  were  ever  ready  to  poison  their  nearest 
relatives,  especially  those  wiio  were  likely  to  report 
their  evil  doings  to  the  padre.  Extremely  improvi 
dent,  they  as  a  rule  gambled  away  their  year's  supply 
of  seed  and  clothing  the  next  day  after  receiving  it. 
They  committed  the  most  beastly  imlnoralities  and 

San  Ignacio  Onabas,  457;  Tonichi,  379;  Sopopa  ranch.  P.  Andres  Gon 
zalez  with  836  Pinias. 

Concepcion  Mobas,  90;  Nuri,  41.     P.  Juan  Avendano  with  129  Pimas. 

San  Miguel  Oposura,  300;  Cumupas,  146;  P.  Manuel  Gonzalez  (as  in  1688) 
with  (427)  Opatas. 

San  Francisco  Guazava,  191;  S.  Ignacio  Opotu,  248.  P.  Ventura  Gutierrez 
with  448  Opatas. 

San  Luis  Bacadeguachi,  272;  Guadalupe  Nacori,  281;  S.  Ignacio  Mochopa, 
24.  P.  Nicolas  Oro  with  577  6patas. 

Sta  Maria  Baseraca,  839;  S.  Miguel  Babispe,  566;  S.  Juan  Guachinera, 
285.  P.  Prudencio  Romero  with  1,702  Opatas. 

San  Ignacio  Cuquiarachi,  76;  Cuchuta,  58;  Teuricachi,  52;  Presidio  Fronte- 
ras.  P.  Ignacio  Arce  with  190  6patas. 

Asuncion  Arizpe,  316;  S.  Jose"  Chinapa,  204;  Bacouiz  (Bacuachic?),  51. 
P.  Crist6bal  de  Canas,  visitador,  with  650  Opatas. 

San  Lorenzo  Huepaca,  71;  Banamichi,  127;  San  Ignacio  Sinoquipe,  91. 
P.  Jose"  Toral  with  300  Opatas. 

Concepcion  Babicora,  294;  S.  Pedro  Aconchi,  285.  P.  Juan  Echajoyan 
with  579  Opatas. 

Sta  Rosalia  Onapa,  76;  Angeles  Taraichi,  96;  S.  Ildefonso  Ostimuri,  57. 
P.  Diego  Gudino  with  229  Pimas. 

San  Jose"  Teopari,  259;  Dolores,  180.     P.  Jose"  Escalona  with  439  Jovas. 

San  Pablo  (Pedro?)  Tubutama,  131;  Sta  Teresa,  81;  Siete  Principes  Ati, 
56;  S.  Antonio  Oquitoa,  104.  P.  Luis  Maria  Gallardi,  rector,  with  395 
Pinias. 

Concepcion  Caborca,  223;  Natividad  Pitiqui,  313;  Jesus  Maria  Basani, 
178;  Gin co  Senores  Busanic,  253.  P.  Gallardi  with  723  Pimas. 

San  Ignacio,  94;  S.  Jose"  Imuri,  80;  Magdalena,  63.  P.  Agustin  Campos 
with  247  Pimas. 

Dolores,  29;  Remedios,  20;  Santiago  Coc6spera,  74.  P.  Luis  Velarde 
with  135  Pimas. 

40  See  chapter  x.  of  this  volume. 


TROUBLES  OF  THE  PADRES.  515 

ran  away  when  reproved.  On  the  other  hand  there 
were  many  skilled  in  music  and  painting,  many  faith 
ful  and  even  zealous  in  the  performance  of  religious 
rites,  as  indeed  were  all  when  the  rites  involved  show 
and  music  and  fiestas.  They  kept  their  houses  neat 
and  clean,  and  were  willing  to  sell  anything  they  had 
to  buy  pictures  for  the  walls;  moreover  they  were 
firm  believers  in  hell  and  purgatory,  and  in  the  efficacy 
of  sacred  relics.41 

The  troubles  of  the  padres,  however,  did  not  all 
come  from  the  Indians,  who  as  this  writer  claims 
were  encouraged  in  their  evil  ways  by  Spaniards,  ever 
ready  to  welcome  complainants  and  circulate  their 
calumnies  against  the  missionaries,  so  that  the  posi 
tion  of  the  latter  was  fast  becoming  intolerable. 
"Here,"  he  says,  "we  are  the  mark  for  calumny 
from  domestics  and  strangers.  Do  we  admit  into  our 

O 

houses  some  of  the  most  judicious  and  noble  of  the 
province  ? — then  they  say  it  is  to  abuse  and  give  advice 
against  their  enemies,  since  the  province  goes  ever  in 
cliques.  If  we  retire  we  are  captious;  if  we  offer 
open  house  and  table  to  the  meritorious,  we  are  prodi 
gal;  if  we  refuse,  miserly.  If  we  clothe  the  Indians 
we  are  lost;  if  not,  tyrants.  If  we  give  alms  it  is 
from  interested  motives ;  if  we  give  none,  it  is  because 
we  are  avaricious.  Adorning  our  churches,  we  are 
rich  and  powerful;  not  decorating  them,  we  live  on 
the  sweat  and  toil  of  the  Indians.  In  fact  so  full  is 
our  ministry  of  thorns,  toils,  and  persecutions,  that 
the  padres  assigned  to  missions  may  well  wear  on  the 
breast  magnafacere  et  pati  as  a  motto  of  their  minis 
try.  So  much  suffering  would  be  intolerable  did  not 
the  pity  of  God  sow  the  road  with  beautiful  flo\vers — 
not  only  those  that  by  the  waters  of  baptism  go 

41  The  Indians  were  fond  of  historical  and  religious  paintings,  being  espe 
cially  pleased  with  a  picture  of  the  crucifixion.  One  of  the  native  teachers 
observed  that  there  were  no  Indians  among  the  painted  crucifiers,  and  pro 
mulgated  the  rather  novel  doctrine  that  the  Opatas  were  therefore  in  no 
danger  of  hell.  Another  Indian  refused  to  do  any  manual  labor  after  playing 
the  part  of  one  of  the  12  apostles  in  a  fi&sta. 


516  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

straight  from  our  hands  to  heaven,  but  also  others 
of  more  advanced  age  who  fill  us  with  peculiar  con 
solation." 

We  have  seen  that  General  Jironza  was  succeeded 
as  comandante  of  the  province,  or  of  the  "flying  com 
pany/'  to  which  its  defence  was  intrusted,  in  the  au 
tumn  of  1701  by  General  Jacinto  Fuens  Saldana,  who 
is  accused  by  Mange  of  having  obtained  his  command 
through  unworthy  subterfuges.  Captain  Andres  Keza- 
bal  is  also  named  as  comandante  at  San  Felipe  in  1701. 
Saldana  was  followed  in  his  turn  before  1712  by  his 
nephew,  Captain  Gregorio  Alvarez  Tufion  y  Quiros, 
whose  conduct,  according  to  the  same  authority,  was 
still  more  corrupt.  Retiring  far  from  his  presidio 
he  is  said  to  have  engaged  for  some  nine  years  in 
mining  and  agriculture,  even  employing  some  of  the 
soldiers  in  his  own  private  work.  The  company  was 
never  full,  but  pay  for  the  whole  number  was  drawn 
from  the  treasury  by  Tunon,  who  covered  up  his  irregu 
larities  in  this  direction  by  forged  papers,  and  by  fill 
ing  the  ranks  with  criminals  or  vecinos  for  the  rare 
inspections.  These  charges  are  perhaps  as  likely  to 
have  been  true  as  false.  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  all 
this  time  the  presidio  forces  were  doing  some  service 
in  protecting  the  frontier  settlements  from  Apache 
raids;  but  excepting  the  outrages  on  the  Pima  pueblos, 
already  noticed,  and  the  statement  that  Tuiion  made 
three  entradas  against  the  savages  in  1724,  we  have 
no  definite  records  of  campaigns  in  any  direction.42 
The  visitador  Miguel  Javier  Almanza  wrote  to  the 
viceroy  on  October  6,  1724,  that  in  spite  of  Tunon's 
energetic  efforts  the  Apaches  had  become  so  bold 

42Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  211-12,  vaguely  alludes  to  the  rumor 
that  the  Tobosos  had  appeared  on  the  frontier  in  17'23,  as  having  been  circu 
lated  by  malecontents  with  a  view  to  rebel  and  overthrow  mission  rule  during 
the  soldiers'  absence.  On  Aug.  4,  1704,  a  junta  extraordinaria  de  gucrra  at 
Mexico  reported  in  favor  of  transferring  the  presidio  of  S.  Felipe  northward 
to  protect  the  Chinipas  frontier  and  the  Yaqui  region;  but  against  the 
founding  of  a  new  presidio  in  the  region  of  Teuricachi.  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.,  iv. 
12-13. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  517 

and  their  raids  so  frequent  that  the  whole  province 
was  threatened  with  ruin  unless  some  more  effective 
means  of  defence  could  be  devised;  but  at  the  same 
time  he  asked  that  the  comandante  be  ordered,  when 
not  occupied  with  the  Apaches,  to  keep  the  Seris  in 
order  and  protect  them  from  the  ravages  of  the 
Pimas!43  It  seems  that  about  this  time  the  viceroy 
was  led  to  adopt  a  new  policy  with  the  savages,  and 
sent  orders  to  Tuiion  to  suspend  his  entradas  and 
confine  his  efforts  to  a  purely  defensive  warfare;  that 
is,  to  wait  until  the  Apaches  should  attack  him  with 
intent  to  destroy  life,  and1  then  ancl  there  to  punish 
them!  Almanza  protested  in  the  name  of  the  mis 
sionaries  and  of  the  whole  province  against  this 
absurd  and  suicidal  order,  which  he  said  had  filled 
with  consternation  all  who  knew  anything  of  the 
Apaches,  since  the  latter  could  never  be  induced  to 
attack  any  point  where  there  were  soldiers.44  How 
far  this  new  and  brilliant  policy  was  carried  out  in 
Sonora  does  not  appear. 

In  1730  the  Seris,  Tepocas,  Salineros,  and  Tiburon 
islanders  kept  the  province  in  great  excitement,  kill 
ing  twenty-seven  persons  and  threatening  all  the  pue 
blos  with  a  general  conflagration,  "which,"  says  one 
Jesuit,  "we  are  expecting  from  hour  to  hour  as  a 
blow  from  the  wrath  of  God  deserved  for  our  sins 
and  negligence."45  Captain  Tufion  was  in  command 
down  to  1724,  and  perhaps  for  ten  years  longer,  for 
no  other  comandante  is  clearly  named.46 

43 'Almanza,  Carta,  Oct.  6th,  in  Konora,  Materiales,  820-2. 

4iAlnianza,  Carlo,  (no  date),  in  Sonora  Materials,  823-8.  On  Sept.  18th 
Ventura  Fernandez  Calvo,  alcalde  of  Nacosari,  and  other  citizens  wrote  to 
Tufion,  praising  him  for  his  past  efforts  and  condemning  the  new  policy  of  the 
Mexican  authorities.  Id.,  828-32. 

^Sonora,  Eatculb,  in  Sonora  Materiales,  619,  630.  April  26,  1729,  viceroy 
receives  from  king  commission  of  Juan  B.  Anza  as  captain  of  the  presidio  of 
Sta  Rosa  Corodeguachi.  N.  Hex.  Ccdulas,  MS. ,  334-5. 

40 In  my  MS.  copy  of  torn.  xvi.  of  the  Archivo  General  in  Mexico,  in  con 
nection  with  the  Sonora,  Descrip.  Gcog.,  of  1764,  is  a  map  bearing  the  date  of 
April  13,  1733,  and  the  title:  Provincia  de  la  Nueva  Andalucia  6  de  S.  Juan 
Bauta  de  Sonora,  dellneada  por  el  Cappn  de  Cabos  J).  Gabriel  de  Prudhom 
J/ci/der,  But  r  on  y  Muxica,  Baron  de  Heyder,  Gravoshing  Goldokre;  quien  por 
merced  del  Ley  la  yoberno'  ocho  anos.  A  note  refers  to  the  pearl-fisheries, 


518  SONOKA  AND  SINALOA. 

The  name  Sinaloa  is  added  to  the  title  of  this  chapter 
as  a  mere  formality,  for  of  the  territory  bearing  that 
name  in  modern  times,  the  southern  coast  provinces 
from  Culiacan  down  to  Chametla,  there  is  absolutely 
nothing  to  be  recorded  at  this  period,  save  that  the 
settlements  remained  in  existence  as  before.  Here 
may  be  appropriately  noticed,  however,  the  conquest 
of  Nayarit  in  1721-2.  This  province  was  on  the 
frontier  between  New  Galicia  and  Nueva  Viscaya, 
chiefly  in  the  modern  Jalisco,  but  on  the  borders 
of  Zacatecas,  Durango,  and  Sinaloa;  and  it  was  the 
last  stronghold  of  aboriginal  independence  in  all 
this  region,  the  refuge  of  fugitives,  or  so-called 
rebels,  from  the  time  of  Guzman  and  of  the  Mix- 
ton  war. 

As  Nayarit  became  surrounded  by  missions,  several 
minor  and  unsuccessful  attempts  were  made  in  the 
seventeenth  century  to  penetrate  this  mountain  fast 
ness  or  to  convert  its  valiant  defenders;  and  naturally 
exaggerated  ideas  became  current  respecting  the 
strength  of  its  defences.  The  natives  were  strong  in 
the  belief  that  they  could  not  be  conquered;  permitted 
no  white  man  to  enter  their  domain;  massacred  a 
party  under  Bracamonte  who  attempted  the  entry  in 
1701,  and  presently  gave  their  support  to  rebellious 
tribes  on  the  frontiers.  Then  followed  a  new  series 
of  weak  efforts,  military  and  Franciscan,  as  before 
without  results.  In  1720  the  tonati,  or  chief,  being 
in  trouble,  was  induced  to  visit  Mexico  and  make 
promises  that  he  could  not  fulfil;  the  Jesuits,  having 
awaited  their  opportunity  as  was  their  custom,  took 
charge  of  the  spiritual  conquest,  now  that  the  govern 
ment  showed  itself  in  earnest;  and  a  strong  military 
force  was  sent  under  Juan  de  la  Torre,  which  with 
much  diplomacy  and  some  fighting  accomplished  very 
little  in  1721.  Operations  were  continued,  however, 
under  the  command  of  Juan  de  Flores,  and  in  Janu- 

mostly  abandoned  since  the  Seri  revolt ;  also  of  the  richness  and  neglect  of 
the  mineral  wealth.     This  is  the  only  record  of  such  a  ruler. 


NAYAEIT.  519 


ary  1722  the  strongest  penol  of  El  Gran  Nayar  was 
carried  by  assault.  The  subjection  of  the  province 
presented  later  only  such  difficulties  as  zealous  mis 
sionaries  with  a  competent  guard  could  overcome ;  and 
in  a  few  years  the  bishop  on  his  tour  was  delighted  at 
his  reception  by  the  converts  of  Nayarit.47 


47  For  particulars  see  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.,  this  series. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 
1731-1751. 

COAST  PROVINCES  DETACHED  FROM  NUEVA  VIZCAYA — HUIDROBO  AS  GOV 
ERNOR — REVOLT  or  YAQUIS  AND  MAYOS — A  DECADE  IN  PIMERIA 
ALTA — KELLER  AND  SEDELMAIR — BOLAS  DE  PLATA,  OR  ARIZONAC — 
VILDOSOLA'S  RULE — LETTERS  AND  QUARRELS — GALLARDO  AS  VISITA- 
DOR  GENERAL — PROPOSED  REFORMS — PARRILLA  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR — 
PRESIDIO  CHANGES — SERI  WAR — MOQUI  SCHEME  REVIVED — EXPEDI 
TIONS  TO  THE  GILA — SEDELMAIR'S  EXPLORATIONS — ROYAL  ORDERS — 
SALVADOR'S  CONSULTAS — SECULARIZATION,  PENAL  COLONY,  COLONIZA 
TION — JESUIT  CATALOGUE  OF  1750 — PIMA  REVOLT — MARTYRDOM  OP 
RHUEN  AND  TELLO — ITEMS  ON  THE  SINALOA  PROVINCES. 

IN  1734  a  change  was  made  in  the  government. 
Down  to  this  time,  since  1693,  Sinaloa  and  Sonora 
had  been  ruled  by  military  commandants  residing  at 
San  Felipe  and  San  Juan,  and  both  subject  in  civil 
and  political  matters  to  the  governor  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya.  Now  all  the  coast  provinces  were  united  in 
one  gobernacion  called  Sinaloa  y  Sonora,  under  Manuel 
Bernal  Huidrobo  as  the  first  governor.  It  would 
seem  that  the  rank  of  Huidrobo  and  his  successors 
was  equal  to  that  of  the  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
who  no  longer  had  any  jurisdiction  over  the  coast. 
The  capital  was  perhaps  deemed  to  be  regularly  San 
Felipe  de  Sinaloa;  but  practically  it  was  in  Sonora, 
at  San  Juan,  Pitic,  or  San  Miguel  Horcasitas,  where 
the  state  of  public  affairs  obliged  the  governor  to 
spend  most  of  his  time.  Under  him  as  comandante 
general  were  the  presidio  captains;  and  the  civil 
affairs  of  the  province  were  administered  as  before  by 

1520) 


YAQUI  REVOLT.  521 

alcaldes  may  ores.1  Huidrobo  ruled  till  1741,  being  en 
gaged  during  the  first  three  or  four  years  in  quelling 
disturbances  in  California. 

Trouble  was  now  brewing  in  the  missions.  In  1737 
the  Pimas  of  Tecoripa,  Suaqui,  and  perhaps  others 
in  the  same  district  ran  away  to  the  Cerro  Prieto 
under  the  command  of  a  native  called  Arizivi,  or 
God.  Captain  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza  of  Fronteras 
presidio  brought  back  the  fugitives  after  flogging  the 
ringleaders.2  Anza  was  killed  in  a  fight  with  the 
Apaches  two  years  later.3  In  1740  a  very  serious 
revolt  broke  out  among  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos  who 
had  been  the  most  faithful  and  submissive  of  subjects, 
the  former  since  their  submission  to  Hurdaide,  whom 
they  had  repeatedly  defeated  in  battle,  and  the  latter 
from  their  first  acquaintance  with  the  Spaniards. 

The  exact  cause  of  this  outbreak,  like  most  of  its 
subsequent  details,  is  wrapped  in  mystery;  but  there 
are  indications  that  it  originated  as  much  in  quarrels 
between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Spanish  settlers  as 
in  any  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  natives.4  It 

1  fionora,  Resi'imen  de  Noticias,  219;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  275. 

*Sonora,  Resumen  de  Noticias,  219;  also  MS.  This  brief  document  I 
have  found  exceedingly  valuable.  All  that  is  known  of  the  author  is  con 
tained  in  the  following  sentence,  p.  225:  'En  las  noticias  que  aqui  se  dan  no 
cabe  la  menor  duda  porque  61  que  las  escribe  las  presencio  y  es  tan  antiguo  en 
el  gobierno  como  su  ereccion.'  See  also  on  this  revolt,  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS., 
115-16. 

*Apost.  Afanes,  433-4.  Juan  Bautista  Anza  who  was  prominent  in  the 
early  history  of  Alta  California  was  this  man's  son. 

4  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  273-5,  says  the  country  'was  disturbed  by  the 
seditions  of  the  Yaquis  and  Mayos,  backed  by  some  vecinos  who  needed  them 
for  their  own  private  interests.  Ill-feeling  toward  the  Jesuits  on  the  part  of 
one  gentleman  in  office  contributed  not  a  little.  The  missionaries  during  the 
whole  revolt  were  but  the  mark  for  all  the  volleys  and  calumnies  with  which 
their  rivals  wished  to  blacken  them. '  According  to  the  Sonora,  Resumen  de 
Noticias,  219-22,  the  Yaquis  some  years  before,  while  Gov.  Huidrobo  was  in 
California,  had  complained  of  the  cruelty  of  two  majordomos  and  had  asked 
for  their  removal,  which  the  alcalde  mayor  of  Yaqui  and  Ostimuri,  Miguel 
Quir6s  y  Mora,  attempted  to  effect,  the  Jesuits  resisting.  Quiros  was  arrested 
and  put  in  irons  by  Lieut.  Gov.  Manuel  Nicolas  de  Mena,  whom  Huidrobo 
had  left  in  command  during  his  absence.  Thereupon  the  Yaquis  sent  two  of 
their  chiefs  to  Mexico  to  urge  their  complaints  before  Viceroy  Vizarron 
(whose  rule  ended  in  Aug.  1740),  and  during  their  absence  of  two  years  the 
revolt  broke  out  in  1740.  Salvador,  Consultay  Repres.,  639-40,  states  that 
the  Yaqui  Chief  Muni  applied  several  times  to  Huidrobo,  complaining  of  the 
mission  government,  and  asking  that  his  people  be  allowed  to  pay  tribute  and 


522  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

was  in  some  respects  the  same  struggle  that  we  shall 
see  repeated  in  Alta  California  nearly  a  century  later. 
The  Spanish  settlers  wanted  the  mission  lands  and  the 
tamed  Indians  for  laborers ;  and  they  painted  for  the 
neophytes  secularization  in  its  brightest  colors,  prompt 
ing  their  petitions  for  a  change.  The  Yaqui  leaders 
were  Muni,  Baltasar,5  and  Juan  Calixto,  the  latter 
commanding  at  first  in  Muni's  absence.  The  outbreak 
began  in  1740,  and  peace  was  restored  before  the  mid 
dle  of  1741  after  many  lives  had  been  lost,  churches 
burned,  crops  destroyed,  several  hard  battles  fought, 
the  rebel  leaders  put  to  death,  and  Governor  Hui- 
drobo  superseded.  Beyond  this  outline  all  is  con 
fusion  among  the  authorities,  some  of  whom  would 
seem  to  have  left  the  record  intentionally  vague. 
Many  of  the  irreconcilable  details  seem  nevertheless 
worth  preserving  in  a  note.6  This  revolt  with  its 

be  governed  like  those  about  the  city  of  Mexico.  Then  he  went  to  Mexico  to 
present  the  same  request  to  the  viceroy,  who  did  not  comply  but  flattered  him, 
and  sent  him  back  with  the  title  of  captain-general  of  his  nation.  On  his 
return  he  considered  himself  king,  and  began  to  stir  up  rebellion.  Had  his 
request  (secularization)  been  granted  the  trouble  might  have  been  prevented. 
Reyes,  Description  y  Not.,  728,  says  the  rising  was  caused  by  the  unjust  pun 
ishment  inflicted  by  a  '  juez  real '  on  the  native  governor  of  a  pueblo.  Says 
Velasco,  Sonora,  75-6,  the  Yaquis  rose  at  the  instigation  of  a  criminal  who 
escaped  from  prison  and  persuaded  the  Indians  that  the  plan  was  to  take 
their  lands  from  them. 

3 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  520-27,  gives  the  full  names  Juan  Ignacio 
Usacamea  Muni  and  Bernardo  Felipe  Bacoritemea.  The  Resumen  calls  the 
second  perhaps  Bernabelillo. 

6  According  to  Alegre  hostilities  began  in  the  Mayo  missions  with  the 
murder  of  the  native  governor  and  burning  of  the  churches.  Then  the  rebels 
continued  their  ravages  at  Cedros  and  encamped  at  Bayoreca,  the  governor 
retiring  to  Alamos.  (The  Resumen  says  that  Huidrobo  at  news  of  the  revolt 
hastened  to  Cedros  de  Lucenilla  Hacienda,  but  retreated  by  night  to  Alamos, 
an  act  for  which  he  lost  his  office  a  little  later.  Mota-Padilla  tells  us  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  province  were  killed  or  driven  to  S.  Felipe  and 
Alamos  where  they  were  besieged  until  aid  was  sent  by  the  alcalde  of  Rosa- 
rio  and  the  governor  of  N.  Vizcaya. )  Now,  returning  to  Alegre,  the  Yaquis 
learned  of  the  imprisonment  of  Muni  whom  Capt.  Mena  had  arrested  but 
soon  released,  whereupon  they  rose  at  Rahum  and  ravaged  the  missions  of 
that  district.  (According  to  the  Resumen  Muni  was  at  this  time  in  Mexico, 
and  according  to  Mota-Padilla  this  chief  went  to  Mexico  after  the  revolt  be 
gan,  persuaded  the  viceroy  that  he  had  been  working  to  check  the  hostilities, 
and  succeeded  in  getting  an  order  for  Huidrobo 's  recall.)  The  governor  paid 
no  attention  for  a  while  to  the  clamors  of  the  province,  but  at  last  sent  a  lieu 
tenant  with  a  small  force  to  Mayo  where  he  thought  there  was  the  least  dan 
ger.  The  Mayos  pretended  to  receive  them  kindly  until  they  carelessly  laid 
aside  their  arms,  when  they  were  flogged  and  sent  back.  (Gov.  Vildosola  in 
a  later  letter  also  refers  to  this  occurrence.)  The  governor  sent  60  men  to 


PIMERf  A  ALTA.  523 

causes  and  results  may  be  regarded  as  marking  the 
end  of  all  prosperity  in  the  missionary  history  of 
Sonora. 

In  Pimeria  Alta,  we  left  fathers  Velarde,  Campos, 
and  Gallardi  toiling  at  Dolores,  San  Ignacio,  and 
Tubutama,  awaiting  help  which  had  been  definitely 
promised.  At  last,  late  in  1731,  three  padres  arrived 
in  the  field  and  tarried  awhile  at  San  Ignacio  and 
Tubutama,  both  on  account  of  illness  and  in  order  to 
learn  the  language.  They  were  Ignacio  Javier  Keller, 
Juan  Bautista  Grashoffer,  and  Felipe  Segesser,  and 

avenge  this  insult,  but  they  were  led  into  a  swamp  and  nearly  all  killed. 
The  rebels  now  went  to  Basacora  (Bacanora?)7  ravaged  Ostimuri,  and  drove 
the  inhabitants  to  take  refuge  at  Icora  (Yecora?),  whence  they  applied  to  the 
governor  of  N.  Vizcaya  for  aid  to  save  Sonora.  Next  the  Indians  under  Bal- 
tasar  and  Calixto  attacked  Tecoripa,  where  they  were  repulsed  and  Baltasar 
was  killed  after  a  hard  fight,  by  Vildosola  and  a  few  presidio  soldiers  sta 
tioned  there.  (The  Resumen  says  nothing  of  the  above  disasters,  but  simply 
that  Huidrobo  retreating  to  Alamos,  sent  Vildosola,  sergeant-major  of  mili 
tia,  to  the  Tecoripa  frontier  where  he  defeated  the  Yaquis  in  two  battles. ) 
Capt.  Usarraga  entered  the  Tepahue  mountains,  found  the  Indians  celebrating 
the  death  of  some  Spaniards,  defeated  them,  and  left  the  heads  of  many  nailed 
to  trees;  but  returning,  he  was  himself  wounded  and  defeated  by  the  foe. 
This  encouraged  Calixto  to  make  another  attack  on  Tecoripa  with  1,600  Ya 
quis,  but  he  was  again  repulsed  by  Vildosola,  and  accepted  propositions  for 
peace.  The  negotiations  would  perhaps  have  failed  on  account  of  Muni's 
return  at  this  time — this  is  Alegre's  only  allusion  to  his  absence — had  not 
Huidrobo  gone  promptly  to  Yaqui  and  arrested  many  of  the  leaders,  whom  he 
was  about  to  punish  when  ordered  to  give  up  the  government  to  Vildosola. 
The  latter  visited  different  points,  learned  the  plans  of  Muni  and  Bernabe, 
whom  he  shot  in  June  1741,  Calixto  meeting  a  like  fate  a  little  later.  (Ac 
cording  to  the  Resumen,  Muni  and  his  companion  came  back  from  Mexico  to 
Alamos  and  obtained  leave  to  visit  their  people,  promising  to  pacify  them, 
as  they  did,  releasing  38  captives,  including  P.  Pedro  Mendivil,  who  were  to 
have  been  put  to  death  next  day.  The  new  governor  arrested  Muni,  Calixto, 
and  Bernabelillo,  and  shot  them  at  Buenavista  on  suspicion  of  plotting  a  new 
revolt.  Mota-Padilla  tells  us  that  Muni  came  back  from  Mexico  to  plot  a 
rising  for  June  24th;  but  that  Vildosola  discovered  his  plans  and  executed 
him  with  14  others  after  he  had  confessed  his  guilt.  The  heads  of  the  vic 
tims  were  sent  round  to  the  pueblos,  and  the  people  came  in  by  thousands  to 
thank  the  governor;  15,700  offered  submission;  the  most  guilty  were  ban 
ished;  others  placed  under  surveillance;  and  all  deprived  of  some  of  their  old 
privileges,  such  as  living  outside  the  pueblos  or  absenting  themselves  without 
the  padres'  permission.) 

Velasco,  Sonora,  75-6,  says  the  Yaquis  gathered  7, 000  to  10, 000  men  to  op 
pose  Gov.  Vildosola,  who  marched  against  them  with  500  soldiers.  They  were 
first  routed  on  Mt  Tambor,  where  they  lost  2,000  men;  and  again  on  Mt 
Otancahui,  losing  3,000,  when  they  sued  for  peace,  and  remained  quiet  until 
1825.  Berrotaran,  Inform?,  197,  says  300  men  were  sent  from  Chihuahua  to 
aid  in  putting  down  this  rebellion.  See  also  mention  in  Escudcro,  Not.  Son., 
136;  Stone's  Sonora,  17;  Soc.  Hex.  Georf.  BoL,  viii.  298-9;  xi.  89-90;  Zamqcois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  v.  558;  N.  Mexico,  Cedula»,  MS.,  109-10. 


524  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

they  went  to  their  stations  in  May  1732 — Keller  to 
Santa  Maria  Suamca,  Grashoffer  to  Guevavi,  and 
Segesser  to  San  Javier  del  Bac;  all  of  which  pueblos 
were  now  for  the  first  time  supplied  with  padres.7 
Captain  Juan  Bautista  Anza  of  Fronteras  accompanied 
the  padres,  harangued  the  Sobaipuri  caciques,  and 
saw  that  the  new-comers  were  everywhere  well 
received,  though  the  Christian  ardor  of  olden  times 
had  somewhat  abated  by  long  waiting.  The  names 
of  Velarde  and  Gallardi  do  not  appear  after  1730. 
Of  Grashoffer  and  Segesser  we  hear  nothing  after 
1732-3,  except  that  one  of  them  died  soon  and  the 
other  was  stricken  with  a  malady  caused  by  the  black 
arts  of  a  native  sorcerer.8  In  1733  Segesser,  though 
still  remaining  in  Pimeria,  was  succeeded  at  Bac  by 
Padre  Gaspar  Steiger,  a  Swiss  by  birth,  who  served 
there  three  years.  The  sorcerers  tried  on  three  occa 
sions  to  kill  him,  and  the  result  was  an  illness  from 
which  he  suffered  all  his  life.  He  left  Bac  in  1736 
and  went  to  San  Ignacio  to  take  the  place  of  Campos, 
who  retired  or  died  about  1735.  Here  Steiger  died 
twenty-six  years  later.9  Also  in  1736  Jacobo  Sedel- 
mair  came  to  Tubutama.  Jose  Javier  Molina  was  at 
Dolores  from  1737,  being  vicar  in  1740;  and  Jose 
Torres  is  mentioned  at  Caborca  in  1743.  Other 

7  Suamca  had  as  pueblos  de  visita  S.  Mateo,  S.  Pedro,  Sta  Cruz  Quiburi, 
S.  Pablo,  and  many  rancherias,  with  1,800  souls  in  all.  Guevavi  (S.  Gabriel 
or  S.  Rafael?)  had  S.  Marcelo  Sonoita  (very  far  west?);  Aribac,  18  1.  west; 
S.  Cayetano  (Tumacacori);  and  Jamac  with  1,400  souls.  Bac  had  S.  Agus- 
tin,  5  1.  N.  w.  with  1,300  souls.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  245-6.  Vene- 
gas,  Not.  Caf.,  ii.  524-5,  says  Guevavi  had  many  Spanish  camps. 

8 Grashoffer's  signature  appears  in  Suamca,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  in  Dec.  1732, 
and  Segesser's  in  San  Ignacio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  on  various  dates  of  1731-3. 
Keller's  name  appears  on  the  Suamca  books  from  1732  to  1759,  and  also  at  S. 
Ignacio.  The  sorcerer  is  said  to  have  tried  his  arts  in  vain  upon  Keller. 

9  S.  Ignacio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ,  33.  Steiger  was  a  native  of  Lucerne,  Swit 
zerland.  He  signed  his  name  Stiger,  and  the  Spaniards  Estiger.  These  MS. 
records  of  the  Pimeria  missions  cited  by  me  are  fragments  of  the  original 
mission  registers  of  Tumacarori,  Tubac,  Pitiqui,  Caborca,  Bisanig,  Magda- 
lena,  San  Ignacio, 'Santa  Ana,  San  Ildefonso  de  Cieneguita,  Tubutama,  Ati, 
Oquitoa,  C6cospera,  and  Suamca.  They  cover  the  period  from  1G93  to 
1845,  under  both  Jesuit  and  Franciscan  rule,  and  I  have  no  need  to  speak  of 
their  great  historic  value.  The  originals  were  collected  by  M.  Alphonse  Pin- 
art  and  from  them  my  copies  and  extracts  were  made  under  the  title,  Pinart, 
Coleccion  de  la  Pimeria  Alta,  MS. 


BOLAS  DE  PLATA,  OR  ARIZONA.  525 

names  appearing  on  the  mission  books,  some  of  them 
probably  those  of  mere  visitors,  were  Jose  Toral  in 

1736,  Miguel  Capetillo  in  1734,  Alejandro  Rapuani 
in  1740,  and  Lorenzo  Ignacio  Gutierrez  in  1740—1; 
all  at   San   Ignacio.     Also  at   Suamca  Jose   Torres 
Perea  in    1741-3;   Joaquin   Felix  Diaz,    1744;    Jos6 
Garrucho  in  1744-8,  and  Miguel  de  la  Vega  in  1749- 
5 1.10 

Padre  Keller  is  said  to  have  visited  the  Gila  Valley 
in   1736  by  way  of  Guevavi  and  Bac,  and  again  in 

1737.  Many  of  the  rancherias  of  Kino's  time  had 
now  been  broken  up  by  Apache  raids.     Keller  went 
down    to  the   Casa   Grande,  and  from  a  high  rock 
saw  where  the  Salado  and  Verde  united  to  form  the 
Rio  de  la  Asuncion,  and  its  junction  with  the  Gila. 
All  had,  however,  been  discovered  by  Kino  before, 
and  named,  except  perhaps  the  Asuncion.     He  found 
the  Cocomaricopas  at  war,  and  returned  homeward 
by  another  way.11     In  1737  Sedelmair  also  made  a 
tour  through  the  rancherias  of  the  Papagos,  preach 
ing,  baptizing,  gaining  pagan  recruits  for  Tubutama, 
and  possibly  reaching  the  banks  of  the  Gila.12     The 
bishop  also  came  in  1737,  and  all  the  mission  books 
of  the  north  were  brought  to  San  Ignacio  for  his  in 
spection.13 

There  is  one  mining  excitement  which  is  worthy 
of  special  mention  here  in  connection  with  the  annals 
of  Pimeria  Alta  from  1736  to  1741.  I  allude  to  the 
discovery  of  the  famous  Bolas  de  Plata  mines,  called 
also  Arizona,  which  furnished  the  name  to  a  modern 
state,  though  not  within  its  limits.  In  1736  or  a  lit 
tle  earlier  an  Indian,  said  to  have  been  a  Yaqui,  dis 
covered  and  revealed  to  a  trader  the  existence  of  rich 
deposits  of  silver  in  the  mountains  between  Guevavi 
and  Saric  at  the  source  of  the  arroyo  which  forms 

l°Pinart,  Col  de  Pimeria  Alta,  MS.;  Apost.  Afanes,  338,  342-4,  353; 
Sedelmair,  fielacion,  856-7;  Vildosola,  Carta,  in  Sonora,  Mat.,  17. 
11  Apost.  Afanes,  348-9. 
l*  Apost.  Afanes,  351^1. 
13 8.  Ignacio,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  31,  38. 


526  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

the  eastern  branch  of  the  Rio  Altar,  or  Tubu- 
tama.14  The  report  soon  spread  throughout  northern 
Sonora,  and  as  was  usually  the  case  at  each  new 
rumor  of  rich  diggings,  many  of  the  roving  vaga 
bonds  called  miners  who  were  scattered  in  small  par 
ties  over  the  province  rushed  to  the  spot.  The  strike 
proved  to  be  very  rich  and  the  nature  of  the  deposit 
peculiar,  since  the  silver  was  fouxid  on  or  near  the 
surface  in.  bolas,  or  nuggets,  of  almost  pure  metal 
weighing  from  twelve  pounds  to  over  a  ton,  and  per 
haps  in  a  few  cases  even  more.15 

The  hill  containing  the  treasure  was  called  Cerro 
de  las  Bolas;16  the  mines  were  known  as  Bolas  de 
Plata  or  Planchas  de  Plata;  and  the  mining  camp 
established  there  was  named  Real  de  Arizona.  This 
name,  very  likely  Arizonac  in  its  original  form,  still 
applied  to  these  mountains  and  also  to  the  state  whose 
boundary  is  a  little  farther  north,  was  probably  the 
aboriginal  term  applied  to  the  hill,  stream,  mountains, 
or  some  other  natural  feature  of  the  region.17  It  is 

14  Different  authorities  give  the  date  vaguely  from  1736  to  1739,  and  one 
as  early  as  1733;  but  apparently  the  original  correspondence  on  the  subject 
was  dated  in  1736,  the  discovery  having  been  possibly  a  little  earlier.  Stone, 
Sonora,  26,  says  this  find,  or  another  similar  one  according  to  Jesuit  records, 
was  in  1730.  Sedelmair,  Relation,  856-7,  locates  the  mine  eight  leagues  from 
Guevavi.  According  to  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geog.,  502,  582,  it  was  on  the  stream 
two  leagues  north  of  Agua  Caliente  and  10  leagues  south  of  Guevavi.  Ac 
cording  to  Appst.  Afanes,  232-8,  the  treasure  was  in  a  hill  a  league  and  a  half 
long  terminating  in  a  Canada. 

10 \Vard,  Mexico,  ii.  136-8,  saw  the  original  correspondence  of  1736  on  the 
sulject,  and  had  a  certified  copy  of  a  royal  decree  of  May  28,  1741,  in  which 
a  nugget  of  2,700  Ibs.  and  another  of  275  Ibs.  are  mentioned.  It  also  stated 
that  over  two  tons  of  silver  in  bolas,  planchas,  y  otras  piezas  had  been  taken 
from  the  mine.  According  to  Apost.  Afanes,  one  nugget  of  3,500  Ibs.,  and 
10,000  lb&.  in  all  were  taken  out.  Most  of  the  Spanish  authorities  mention 
this  bola  of  140  arrobas.  Velasco,  Sonora,  98,  makes  the  date  1762,  referring 
for  the  big  nugget  to  the  Afanes  and  to  the  Memoria  del  Sec.  del  Gobierno, 
1829.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  138-9,  says  the  miners  placed  forges  against  the 
masses  of  silver  to  melt  it  into  bars  suitable  for  transportation.  Mota-Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal,  317,  mentions  a  nugget  of  160  arrobas  on  the  authority  of  Fer- 
min  the  finder  and  other  truthful  persons.  Many  of  20  and  22  arrobas  were 
found.  The  author  of  Sonora,  Descrip.  Suscinta,  704,  speaks  of  the  '  prodigio 
que  produj6  la  Arizona  en  la  Pimeria  Alta,  descubierto  por  un  indio  hiaqui 
que  llamo  la  atencion  de  otros  que  hallaron  diversas  bolas  de  plata  perfecta 
de  varios  estraordinarios  tamaiios. ' 

16  Mota-Padilla  calls  it  San  Antonio,  as  does  perhaps  the  Sonora,  Descrip 
tion  Suscinta. 

17  A  MS.  map  in  my  possession  already  referred  to  (see  note  46  of  chapter 


RICH  SILVER  MINES.  527 

said  that  the  silver  of  Las  Bolas  was  in  some  instances 
soft  when  first  dug  out,  but  became  hard  when  exposed 
to  the  air.  This  peculiarity,  doubtless  imaginary  and 
perhaps  invented  for  the  purpose,  caused  or  enabled 
the  presidio  captain,  who  acted  as  mining  judge  in 
this  district,  to  set  up  the  claim  that  it  was  not  to  be 
classed  as  a  mine  proper,  but  if  not  as  a  deposit  of 
hidden  treasure,  at  least  as  a  criadero, ' growing-place' 
or  pocket,  and  that  it  consequently  belonged  to  the 
king. 

On  this  ground  pending  a  decision  he  stopped  for 
a  time  all  work  at  Arizona.  After  some  discussion 
in  Mexico  the  viceroy  seems  to  have  decided  in 
favor  of  the  miners,  and  the  embargo  was  raised. 
Later,  however,  in  the  decree  of  1741,  already  alluded 
to,  the  king  reversed  the  viceregal  decision,  declared 
the  Arizona  mine  to  be  a  criadero  de  plata,  and  ordered 
it  to  be  worked  for  the  account  of  the  royal  treasury. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  Philip's  revenues  were  ever 
increased  from  this  source,  and  in  fact  nothing  more 
is  definitely  known  on  the  subject.  It  is,  however, 
probable  that  by  the  time  the  royal  order  was  enforced 
the  superficial  deposit  of  silver  on  the  Cerro  de  las 
Bolas — rich  but  exaggerated,  and  of  limited  extent — 
had  been  exhausted,  and  the  district  abandoned. 
Had  the  nuggets  still  promised  a  bonanza,  nothing 
could  have  kept  the  miners,  either  royal  or  private, 
away  from  Arizona;  but  the  sterile  nature  of  the 
region,  the  excessive  expense  of  reducing  ores,  the 
hostilities  of  savages,  and  the  unfortunate  condition 
of  the  whole  province  during  the  following  years  were 

xvii.)  bears  an  inscription  to  the  effect  that  the  author  D.  Gabriel  Prudhom 
'  f undo  en  la  Pimeria  Alta  el  Pueblo  y  Real  del  Arizonac, '  in  which  real  he 
made  this  map  April  13,  1733;  but  strangely  enough  he  has  not  located 
Arizonac  on  the  map  at  all.  Ward  implies  that  the  original  correspondence 
used  the  name  Arizona.  It  is  also  used  in  the  Apost.  A  fanes,  before  1754; 
in  the  Descrip.  Suscinta  about  1760;  in  the  Descrip.  Geog.  of  1764;  and  by 
Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  270,  about  1765.  I  have  heard  the  suggestion 
that  'Arizona'  is  a  corruption  of  the  Spanish  narizona,  'woman  with  a  big 
nose';  this  is  ingenious,  but  much  less  probable  than  that  the  name  was  a 
native  word.  The  terminations  ac  and  ic  were  quite  common  in  Pimeria,  the 
final  '  c'  having  been  dropped  later. 


528  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

more  than  sufficient  to  prevent  the  working  of  the 
richest  mines  of  the  ordinary  type.18 

Don  Agustin  Vildosola  became  governor  ad  interim 
probably  in  the  middle  of  1741,  receiving  his  appoint 
ment  from  the  king  at  the  end  of  that  year.19  Two 
new  presidios,  both  named  for  the  vicerey,  were 
founded,  one  at  Pitic,  or  San  Pedro  de  la  Conquista, 
on  the  site  of  the  modern  Hermosillo,  to  hold  in  check 
the  Yaquis,  Seris,  Pimas,  and  Tepocas,  and  the  other 
in  the  north  at  Terrenate,  or  San  Bernardo  Gracia 
Heal,  designed  to  protect  the  missions  of  Pimeria 
Alta  from  Apache  raids.  The  new  ruler  resided  for 
the  most  part  at  Pitic.20  Respecting  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  connection  with  the  government  in  1742  we 
have  three  letters  of  the  governor  to  the  Jesuit  pro 
vincial  Mateo  Ansaldo.21  On  August  14th  he  complains 
of  reports  circulated  against  him  by  malicious  persons, 
partisans  of  Huidrobo,  who  have  charged  among  other 
things  that  he  was  strongly  opposed  by  the  Jesuits,  a 
statement  which  was  false,  as  the  visitador  Luis 
Maria  Marjiano,  and  the  rector,  Jose  Toral,  had  been 
at  great  pains  to  certify.  Then  he  has  much  to  say 

18  According  to  Apost.  A  fanes,  the  district  was  depopulated  before  the  de 
cree  arrived;  the  experts  to  be  sent  in  the  interests  of  the  king  from  N.  Viz- 
caya,  receiving  110  advance  of  pay,  declined  to  serve;  and   the  treasure — • 
very  little  of  which  could  have  been  removed — remained  untouched  (1752). 
The  men  who  made  fortunes  at  Arizona  had  for  the  most  part  squandered 
their    gains    as  was    usual  with    Sonora  miners.     The  author  urges   that 
100,000  or  200,000  pesos  spent  by  the  king  on  this  enterprise  would  be  a 
paying  investment.     Ward  says  the  royal  order  prevented  individual  enter 
prise  and  the  district  was  deserted;  an  attempt  to  send  a  kind  of  colony 
failed,  and  the  very  name  of  Arizona  was  forgotten.     Sedelmair  says  the  de 
posit  was  soon  worked  out  on  the  surface  by  the  vecinos.     According  to  the 
Descrip.  Suscinta,  Indian  hostilities  had  much  to  do  with  the  abandonment, 
and  no  work  under  the  royal  order  was  done  to  about  1760  at  least. 

19  Though  there  are  some  slight  indications,  particularly  in  Vildosola's 
later  letters,  that  he  became  governor  in  1740,  the  date  given  by  Velasco. 

20  Sonora,  Resumen  de  Noticias,  222;  Sonora,  Descrip.    Gcog.,  557,  607; 
Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  521-2,  with  reference  to  a  letter  of  Vildosola  to 
viceroy,  dated  Oct.  8,  1741;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  289-90.     On  Jan. 
18,  1741  (2?),  P.  Javier  Jose"  Molina  writes  from  Tecoripa  to  Gov.  Vildosola 
urging  a  division  of  the  gobernacion,  giving  to  Sonora  all  above  Alamos  with 
a  capital  at  Pitic  or  S.  Jose"  de  Pimas,  and  a  force  of  100  soldiers.  Sonora, 
Materiales,  918-20. 

21  Vildosola,  Cartas,  174%.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  iii.  torn.  iv.  921-32; 
Eerie  iv.  torn.  i.  5-17. 


VILDOSOLA'S  LETTERS.  529 

in  a  general  way  of  his  great  labors  for  the  welfare  of 
the  province.  He  had  made  some  entradas  against 
the  Apaches,  this  year  more  hostile  than  ever  before; 
he  had  defeated  and  captured  two  large  parties  of 
Yaquifi  and  allied  peoples  who  had  fled  to  the  moun 
tains  and  threatened  a  new  revolt  more  destructive 
than  the  first — possibly  alluding,  however,  to  the  plots 
for  which  Muni  was  put  to  death;  he  had  opened 
several  old  and  new  mines  of  silver;  and  sent  two  ex 
peditions  to  fish  for  pearls,  without  much  success,  but 
proposes  another  trial.  His  chief  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  reducing  all  the  natives,  especially  the  Seris  and 
coast  tribes,  to  pueblo  life,  is  the  lack  of  authority 
and  money  to  afford  them  a  little  aid  during  the  first 
years  of  their  civilization.  Yet  he  hopes  to  restore 
the  province  to  its  old  prosperity,  and  to  be  thus 
repaid  for  his  ceaseless  toil  and  bitter  persecutions  by 
the  friends  of  his  predecessor.  Another  trouble  he 
has,  in  the  extreme  reluctance  of  the  central  govern 
ment  to  reimburse  sixty-six  thousand  pesos  which  he 
has  spent  in  restoring  order.22 

The  6th  of  September  he  writes  from  Buenavista  a 
long  and  for  the  most  part  unintelligible  letter,  com 
plaining  that  many  of  the  padres  are  unjustly  preju 
diced  against  him,  and  breathing  bitterness  against 
Huidrobo  and  his  ' dogs'  of  friends,  prominent  among 
whom  seem  to  be  Captain  Francisco  Bustamante  and 
Santiago  Ruiz  Ail.  The  letter  is  a  disgusting  exhi 
bition  of  petty  spite  toward  personal  foes ;  of  self-glori 
fication  for  reforms  which  have  saved  the  country ;  of 
whining  and  hypocritical  cant;  of  excessive  devotion  to 
"  our  most  sacred  mother,  the  company,"  and  "  my  be 
loved  brethren,  the  missionaries;"  of  flattery  for  friends 
in  power,  and  of  calls  upon  God  to  forgive  the  sins  of 
those  who  fail  to  appreciate  the  purity  and  greatness  of 
the  writer.  The  third  letter  of  October  4th  is  of  the 
same  type,  but  its  extravagant  ravings  make  us  chari- 


22  In  this  letter  are  some  allusions  to  the  revolt  of  1740,  but  nothing  which. 
"  ditional  light  on  the  details  of  t' 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STAIES,  VOL.  I.    34 


530  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

table,  and  suggest  that  on  the  subject  of  his  griev 
ances  the  writer  is  perhaps  insane,  though  clear-headed 
enough  on  other  matters.  On  Padre  Keller  is  ex 
pended  a  large  share  of  his  fury,  for  some  offence  not 
clearly  defined,  but  apparently  his  disapproval  of  the 
governor's  treatment  of  the  so-called  traitor  Muni,  a 
verdadero  Huidrobino.  Yildosola  suggests  the  trans 
fer  of  many  padres  from  one  mission  to  another  as 
indispensable  for  the  peace  of  Sonora.23 

In  1744  the  governor  received  from  the  viceroy  an 
order  to  extinguish  the  two  new  presidios  of  Pitic  and 
Terrenate.  This  order  was  based  on  royal  instructions 
to  cut  down  expenses,  and  on  reports  that  the  pre 
sidios  were  not  needed;  that  the  Spaniards  between 
Sinaloa  and  Tecoripa  could  defend  themselves  by  mili 
tia  companies ;  and  that  the  thirty  men  of  Sari  Felipe 
might  as  well  be  transferred  to  Tecoripa.  On  June 
24th  Vildosola  protested  against  this  order  and  de 
clared  his  intention  to  disobey  it  until  the  viceroy 
could  consider  the  accompanying  statement  to  the 
effect  that  the  measures  ordered  would  infallibly  cause 
the  ruin  of  the  wrhole  province,  and  that  the  persons 
suggesting  them  must  be  foes  to  the  Catholic  faith 
and  Spanish  crown.  His  arguments  were  strong,  and 
seem  to  have  been  effective,  since  the  presidios  were  not 
abolished.24  For  1745  the  standard  historical  work  of 

a3  The  names  of  the  padres  were:  Francisco  Javier  Anaya,  and  Arriola, 
Yaqui;  Gabriel  Urrutia,  for  Cucurpe;  Jos6  Ignacio  Palomino,  for  Banamichi; 
Antonio  Estrada;  Felipe  Segner  (Segesser?),  rector,  Tecoripa;  Jose  Roldan,  Ari- 
vechi;  Ignacio  Duque,  P6pulo;  Jose  Miquio,  for  S.  Javier  del  Bac;  Ign.  Javier 
Keller,  Sta  Maria;  Manuel  Cartajena,  for  Onabas;  Juan  Antonio  Arce,  for  Ca- 
borca;  Roque  Andonaiqui,  forS.  Ignacio;  Caspar  Steiger, Dolores;  Manuel  Cor- 
daveras,  for  Tecoripa;  Buenaventura  Gutierrez,  Oposura;  Juan  Estanislao 
Nieto,  Cuquiarachi;  Nicolas  Perera,  Cucurpe;  Carlos  Boaxas  (Rojas),  Arizpe. 

24  Vildosola  claims  that  the  transfer  of  the  Sinaloa  force  would  leave  the 
south  exposed  to  great  dangers.  The  white  settlers  up  to  Alamos  are  less 
than  COO,  scattered  in  ranches  and  mines,  poor  and  obliged  to  work  for  a  liv 
ing,  with  no  time  for  military  service,  and  withal  very  ineffective  soldiers. 
The  valor  of  the  Indians  is  shown  by  the  facts  that  the  Mayos  flogged  30  Span 
iards  in  one  of  their  pueblos,  and  that  Huidrobo  with  his  armed  force,  two 
companies  from  N.  Vizcaya  and  286  Indian  allies,  was  once  hard  pressed  at 
Alamos.  Ostimuri  has  less  than  400  of  Spanish  and  mixed  blood  in  the  same 
condition  as  those  below,  so  frightened  as  to  have  been  several  times  on  the 
point  of  leaving  the  country,  surrounded  by  25  pueblos  of  Yaquis,  etc.  So 
nora  has  not  over  GOO  Spaniards  with  G6  pueblos  and  many  rancherias.  Pitic 


GALLAHDO'S  VISITA.  531 

Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez  contains  a  good  deal  of  informa 
tion,  chiefly  geographical  and  statistical,  respecting 
Sonora  and  Ostimuri,  which  I  have  utilized  as  far  as 
possible  in  different  parts  of  rny  work.25 

Vildosola's  troubles  increased,  and  his  opponents 
multiplied,  until  in  1748  the  viceroy,  perplexed  by 
contradictory  reports  of  the  opposing  factions,  sent 
Josd  Rafael  Rodriguez  Gallardo  as  visitador  general 
to  make  an  investigation.  Vildosola  went  to  Mexico, 
and  Diego  Ortiz  Parrilla  was  appointed  to  succeed 
him,  arriving  in  1749.  Gallardo's  instructions  to  Par 
rilla  as  to  the  line  of  policy  to  be  followed  are  dated 
December  1749  and  March  1750.  In  the  first,  after 
noting  many  local  changes  he  had  made  or  recom 
mended  in  Sinaloa,  he  indicates  his  views  of  what  is 
needed  for  Sonora,  his  plan  involving  no  radical 
changes  except  so  far  as  a  change  from  disregard  of 
the  laws  to  obedience  might  be  termed  radical.  It 
was  deemed  best  not  to  attempt  any  removal  of  na 
tives  who  had  been  settled  for  ten  years  in  one  place; 
to  strictly  enforce  the  passport  system,  and  the  laws 
against  vagabondage;  and  to  transport  all  persistent 
transgressors  to  the  frontier  presidios.  Great  care 
should  be  taken  to  prevent  abuses  by  employers,  who 

is  near  the  Cerro  Prieto,  the  resort  of  all  the  fiercest  barbarians,  and  50  leagues 
from  Tecoripa.  The  extinction  of  the  presidio  would  leave  this  region  without 
Spanish  influence  to  become  the  breeding-place  of  revolutions.  The  northern 
presidios  had  all  they  could  do  to  resist  the  Apaches,  and  could  do  nothing 
for  the  south  or  coast.  The  Spanish  miners  in  three  valleys  were  protected 
by  Terrenate,  and  would  at  once  quit  the  country  if  the  presidio  were  given 
up.  And  finally  it  was  hard  to  sacrifice  all  that  had  been  gained  at  a  time 
when  the  prospects  were  so  favorable  ( !).  He  refers  for  support  to  his  argu 
ment  to  his  consulta  of  March  17,  1741;  reports  of  Apache  outrages  at  the 
Sanchez  rancho  in  1743,  where  over  40  persons  perished;  the  petition  of  the 
Jesuit  visitador  and  padres  of  the  present  year  for  aid  absolutely  needed;  and 
another  from  vecinos  of  Pimeria  Alta.  He  also  announces  his  intention  of 
spending  the  coming  winter  in  a  vigorous  campaign  against  the  Apaches. 
Sonora,  Materiales,  675-82. 

*5  Theatre  Americano,  ii.  367-403.  This  author  mentions  the  following  pre 
sidios:  Buenavista,  with  32  men;  Pitic,  with  50  men;  Corodeguachi  de  Fron- 
teras,  with  51  men;  and  San  Felipe  de  Jesus  Guevavi,  with  50  men.  The  last 
is  perhaps  an  error,  for  the  Terrenate  presidio  had  apparently  not  yet  been 
moved  across  to  Guevavi.  Capt.  Josd  Gomez  de  Silva  named  at  presidio  of 
San  Mateo  in  1743.  Suamca,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  48.  Apache  raids  in  1742, 1744, 
Cherry's  Kept.,  S.  Juan,  15,  16,  55. 


532  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

should  be  made  to  pay  up  back  wages,  and  not  allowed 
to  make  large  advances.  The  custom  had  become 
common  for  employers  to  get  one  of  a  band  of  laborers 
appointed  as  governor,  and  then  through  him  to  rule 
and  punish  the  Indians  without  any  subjection  to  the 
authorities  or  laws;  which  must  be  stopped.  Weights 
and  measures  had  been  found  unequal,  even  those 
officially  sealed  not  corresponding  to  those  of  other 
provinces.  Mining  camps  must  not  be  founded  with 
out  the  proper  formalities,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
regular  government.  Rancheros  must  not  live  at  long 
distances  from  the  pueblos  and  thus  enjoy  vagabond 
age  under  pretence  of  owning  a  few  cattle.  The 
burning  of  straw  in  the  fields  should  not  be  allowed. 
Tfacendados  must  not  take  the  law  into  their  own 
hands  in  cases  of  theft.  A  few  small  pueblos  by  ad 
vice  of  the  padres  might  advantageously  be  joined  to 
larger  ones.  Such  are  the  most  important  of  the 
reforms  suggested  for  the  good  of  Sonora;  all  well 
enough,  but  amounting  merely  to  a  general  recom 
mendation  that  the  laws  be  enforced.26  The  author 
speaks  very  highly  of  ex-Governor  Huidrobo,  imply 
ing  that  the  country's  misfortunes  are  largely  due  to 
the  bad  management  of  Yildosola. 

The  second  document  is  devoted  to  more  important 
matters.  In  it  Gallardo  calls  attention  to  the  critical 
state  of  the  province  and  to  the  necessity  of  reducing 
the  Seris,  Guaymas,  Upanguaymas,  and  Pimas  Bajos, 
and  of  exploring  Cerro  Prieto  and  Tiburon  Island, 
all  of  which  cannot,  as  the  orders  from  Mexico  direct, 
be  acomplished  at  once  for  want  of  force  and  money. 
The  best  way  was  to  attack  one  nation  at  a  time,  the 
Seris  receiving  particular  attention,  and  the  tribes 
being,  if  possible,  involved  in  quarrels  with  each 
other.  The  Guaymas,  being  now  friendly,  and  hostile 

26  GaUardo,  Instrucciones  que  en  virtud  de  Superior  6rden  remitid  el  Lie.  D. 
Jos6  Gallardo,  al  teniente  coronel  D.  Dieyo  Ortiz  Parrilla,  electo  Gobernador  y 
Capitan  General  de  la  Gobernaclon  de  Sonora,  ano  de  1749,  in  Sonora,  Mate- 
riales,  860-86;  also  MS.  Dated  Horcasitas,  Dec.  13,  1749. 


REFORMS  PROPOSED.  533 

to  the  Seris,  should  be  treated  kindly.27  The  Pimas 
also,  as  they  were  committing  no  hostilities  beyond 
the  stealing  of  cattle,  should  be  dealt  with  gently 
until  the  Seris  could  be  disposed  of.  With  the  latter 
people  a  very  strict  policy  should  be  adopted.  In  the 
past  captains  had  been  content  to  punish  the  leaders, 
leaving  the  rest  to  revolt  at  the  first  opportunity. 
Now  they  should  be  reduced  or  annihilated,  in  but 
one  more  war.  They  might  be  'extracted/  but  if 
so  they  should  be  sent  to  New  Spain  and  not  allowed 
to  return.  Boats  are  ready  at  Yaqui  for  an  entrada 
to  Tiburon,  but  scarcity  of  water  and  lack  of  money 
have  thus  far  prevented  it.  The  Papagos  are  a  small 
cowardly  tribe,  and  their  lands-  being  unfit  for  mis 
sions  they  should  be  'extracted'  to  other  lands.  Many 
have  already  moved,  and  San  Ignacio  is  more  Papago 
than  Pima.  Gallardo  had  been  ordered  to  put  a  stop 
to  'sorceries'  among  the  Pimas  Altos,  but  found  it  a 
difficult  matter  by  reason  of  false  accusations  for  ven 
geance,  false  confessions  from  fear,  and  lack  of  quali 
fied  judges;  he  had,  therefore,  not  inflicted  the  ex 
treme  penalty,  but  had  issued  a  bando  at  Terrenate. 
He  had  also  disobeyed  orders  to  unite  different 
pueblos,  on  account  of  objections  from  the  padres 
or  from  other  motives  of  policy. 

Another  plan  had  been  to  repeople  the  frontier 
pueblos  with  Indians  from  large  towns  of  the  Yaquis 
and  Mayos,  or  with  rebellious  Pimas  or  Seris;  but  of 
course  this  had  been  found  impracticable.  Bad  Ind 
ians  could  not  be  kept  on  the  frontier  without  a 
soldier  for  each  Indian;  and  to  the  removal  of  'good' 
ones  the  padres  objected,  to  say  nothing  of  the  mani 
fest  injustice  of  such  an  act.  The  visitador  had 
ordered,  however,  the  construction  of  proper  houses 
for  the  Indians  and  of  defensive  works  for  each  pueblo, 
the  arrangement  being  that  the  neophytes  should 

27  It  would  be  well  to  found  a  mission  at  San  Jose"  de  Guaymas,  and  P. 
Agustin  Arriola  is  named  as  a  person  well  acquainted  with  this  people.  This 
shows  that  no  permanent  establishment  had  been  kept  up  at  Guaymas  by  the 
California  missionaries. 


534  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

work  two  days  in  the  week  for  themselves,  two  for 
the  comunidad,  and  two  on  the  new  buildings;  but 
the  padres  and  alcaldes  would,  he  thought,  require 
frequent  stirring-up.  There  was  not,  says  the  writer, 
a  single  regularly  established  real  or  settlement  in 
the  province,  or  one  having  over  ten  permanently  resi 
dent  families.  The  population  was  scattered  and  con 
stantly  changing  with  the  discovery  of  new  mines. 
San  Juan  was  nominally  the  capital,  but  had  no  prison 
or  place  for  the  records.  The  whole  settlement  of  the 
country  had  been  planned  with  too  exclusive  reference 
to  the  convenience  of  the  native  and  mission  pueblos. 
One  vecindario  formal  had,  however,  been  begun  at 
San  Miguel  Horcasitas,  and  to  it  San  Juan  had  been 
ordered  joined. 

The  presidio  captains  had  been  very  strict  in  keep 
ing  their  pledges  to  the  Apaches,  who  consequently 
were  wont  to  send  in  an  old  woman  with  a  cross  to 
make  a  truce  while  the  warriors  went  to  attack  some 
other  point;  this  was  to  be  changed.  Yecindarios  of 
Indians  in  connection  with  the  presidios  were  desirable 
but  very  hard  to  establish.  The  orders  from  Mexico 
were  that  Apache  campaigns  be  made  more  secretly, 
with  less  preparation  and  expense,  and  joining  of  dif 
ferent  companies;  but  the  truth  was  that  in  the  past 
not  more  than  fifty  men  had  usually  started,  and  less 
could  do  nothing.28  Gallardo  intended  to  go  up  to  the 

28  The  author  of  the  Apost.  A  fanes,  429-46,  gives  a  very  full  account  of  the 
Apaches  and  their  modes  of  warfare,  bounding  the  Apache  country  by  Chi 
huahua,  Janos,  Fronteras,  Terrenate,  Gila,  Moqui,  N.  Mexico,  and  El  Paso. 
Captains  Escalante  and  Anza  were  killed  by  these  savages,  and  after  the 
latter's  death  in  1739  they  became  more  daring  in  their  raids  than  ever  before. 
The  representations  and  petitions  of  the  padres  were  regarded  as  exaggerated 
or  attributed  to  timidity;  but  in  1747  they  had  some  effect,  and  a  grand 
united  effort  was  ordered  to  be  made  by  30  men  from  each  presidio.  Unfor 
tunately  the  troops  from  N.  Mexico  failed  to  carry  out  their  part  of  the  pro 
gramme.  The  other  five  presidios  joined  their  forces  instead  of  entering 
Apacheria  separately  as  they  should  have  done.  The  Apaches  allowed  them 
to  enter  and  took  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  attack  points  left  unprotected. 
The  officers  of  Sonora  and  Chihuahua  made  a  bad  matter  worse  by  a  vain 
attempt  to  reach  Moqui.  Another  expedition  was  undertaken  in  the  autumn 
of  1748,  when  the  soldiers  with  a  force  of  militia  and  500  Pimas  and  6patas 
marched  from  Fronteras,  reached  the  Apache  stronghold  in  the  Sierra  of 
Chiquisagui,  or  Chigagua,  found  it  deserted,  and  captured  only  10.  Some 


CHANGES  BY  THE  VISITADOR.  535 

Colorado  and  make  further  explorations,  but  was  pre 
vented  by  Apache  troubles;  he  regarded,  however, 
Consag's  trip  of  1746  as  conclusively  proving  Cali 
fornia  to  be  a  peninsula,  although  he  still  regarded 
explorations  in  this  direction  as  more  important  than 
any  that  could  be  directed  toward  Moqui.  Presidio 
captains  had  instructions  to  visit  from  time  to  time 
the  more  distant  missions,  but  for  want  of  soldiers 
neglected  the  duty.  The  natives  of  the  region  round 
about  San  Javier  del  Bac  were  more  gentiles  than 
Christians,  stealing  horses  to  eat,  and  when  caught 
swearing  they  took  the  animals  from  the  Apaches;29 
yet  Gallardo  deemed  it  best  to  ignore  their  faults, 
since  without  their  aid  as  auxiliaries  the  northern 
country  wrould  soon  have  to  Be  abandoned.  The 
writer  closed  this  interesting  document  with  the  re 
mark  that  to  enforce  all  the  minor  formalities  of  the 
law  in  relation  to  mining  operations  would  be  to  drive 
away  all  the  poor  miners  struggling  for  an  existence; 
and  with  a  suggestion  that  the  jurisdictions  of  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa  should  be  separated  for  the  advantage  of 
both.30 

The  visitador  seems  also  to  have  moved  the  presidio 
of  Pitic  to  San  Miguel  Horcasitas,  and  perhaps  that 
of  Terrenate  to  a  site  near  Guevavi.  The  former 
change  did  not  please  the  Seris  at  Populo,  whose 
lands  to  some  extent  were  taken  and  divided  among 
the  vecinos  of  the  new  town;  and  the  discontent  was 
not  allayed  when  Governor  Parrilla  punished  the  com 
plaints  of  the  eighty  families  at  Populo  by  arresting 
them  all,  and  by  sending  them,  or  perhaps  only  their 
women,  to  be  distributed  over  .all  parts  of  New  Spain. 
Then  Parrilla,  in  accordance  with  Gallardo's  instruc- 

bands  came  in  a  little  later  to  make  peace,  in  the  continuance  of  which  nobody 
had  much  confidence.  The  padres  favored,  as  did  Vildosola,  the  founding  of 
a  villa  on  the  Gila  as  the  best  defensive  measure;  also  that  the  troops  be 
made  wholly  subject  to  the  missionaries.  Experience  had  taught  that  this 
was  the  only  safe  policy.  See  also  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  ii.  552-9;  Tamaron> 
Yl^/a  de  Duranyo,  MS.,  97-8. 

29  Strange  that  Kino  did  not  rise  from  his  grave  to  refute  this  charge. 

w  Gallardo,. Instructions,  887-918,  dated  Matape,  March  15,  1750. 


536  ANNALS  OF  SONOBA  AND  SINALOA. 

tions,  began  his  war  of  extermination  at  the  head  of 
seventy-five  soldiers  and  four  hundred  Pimas.  The 
result  was  very  different  from  the  annihilation  pro 
posed,  since  although  the  army  crossed  over  to  Tibu 
ron  Island,  only  a  few  Seris  were  killed,  and  some 
thirty  women  and  children  captured.31 

Returning  to  the  north,  we  find  that  in  1742  the 
scheme  of  Moqui  reduction  was  again  revived,  that 
people,  as  it  was  said,  refusing  to  be  converted  by 
anybody  except  the  padres  prietos  y  de  ciiatro  piques 
as  the  Jesuits  were  called;  and  a  royal  cedula  was 
obtained  through  the  influence  of  the  bishop  intrust 
ing  the  task  to  the  society.  Padre  Keller  accordingly 
made  ready  for  a  trip  to  Moqui  and  set  out  in  July  or 
September  of  1743.  From  the  Gila  he  went  north 
ward  through  an  unknown  country,  and  was  soon 
attacked  by  Apaches,  who  though  repulsed  killed  one 
soldier  with  a  poisoned  arrow  and  got  away  with  most 
of  the  horses  and  supplies.32  In  the  same  year  Sedel- 
mair  visited  Sonoita  in  September  and  the  Gilg.  in 
November,  but  we  have  no  details  of  the  trip.  In 
October  1744  he  also  started  with  a  view  of  penetrat 
ing  to  Moqui,  going  up  through  the  Papago  country 
to  the  Gila,  dealing  out  his  trifling  presents  with  a 
liberal  hand  and  everywhere  welcomed.  The  Pimas 
gladdened  the  padre's  heart  with  the  information  that 
the  Moqui  province  was  easily  accessible  and  only 
three  or  four  days  off;  but  next  day  they  changed 
their  minds  and  refused  to  serve  as  guides.  Sedel- 

31  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  290-1,  says  that  after  a  campaign  of  two 
months  Parrilla  came  back  with  28  women,  boasting  that  he  had  exterminated 
the  accursed  race,  and  comparing  himself  to  Caesar.     The  truth  MTas  that  at 
Tiburon  none  of  the  soldiers  could  be  induced  to  attack  the  Seris  in  their 
retreats,  although  the  Pimas  did  take  a  few  prisoners.     Yet  the  same  author 
says,  p.  118,  that  the  Seris  were  ousted  from  Tiburon  and  almost  exterminated 
by  Parrilla!     According  to  Apost.  Afanes,  366-8,  though  the  soldiers  would 
not  attack,  the  Pimas  killed  every  Seri  on  the  island.     The  Resumen,  p.  220, 
has  it  that  they  found  and  killed  only  a  few  old  men,  the  rest  escaping  to  the 
main.     See  also  Vdasco,  Sonora,  124;  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geog.,  557-9;  Vene- 
gas,  Not.  Gal,  ii.  560-1;  Nayarit,  Frag.  Hist.,  MS.,  11-15. 

32  Apost.   Afanes,   348-51;   Sedelmair,   Relation,  848,  854;  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  276-7;   Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  ii.  526-30. 


SEDELMAIR  ON  THE  COLORADO.  537 

mair  then  went  down  the  Gila  past  the  big  bend  to 
the  Cocomaricopas,  who  were  willing  to  guide  him  to 
the  north,  but  also  changed  their  minds  next  day, 
though  promising  to  notify  the  Moquis  of  the  visit. 
The  devil  was  in  it  clearly,  and  after  exploring  the 
Gila,  noting  the  Rio  Azul,  and  going  down  to  the 
Yumas  on  the  Colorado,  he  returned  in  November  to 
Tubutama.33  Such  is  the  version  of  the  standard 
writers;  but  according  to  the  statement  of  Sedelmair 
himself  the  trip  was  a  much  more  important  one 
geographically.  He  claims,  doubtless  truthfully,  that 
he  crossed  the  Gila  near  the  Casa  Grande,  and  thence 
went  down  the  north  bank,  across  the  Asuncion,  ex 
ploring  for  the  first  time  the  big  bend,  crossing  over 
to  the  Colorado,  discovering  on  its  bank  a  fine  spring 
of  water  named  San  Rafael  Otaigui,  and  finally  going 
up  to  the  junction  of  another  "blue  river  near  the 
boundaries  of  the  province  of  Moqui" — doubtless  the 
modern  Bill  Williams  Fork.34  The  padre  in  his  nar 
rative  describes  the  Casa  Grande  and  other  groups  of 
ruins,  with  the  broken  pottery  so  common  in  this 


region. 


About  this  time  the  Spanish  authorities  manifested 
some  signs  of  interest  in  the  settlement  not  only  of 
California  but  of  Pimeria  as  being  the  most  practi 
cable  route  for  conquest  in  the  north.  A  cedula  of 
November  13,  1744,  called  for  information  on  the  sub 
ject;  and  ordered  the  extension  of  the  missions  to  be 
encouraged  in  every  possible  way.  Each  mission  was 
to  have  two  padres,  one  of  whom  might  occupy  him 
self  with  tours  of  conversion  and  exploration;  an 
escolta  was  to  be  given  the  journeying  padres  to  be 

S3Apost.  Afanes,  351-8.  It  seems  that  Sedelmair  had  instructions  not  to 
interfere  at  Moqui  if  he  found  the  Franciscans  at  work.  Sedelmair,  Rela 
tion,  846,  says  that  they  reached  the  Gila  by  way  of  Papaloteria  in  1744, 
which  date  is  clearly  an  error  as  he  goes  on  to  describe  another  trip  in  that 
year, 
for 
Villa- 
CaL,  Hist.  Chret.,  255-6. 

34  Sedelmair,  delation,  846;  Id.,  Entrada,  20. 


533  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

entirely  under  missionary  control;  and  finally  one  of 
the  two  presidios,  Pitic  or  Terrenate,  was  recom 
mended  to  be  moved  to  the  Gila  or  Colorado.  This 
cedula,  though  favorable,  dealt  for  the  most  part  in 
generalities,  or  at  least  additional  provisions  were 
required  in  order  that  the  Jesuits  might  put  in  prac 
tice  the  suggestions.  The  detailed  report  called  for 
was  given  by  the  provincial  Escobar  in  1745  in  a 
memorial,  approving  all  the  suggestions  of  the  cedula 
except  in  relation  to  moving  the  presidios,  neither  of 
which  could  be  spared,  though  it  might  be  well  to 
move  Terrenate  nearer  to  Suamca  and  to  station  a 
detachment  of  its  force  at  Bac;  but  the  provincial 
urges  instead  the  founding  of  a  new  presidio  of  one 
hundred  men  on  the  Gila  to  keep  back  the  Apaches, 
protect  the  proposed  new  conversions,  open  the  way 
to  Moqui,  and  ensure  the  reduction  of  California.35 

Sedelmair  also  went  to  Mexico,  probably  at  the 
request  of  the  provincial,  to  solicit  padres  for  the 
northern  field,  to  give  information  respecting  Pimeria, 
and  to  aid  in  taking  proper  advantages  of  the  king's 
favorable  disposition.  In  his  relation  presented  on 
his  arrival  early  in  1746  he  gives  a  resume  of  what 
had  already  been  done,  a  full  description  of  the  coun 
try  and  its  people  as  observed  by  himself  and  others, 
and  his  own  ideas  respecting  the  territory  and  tribes 
not  yet  seen.  He  presents  as  motives  for  the  foun 
dation  of  the  missions  the  fertility  of  the  soil;  the 
great  number  of  Indians  awaiting  salvation;  the  min 
eral  wealth  awaiting  development;  and  the  desirability 
of  a  new  base  of  operations  from  which  to  protect  the 
old  missions,  to  reduce  the  Moquis,  to  check  the 
Apaches,  to  learn  if  California  is  an  island,  to  push 
the  reduction  up  to  Monterey,  and  to  solve  the  great 
geographical  mysteries  of  the  far  north.36 

35Apost.  Afanes,  368-83;  Veneyas,  Not.  Oal.,  ii.  507-10,  536-46;  Clavirjero, 
Stor.  CaL,  ii.  115-20;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  286.  Venegas  tells  us 
that  while  waiting  for  an  answer  to  his  memorial,  Escobar  directed  new 
entradas  to  be  made  and  each  padre  to  send  in  a  history  of  his  mission, 

36  Sedelmair,  Relation  que  hizo  al  Padre  Jacobo  Sedelmair  de  la  Comp.  de 


NORTHERN  AFFAIRS.  539 

The  result  of  Escobar's  memorial  was  a  cedula  of 
the  new  king,  Fernando  IV.,  dated  December  4,  1747, 
in  which  he  ordered  the  viceroy  in  general  terms  to 
investigate  the  matter,  and  enforce  such  measures  as 
he  might  deem  necessary.  So  far  as  Sonora  was  con 
cerned  no  practical  result  was  reached.37  In  a  letter 
of  March  20,  1747,  Sedelmair  writes  to  his  rector 
that  he  has  been  unable  to  make  an  entrada  to  the 
Colorado  because  the  governor  refused  an  escort,  and 
that  such  an  escort  is  becoming  more  and  more  in 
dispensable,  though  there  is  little  hope  of  anything 
being  done  by  the  present  authorities  in  Sonora.  Con- 
sag's  voyage  of  the  preceding  year,33  however,  is 
deemed  conclusive  as  to  the  peninsular  character  of 
California,  lately  called  in  question  by  reason  of  Cam 
pos'  theories,  and  he  believes  there  is  now  no  obstacle 
to  the  conversion  of  "the  whole  continent  as  far  as 
Japan,  Yerdo,  and  Tartary."  He  has  himself  made 
a  trip  to  the  coast,  and  has  brought  back  a  whole 
rancheria  of  two  hundred  and  ten  gentiles  to  be  set 
tled  at  Ati.39 

I  have  already  alluded  to  an  attempt  to  reach 
Moqui  this  year  by  the  military  force  collected  for 
an  Apache  campaign.  No  details  are  known  save 

Jesus,  misionero  en  Tubutama,  con  la  occasion  de  haber  venido  d  Mexico  por  el 
mes  de  Febrero  del  ano  de  1746  &  sollcitar  operarios  para  fundar  misiones  en 
los  rios  Gila  y  Colorado  que  habia  descubierto  en  dos  entradas  que  hizo  d  la 
gentilidad  al  norte  de  su  mision,  in  Sonora,  Matcriales,  843-59;  also  MS.  It 
would  seem  most  likely  that  Sedelmair  was  called  to  Mexico  to  consult  with 
the  provincial  before  his  memorial  was  sent  to  the  king;  but  the  dates  given 
indicate  the  contrary.  The  version  in  the  Apost.  Afanes,  372,  is  that  Sedel 
mair  consulted  his  superiors  as  to  the  best  way  of  carrying  into  effect  the 
ce"dula,  advising  that  some  well  qualified  Jesuit  make  out  a  full  report  and 
petition.  The  superior  liked  the  idea  and  invited  Sedelmair  to  do  the  work, 
whereupon  he  came  to  Mexico  before  the  provincial  made  his  report.  It  is 
not  impossible  that  there  is  an  error  in  the  date  of  Sedelmair's  fidacion  as 
printed.  See  also  Gal,  Hist.  Chret.,  256-8;  Gleesoris  Hist.  Calk.  Ch.,  i. 
372-3.  Gleeson  says  that  Keller  explored  toward  the  Gila  in  1745  and 
Sedelmair  in  1746. 

37  Veneyas,  Not.  Cat.,  ii.  517-20;  Clavigero,  Stor.  Cal,  ii.  119-20. 

38  See  for  Cousag's  voyage,  chapter  xvi.  of  this  volume. 

39  Sedelmair,  Carta  in  Sonora,  Materials,  841-2;  Apost.  Afanes,  358-  9; 
Alecjre,  Hist.  Cornp.  Jesus,  iii.  286.     The  last  two  authorities  imply  that  tho 
trip  to  the  coast  was  in  1746,  and  say  that  it  was  made  in  search  of  a  port 
about  Caborca  for  the  California  vessels,  a  port  which  could  not  be  found. 


540  ANNALS  OF  SONOKA  AND  SINALOA. 

that  the  expedition  was  a  failure  in  an  exploring  as  in 
a  military  point  of  view.40 

On  October  13,  1748,  Sedelmair  started  from  his 
mission  with  fifteen  soldiers,41  and  in  ten  days  reached 
the  Gila  by  way  of  Papagueria.  Here  he  preached 
on  the  sin  of  polygamy  to  the  Cocomaricopas,  who 
laughingly  assented  to  his  doctrine,  saying  that  their 
great  trouble  was  to  get  one  wife  apiece.  Passing 
down  the  Gila,  past  the  Sierra  of  Sibupue,  he  noticed 
the  '  painted  rocks/  and  listened  to  various  traditions 
respecting  these  relics  of  antiquity.  Near  the  place 
whence  he  had  in  1744  turned  off  to  the  Colorado  he 
found  a  warm  spring,  named  Santa  Maria  del  Agua 
Caliente,  and  from  this  point  went  down  the  river,  for 
the  first  time  on  the  northern  bank,  naming  one  place 
San  Jiidas  Tadeo,  and  turning  off  so  as  to  strike  the 
Colorado  about  two  leagues  above  the  junction  at  a 
point  named  by  him  San  Jose.  Another  locality  near 
the  junction,  but  south  of  the  Gila,  he  called  Loreto. 
The  Yumas  exhibited  some  timidity  and  much  curios 
ity,  stole  some  horses,  and  even  threatened  an  attack. 
They  were  at  enmity  with  the  Quiquimas  across  the 
river,  and  with  the  Cocomaricopas.  Their  peculiar 
actions,  the  fear  of  being  obliged  to  kill  some  of  them, 
the  illness  of  certain  soldiers,  and  the  bad  condition 
of  the  horses  prevented  Sedelmair  from  going  down 
to  the  mouth  as  he  had  intended,  and  he  returned 
early  in  November.  Next  year  he  proposed  another 
entrada,  but  could  get  no  guard;  and  in  June  1750  a 
Yuma  messenger  came  down  with  saludos  from  his 
tribe  to  ask  for  another  visit  and  get  some  presents.42 

It  was  in  November  and  December  1750  that 
Sedelmair  made  his  next  and  last  journey  to  the 

40  Apost.  Afanes,  439-40. 

41  His  own  narrative  has  it  1749,  doubtless  a  slip  of  pen  or  type. 

42  Seddmair,  Entrada  d  la  Nation  de  los  Yumas  gentiles  por  el  mes  de  Octu- 
bre  y  Noviembre  del  ano  de  1740  (8),  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  18-25;  also  MS. 
The  report  is  dated  at  Tubutama  Jan.  15,  1750.  Apost.  Afanes,  360-1.  Vene- 
gas,  Not.  Gal.,  ii.  559-60,  says  that  trouble  with  the  soldiers  had  much  to  do 
with  the  return;  and  Gallardo,  Instrucciones,  909,  that  the  padre  was  driven 
back  by  the  Yumas. 


SALVADOR'S  CONSULTAS.  541 

Gila,  going  down  the  Colorado  farther  than  before  to 
the  rancherias  of  the  Quiquimas,  or  Quirnacs,  who  not 
only  prevented  his  advance  to  the  mouth,  but  in  their 
eagerness  to  get  the  horses  forced  a  battle,  in  which 
several  were  killed,  deeply  to  the  missionary's  regret. 
On  the  return  he  was  guided  across  to  Sonoita  by  a 
new  route  from  the  Yuma  country  without  going  up 
to  the  Gila.  Soon  after  his  return  the  Yumas  brought 
down  three  horses  that  had  been  lost — an  extraor 
dinary  proof  of  their  honesty.43 

Captain  Fernando  Sanchez  Salvador,  acting  in  an 
official  capacity,  the  exact  nature  of  which  does  not 
appear,  but  who  had  evidently  travelled  and  observed 
much  in  the  north,  addressed  four  consultas,  or  re- 
prcsentaciones  to  the  king  on  the  condition  and  needs 
of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  the  last  bearing  the  date 
of  March  2,  175 1.44  In  the  first,  which  treats  chiefly 
of  Sinaloa,  though  including  the  Mayo  and  Yaqui 
districts,  he  urges  the  secularization  of  all  the  Jesuit 
missions,  the  subjection  of  the  natives  in  religion  to 
curates,  and  in  government  to  the  ordinary  civil  au 
thorities,  and  the  release  of  the  padres  who  may  find 
enough  to  do  on  the  frontiers  in  the  conversion  of  new 
tribes.  He  reminds  the  king  of  the  original  under 
standing  that  Indians  were  to  become  tribute-payers 
in  ten  years  after  conquest,  claiming  that  the  best 
interests  of  the  country  demand  an  enforcement  of 
the  laws,  and  going  largely  into  details  which  need 
not  be  noticed  here.  It  seems  that  curates  were  al 
ready  in  charge  of  Alamos,  Bayoreca,  and  Rio  Chico.45 

In  his  second  representation  Salvador  advocates  the 

43  Apost.  Afanes,  362-4.    Sedelmair  estimated  the  Yumas  at  4,000;  the 
Yutcama  across  the  river  at  700;  and  the  Quiquimas  at  5,000. 

44  Salvador,  Copia  de  la  Consultu  que  hace  d  S.  M.  D.  Fernando  Sanchez 
Salvador,  Alcalde  de  la  Santa  Hermandad  y  Capitan  de  Cdballos  corazas  de  las 
proas  de  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  costas  del  Mar  del  Sur,  y  fronteras  de  la  gentilidad 
(Segunda Representation,  etc.,  etc.),  in  Sonora,  Materlahs,  638-66;  also  MS. 

45  About  this  time  the  missions  of  Durango  and  Topia  were  secularized,  as 
we  shall  see  in  a  subsequent  chapter.     Nothing  was  done  in  the  matter,  how 
ever,  so  far  as  Sonora  was  concerned. 


542  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

establishment  of  a  presidio  and  penal  colony  on  the 
Tres  Marias,  to  which  not  only  white  criminals  and 
vagabonds  may  be  sent  and  kept  at  work,  but,  what 
is  still  more  important  for  the  welfare  of  Sonora,  where 
unruly  Indians  may  be  banished.  The  California  ves 
sels  in  their  regular  trips  can  transport  prisoners  to 
the  island  at  very  small  expense,  and  once  there  they 
will  not  be  able  to  escape,  as  they  always  do  sooner  or 
later  if  sent  south  by  land.  This  colony  and  system  once 
established,  a  radical  change  in  Indian  policy  on  the 
frontier  should  be  made.  Now  the  natives  are  allowed 
on  frivolous  pretexts  to  visit  the  presidios,  and  they 
make  use  of  the  privilege  to  discover  weak  points  and 
to  plan  attacks.  There  should  be  no  more  of  this  tri 
fling,  and  no  more  truces  and  pardons,  which,  as  every 
body  knows,  are  only  temporary  expedients.  Let  the 
Indians  understand  that  they  can  have  peace  or  war, 
but  let  the  raiders,  malecontents,  and  evil-doers  of  all 
classes  be  imprisoned  at  the  presidios  until  they  can  be 
sent  to  the  Tres  Marias,  and  thus  may  the  country  be 
rid  gradually  of  its  pests.46 

The  third  document  dwells  on  the  importance  of 
encouraging  the  settlement  of  the  country  by  Spanish 
farmers  and.  miners.  In  behalf  of  the  former  a  more 
liberal  land  policy  should  be  adopted,  so  that  the  mis 
sions  cannot  monopolize  all  the  desirable  spots;  and 
for  the  latter  steps  should  be  taken  to  reduce  the  cost 
of  quicksilver,  sending  it  by  water  from  Acapulco  and 
delivering  it  at  Alamos  and  Rosario  at  Mexico  prices. 
The  fourth  and  last  of  these  interesting  and  ably  pre 
pared  papers  is  devoted  to  the  far  north,  to  the  region 
of  the  Colorado  and  of  California — of  the  former  as  a 
most  desirable  field  for  settlement,  and  especially  as 
the  only  medium  for  colonizing  the  latter.  His  views 
on  the  subject  are  for  the  most  part  similar  to  those 
of  others  of  the  time  and  need  not  be  repeated  here; 

46  It  is  stated  that  the  Pimas  and  Seris  have  recently  destroyed  the  Real 
del  Aguage.  In  1750  Gov.  Parrilla  urged  the  vice  roy  to  furnish  two  vessels  to 
run  between  Acapulco  and  Guaymas,  but  it  was  not  done. 


MISSIONS  OF  PIMERlA.  543 

but  one  somewhat  astonishing  peculiarity  should  be 
noticed.  He  advances  the  theory  that  the  Colorado 
before  reaching  the  gulf  throws  off  a  branch  to  the 
westward,  which  flows  into  the  Pacific  between  Mon 
terey  and  Point  Concepcion,  and  is  doubtless  iden 
tical  with  the  Rio  Carmelo  of  Cabrera  Bueno!  It 
will  furnish  an  easy  means  of  communication  with 
the  coast.47 

Meanwhile  a  storm  was  gathering  in  the  north 
among  the  Pimas  Altos,  where  no  special  precautions 
had  been  deemed  necessary.  Several  new  padres 
were  now  at  work  in  Pimeria,  without  their  arrival 
having  left  any  trace  in  the  records.  According  to  a 
catalogue  of  1750  there  were  nine  Jesuits  in  Pimeria 
Alta,  distributed  as  follows:  Sedelmair,  visitador,  at 
Tubutama;  Steiger,  superior,  at  San  Ignacio;  Tomas 
Tello  at  Caborca,  Keller  at  Suamca,  Garrucho  at 
Guevavi,  Francisco  Paver  at  Bac,  Juan  Nentvig  at  a 
mission  not  named — probably  at  Tubutama  with  espe 
cial  charge  of  Saric — Enrique  Rhuen,.  or  Ruhn,  at 
Sorioita — formerly  San  Marcelo  but  now  San  Miguel 
in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  marques  de  Villa- 
puente,  who  at  his  death  in  1739  had  endowed  this 
mission  and  that  of  Busanic — and  Miguel  Sola  at 
Baseraca.43  I  add  in  a  note  the  full  list  of  the  thirty- 
four  missionaries  in  the  other  two  provinces  of  Sonora 
and  Sinaloa  from  the  same  catalogue.49 

47  His  theory  was  perhaps  founded  on  a  report  of  the  natives,  who  in  1748 
told  Sedelmair,  when  on  the  Colorado  above  the  Gila,  that  if  he  crossed  the  river 
and  went  north-west,  he  would  in  two  days  come  to  the  same  river  where 
it  flowed  from  east  to  west. 

48  Catuloyus  Personarum  Soc.  Jesu,  1850;  Apost.  Afanes,  343,  359,  366, 
448;  Alerjre,  iii.  271,  291;   Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  ii.  77-8,  525-6,  561-2;  Keller, 
Consulta,  28;  Lizazoin,  Informe,  686;  and  Suamca,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  where 
Rhuen  signs  his  name  thus. 

49  Sonora:  Felipe  Segesser,  visitador,  Ures;  Carlos  Rojas,  Arizpe,  superior; 
Jose"  Pvoldaii,  superior,  Arivechi;  Jose"Toral,  Huepaca;  Nicolas  Perera,  Babia- 
cora;  Salvador  Peiia,  Cucurpe;  Francisco  Loaisa,  Populo;  Francisco  Pimen- 
tel,  Tecoripa;  Antonio  Bentz,  Comuripa;  Guillermo  Borio,  Matape;  Alejandro 
Rapicani  (Rapuani),  Batuco;  Juan  Zerquera,  Onabas;  Jose  Franco,  Onapa; 
Tomas  Miranda,  Sahuaripa;  Buenaventura  Gutierrez,  Oposura;  Tomas  Perez, 
Guasava;  Manuel  Aguirre,  Bacadeguachi;  Bartolome"  Saeiis,  Cuquiarachi. 

Sinaloa:  Diego  Valladares,  visitador,   Mochicavi;    Lucas   Ludovico  Al- 


544  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

The  Pima  revolt  broke  out  in  November  1751  at 
Saric,  the  native  place  of  the  leader,  Don  Luis,  who 
had  been  made  captain-general  of  the  western  Pimas 
for  his  services  as  commander  of  the  native  allies  in 
the  late  Seri  war  and  on  other  occasions.  This  chief 
used  his  high  position  to  incite  a  rebellion  which  was 
to  drive  out  the  padres  and  the  Spaniards.  His 
plottings  were  so  secretly  conducted  that  he  had 
aroused  all  the  rancherias  and  pueblos,  including  the 
Papagos  and  perhaps  part  of  the  Sobaipuris,  without 
exciting  any  definite  suspicions  until  a  very  few  days 
before  the  outbreak.  On  the  20th  or  21st  of  Novem 
ber  San  Luis  entertained  a  party  of  his  Spanish 
friends  at  his  house  until  late  at  night,  and  then 
attacked  them  at  the  head  of  a  large  force  which  had 
been  held  in  readiness,  burning  the  house  and  killing 
the  whole  party  of  eighteen.  Padre  Nentvig  escaped 
to  Tubutama  and  gave  the  alarm. 

At  Tubutama  Sedelmair  and  Nentvig  with  seven 
or  eight  settlers  took  refuge  in  the  church  and  defended 
themselves  for  two  days  until  two  of  the  defenders 
were  dead,  both  padres  wounded,  and  their  ammu 
nition  exhausted,  when  they  were  enabled,  almost 
miraculously  it  would  seern,  to  reach  San  Ignacio, 
where  a  sufficient  number  of  settlers  and  soldiers  were 
assembled  to  save  their  lives  and  the  mission.  Mean 
while  the  rebels  had  attacked  Caborca  and  Sonoita, 
killed  fathers  Tello  and  Rhuen,  and  destroyed  all  the 
mission  property,  no  particulars  of  these  events  being 
known  save  that  a  party  of  Spanish  prospectors  were 
among  the  victims.  Neither  have  we  any  exact  infor 
mation  as  to  what  took  place  in  the  north,  where  Bac 
and  Guevavi  were  perhaps  plundered,  although  the  pa 
dres  escaped  to  Keller's  mission  of  Suamca,  which  was 

vares,  superior,  Sinaloa;  Juan  Lorenzo  Salgado,  superior,  Huiribis;  Ignacio 
Lizazoin,  Guaymas;  Agustin  Arriola,  Rahun;  Lorenzo  Garcia,  Torin;  Miguel 
Fernandez  Somera,  Sta  Cruz;  Isidore  Fernandez  Abad,  Nabojoa;  Jos6  Esca- 
lona,  Camoa;  Patricio  Imaz,  Conicari;  Bartolome"  Fentaiiez,  Toro;  Francisco 
Anaya,  Tehueco;  Jose"  Palomino,  Gn.azave;  Ignacio  Gonzalez,  Nio;  Bernardo 
Mercado,  Chicorato;  Jose  Garfias,  Mocorito. 


THE  PIMA  REVOLT.  545 

not  attacked.  When  all  the  missions,  pueblos,  reales, 
and  ranchos  of  the  north-west  had  been  destroyed, 
and  a  large  number — possibly  a  hundred — of  Span 
iards  had  been  killed,  troops  arrived  under  the  governor 
and  presidio  captains;  the  progress  of  the  rebellion 
was  checked,  and  finally  in  1752,  after  many  embassies 
and  very  little  fighting,  peace  was  made  and  Don  Luis 
promised  for  himself  and  people  exemplary  conduct 
in  the  future.50 

As  before  there  is  historical  record  proper  of  events 
in  the  southern  coast  provinces  of  the  modern  Sina- 

50  Keller  inSuamca,  Lib.  Jfis.,  MS.,  49-50,  says  there  were  119  persons 
killed  besides  the  two  pacjres.  Sedelmair  was  wounded  with  an  arrow,  and 
Nentvig  knocked  down  with  an  adobe.  Gov.  Parrilla  was  the  one  to  blame 
from  beginning  to  end.  See  also  accounts  in  Nayarit,  Fraymento  Hist.,  MS., 
20-34;  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  94-5;  Realms  Cedillas,  MS.,  i.  202-3.  Alegre, 
Hint.  Comp.  Jesus,  in.  291-3,  says  that  the  captains  brought  the  padres  to 
Suamca,  captured  and  executed  a  relative  of  Luis,  and  would  have  done  as 
much  for  Luis  himself  if  the  governor  had  not  interfered  and  tried  concilia 
tory  measures,  sending  embassies  from  his  head-quarters  at  S.  Ignacio.  Be 
fore  the  surrender  of  Luis,  the  Papagos,  seeing  no  prospects  for  more  plunder, 
left  the  rebel  ranks.  Luis  promised  to  rebuild  churches,  etc.,  but  failed  to 
keep  his  promise.  The  Apost.  A  fanes  was  written  just  after  this  rebellion 
broke  out,  and  the  author  only  knew  what  was  contained  in  the  governor's 
report  to  the  viceroy  on  Jan.  14,  1752,  together  with  a  few  other  letters.  He 
says  the  viceroy  has  determined  on  a  new  presidio  of  50  men;  that  the  gov 
ernor  is  confident  of  success,  though  the  latest  reports  are  less  encouraging; 
that  two  new  padres — probably  Espinosa  and  Pfefferkorn — have  been  sent; 
and  that  the  souls  of  the  two  martyrs  will  doubtless  have  an  influence  with 
God  to  promote  conversion.  Keller,  Consulta,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  26-32, 
says  that  the  northern  district  about  Bac  did  not  join  Luis  at  first,  and  there 
fore  the  four  padres  and  the  presidio  of  Tcrrenate  escaped.  Capt.  Juan  Au- 
tonio  Menocal  was  the  officer  who  would  have  put  down  the  revolt  if  not 
interfered  with.  Capt.  Santiago  Ruiz  de  Ail  was  comandante  at  Terrenate, 
and  Capt  Jos6  Diaz  de  Carpio  was  another  prominent  officer.  This  author's 
allusions  are  not  sufficient  to  give  a  clear  idea  of  Parilla's  movements,  but 
he  claims  that  Luis  had  the  best  of  the  warfare  and  of  the  diplomacy,  and 
submitted  only  when  he  had  failed  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Apaches,  and 
feared  the  wrath  of  the  Sobaipuris.  According  to  the  Sonora,  Resumen  de  No- 
tidas,  222,  there  were  two  leaders  of  the  rebels,  both  named  Luis,  and  it  took 
Gov.  Parrilla  over  a  year  to  reduce  the  Pimas,  partly  by  arms  and  partly  by 
negotiations;  after  which  he  retired  to  Horcasitas  and  soon  learned  of  his 
successor's  coming.  In  Sonora,  Descrip.  Suscinta,  704,  the  following  places  are 
named  as  having  been  destroyed  in  the  revolt:  Jupe,  near  S.  Miguel  (Toape?), 
San  Juan  de  Sonora,  Autunes,  Opodepe,  S.  Javier,  Soledad,  San  Lorenzo,  S. 
Juan  Nacosari,  and  Arizona.  Most  of  these  places  are  in  the  south,  indicat 
ing  hostilities  in  that  direction  of  which  we  have  no  record.  In  Sonora,  De- 
scrip.  Georj.,  504-5,  555-6,  583,  the  Pimas  are  said  to  have  shown  themselves 
less  brave  than  the  Opatas.  Venegas,  Not.  Cul,  ii.  56,  77-8,  notes  a  letter 
of  Padre  Taraval  stating  that  Tello  and  Rhuen  were  killed  by  Seris.  Men 
tion  also  in  Och,  lleizc,  73. 

HIST  N.MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    35 


546  ANNALS  OF  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

loa;  but  from  the  descriptive  matter  published  by 
Villa-Senor  in  1747,51  and  from  the  instructions  of 
Visitador  General  Gallardo  to  the  governor  in  1749, 

51  From  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro  Amer.,  ii.  377,  et  seq.:  Province  of 
Chametla,  or  Rosario,  from  the  Rio  Canas  northward.  Head-town,  Real  del 
Rosario,  with  an  alcalde  mayor.  Many  mines  of  silver  and  gold,  but  mostly 
abandoned  on  account  of  water  and  lack  of  facilities  for  working.  Drain 
age  is  being  effected,  and  some  of  the  mines  are  rich  enough  to  support  the 
real  and  all  the  province  of  Acaponeta  in  New  Galicia.  The  pueblo  of  Cha 
metla  has  only  five  or  six  Indians  left,  supported  by  Spanish,  mestizo,  and  mu 
latto  residents  of  the  ranches.  The  only  other  pueblo  is  Esquinapa,  inhabited 
by  Mexican  Indians,  exempt  from  tribute  on  account  of  their  services  as 
guards.  Tobacco,  cotton,  maize,  and  salt  produced.  Under  two  curates  at 
Rosario  and  Chametla. 

Province  of  Maloya,  east  of  Rosario,  on  the  slopes  of  the  Sierra  Madre  cle 
Topia,  producing  maize,  honey,  and  silver.  It  has  four  pueblos  of  Mexican 
Indians,  the  largest  with  about  50  families;  and  the  Real  tie  Minas  of  Santa 
Rita.  Under  an  alcalde  mayor  and  curate. 

Province  of  Copala,  N.  N.  w.  of  Chametla.  Head-town,  villa  de  San  Sebas 
tian,  where  live  an  alcalde  mayor  and  a  curate,  with  a  small  population  of 
Spaniards,  mestizos,  etc.  It  is  on  the  slope  of  the  Sierra,  and  at  the  foot  are 
four  pueblos  of  Mexican  Indians;  also  some  ' rancherias '  of  Spaniards.  Ma- 
zatlan  near  the  coast,  inhabited  by  mulattoes  who  guard  the  port  and  live 
on  maize  and  fish.  North  of  S.  Sebastian  is  the  Real  de  Copala  with  several 
silver  mines;  and  two  leagues  farther  the  Real  de  Charcas,  near  which  are 
the  Haciendas  de  Panuco,  where  ore  is  worked.  A  curate  serves  both  reales, 
and  has  besides  two  pueblos  of  mountain  Indians  speaking  Mexican.  North 
of  Charcas  is  the  Real  de  Cosela  (Cosala),  and  farther  east  the  pueblo  of 
Badiraguato.  A  newly  erected  curacy  in  the  Villa  de  San  Javier  de  Cabazan 
on  the  Rio  Piastla. 

Province  of  Culiacan:  Between  the  Rio  Elota  and  the  villa,  30  1.,  is  Real 
de  Cosala,  mines  not  flourishing,  many  pueblos  of  Mexican  Indians,  several 
plantations  where  Spanish  miners  raise  sugar-cane.  A  curate  at  Cosala,  whose 
curacy  reaches  to  the  Rio  Tabala.  At  the  Villa  de  Culiacan  are  an  alcalde 
mayor  and  curate,  and  many  families  of  Spaniards,  mestizos,  and  malattoes; 
much  salt  and  fish.  Four  pueblos  of  Mexican  Indians  under  Franciscans  (?) 
there  are  Tacuchameta,  Buya,  Binapa,  and  Bayta.  Badiriguato  is  also  in 
this  province  with  some  sugar  plantations  and  pueblos  administered  by  Jesuits; 
also  ranches  of  Spaniards  in  the  mountains. 

Province  of  Sinaloa:  On  the  river  on  which  is  San  Felipe  the  capital,  are 
the  missions  Noguera,  Bacaburito,  Bamoa,  Guazave,  Ocoroni,  and  Mocorito. 
On  the  Rio  del  Fuerte  is  the  Villa  de  Montesclaros,  with  a  few  families  and  a 
curate;  and  on  the  river  or  near  it  are  the  missions  Tehueco,  Sivirijoa,  Charay, 
Mochicahui,  San  Miguel,  and  Haome"  ( Ahome)  near  the  fine  port  of  same  name. 
Above  the  villa  N.  E.  are  the  mission  pueblos  of  Toro,  Baca,  Toriz,  Cuites, 
Temoris,  Chinipas,  Valleumbroso,  Guazapares,  and  Tehueco;  and  on  the 
branch  river  the  missions  S.  Ignacio,  Concepcion,  and  Jatebo;  and  N.  £  N.  E. 
Guadalupe,  Sta  Ana,  and  Loreto.  Between  Villa  del  Fuerte  and  Real  de 
Alamos,  20  1.,  several  haciendas  of  stock,  maize,  ,and  sugar.  Alamos  sur 
rounded  by  rich  mines,  five  reduction  works.  At  Alamos  is  a  curate.  Mayo 
River  mission  pueblos:  Achogoa,  Caurimpo,  Navajoa,  Tecia,  Canamoas,  Gua 
dalupe,  Mocoyaqui,  Tepahue,  and  Batacosa.  Between  the  Fuerte  and  Mayo, 
20  1.  from  S.  Felipe,  is  the  Real  de  los  Frailes,  mines  not  so  productive  as  form 
erly;  30 1.  E.  is  theprovincie  of  Batopilas.  The  Jesuit  missions  in  Sinaloa  are: 
Chinipas,  Zerocalmy,  Moris,  Yecora,  Guazapares,  Tubares,  Sinaloa,  Baco- 
burito,  Tehueco,  Mochicahui,  Nio,  Bamoa,  Chicorato,  Mocorito,  Guazave, 
Conicari,  Camoa,  Navajoa,  Sta  Cruz  de  Mayo,  Bacuna,  Torin,  Caun,  Toro, 


SIXALOA  PROVINCES.  547 

to  which  I  have  already  alluded,  may  be  extracted 
a  few  items  respecting  the  condition  of  the  settle 
ments  in  that  region.  Such  information  I  append  in 
a  note. 

Baca,  Bethlen,  Ocoroni,  S.  Juan  Francisco  Regis,  Noguera,  Loreto,  Sta  Ana, 
Lobera,  San  Ramon,  and  S.  Juan  Evangelista. 

Province  of  San  Ilclefoiiso  tie  Ostimuri:  Mining  reales,  Rio  Chico,  capital, 
with  alcalde  mayor  and  curate;  Todos  Santos  and  San  Miguel,  each  with 
curate;  San  Nicolas,  Tacupeto,  San  Marcos,  Nacosari,  San  Marcial,  and  San 
Joseph,  for  the  most  part  abandoned.  Jesuit  missions:  Bethlen,  Ruan,  Potan, 
Bocon,  Cocorin;  Moabas,  Nuri,  Zuaqueo,  Yecora,  Comuripa;  Onabas,  Tonichi. 
Onapa,  Arivechi,  Bacanora,  Saguaripa,  Las  Juntas;  Tecoripa,  San  Javier, 
Nacori,  Matape  (Oposura,  Cumpao,  Ouazavas,  Oputu,  Thesico  de  Guachi). 

From  Galiardo,  fnstrucciones,  11 '49.  In  the  visita  of  Rosario,  Chametla, 
and  Maloya  by  Capt.  Mata  the  reestablishment  of  the  pueblo  of  Cacalotan 
was  ordered  with  the  curate's  consent.  There  was  complaint  about  the 
manner  of  working  the  mines,  but  as  there  was  a  suit  pending  and  no  one 
was  willing  to  work  the  mines  if  the  present  contractors  leave  them,  it  was 
decided  not  to  interfere.  The  alcalde  mayor  should  give  new  bonds.  In  the 
visita  of  S.  Jose"  de  Copala,  Villa  de  S.  Sebastian,  and  partidos  of  S.  Javier 
and  S.  Ignacio  de  Piastla  by  Jose"  Tomas  Loaiza,  on  complaint  of  padres  of 
Sta  Polonia  and  S.  Ignacio  it  was  ordered  that  the  Indians  should  be  required 
to  give  more  attention  to  public  buildings.  The  juxticia  Jose"  Blanquel  re 
placed  by  Pedro  Matias  tie  la  Pena,  who  has  done  better.  Pinteles  was  the 
alcalde  mayor.  Pueblo  of  Sta  Catalina  of  only  six  families  joined  to  that  of 
Jacobo.  Ordered  the  enforcement  of  viceroy's  order  about  election  of  pueblo 
governors  and  repartimentos  of  tapizques.  In  visita  of  Badiraguato  and  San 
tiago  de  los  Caballeros,  by  Capt.  Castafieda  ordered  Serrano  the  alcalde  mayor 
to  join  the  two  pueblos  of  Bamapa  and  Soyotita  to  that  of  Cariatapa;  tribute 
lists  to  be  formed;  scattered  Indians  to  be  brought  in  except  such  as  had 
lived  10  years  on  a  hacienda  and  were  well  instructed.  In  visita  of  San 
Miguel  de  Culiacan  by  Castafieda,  ordered  that  pueblos  of  Bachibalato  and 
Otameto  should  be  joined  to  Culiacan,  Olaguruto,  or  S.  Pedro.  Indians  of 
Bachimeto  to  be  brought  from  the  coast  by  force  and  joined  to  the  most 
inland  pueblos,  their  old  lands  being  rented  for  their  benefit;  vagrants  to  be 
collected  and  made  to  build  houses  and  till  the  soil;  pueblos  of  Tepuchi, 
Cominate,  Yacobito,  and  Capizato  to  be  united  in  one  or  two  pueblos.  More 
formalities  to  be  observed  at  the  Real  de  Cosala. 


CHAPTEE  XX. 

LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONOBA. 
1752-1767. 

A  WAR  ON  PAPER— JESUITS  VERSUS  GOVERNOR— INVESTIGATIONS — DISCUL- 
PATION  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES — RULE  OF  GOVERNORS  ARCE  AND  MEN- 
DOZA — WAR  WITH  THE  SERIS— MENDOZA  KlLLED — APACHE  WARFARE — 
RAIDS  OF  SAVAGES  AND  SOLDIERS — MISSIONS  OF  PIMERIA  ALTA  IN  THE 
LAST  YEARS — No  PROGRESS— PADRES,  NEW  AND  OLD — FINAL  STATIS 
TICS — RULE  OF  CUERVO  AND  PINEDA — FROM  BAD  TO  WORSE— CAM 
PAIGNS — RECOMMENDED  REFORMS — VARIOUS  REPORTS— CAPTAIN  CANCIO 
AND  HIS  LETTERS — ELIZONDO'S  EXPEDITION  COMING— RESUME  OF  COR 
RESPONDENCE  AND  EVENTS— A  PERIOD  OF  SUSPENSE — MISSION  STATIS 
TICS,  1760-7 — EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS — LIST  OF  JESUITS  WHO  SERVED 
IN  SlNALOA  AND  SONORA. 

THE  Pirna  revolt  was  followed  by  a  bitter  warfare 
of  words  between  the  Jesuits  and  Governor  Parrilla 
respecting  its  causes  and  the  manner  of  its  suppression. 
Padre  Keller  opened  the  campaign  with  a  consulta 
addressed  to  the  viceroy,1  in  which  he  claimed  that 
the  revolt  had  been  caused  by  the  attentions  and 
honors  bestowed  by  the  governor  on  Don  Luis.  The 
latter  for  his  services  in  the  Seri  war  had  been  made 
captain-general  of  the  Pinias,  given  a  special  company, 
or  body-guard  of  native  warriors,  and  so  flattered  that 
he  came  home  with  the  idea  that  he  was  sovereign  of 
the  whole  country,  owing  no  allegiance  to  Spanish 
officials  and  especially  no  respect  to  the  missionaries. 
He  moreover  charged  Parrilla  with  having  blundered 

1  Kdler,  Consulta  del  Padre  Kder  al  Virey  sobre  el  ahamiento  de  la  Pimeria, 
en  25  de  Agosto  de  1752,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  26-32.  The  author  was  at 
this  time  in  Mexico.  He  has  something  to  say  on  the  subject  also  in  Suamca, 
Lib.  Mis.,  MS. 

(548) 


GOVERNOR  VERSUS  PADRES.  549 

most  outrageously  in  his  military  operations,  prevent 
ing  all  effective  action  by  his  subordinates,  and  leav 
ing  important  points  needlessly  exposed;  with  having 
sent  many  ambassadors,  who  joined  Luis  or  were 
killed  by  him  according  to  their  personal  sympathies, 
thus  giving  the  rebel  chief  all  the  time  he  wanted  to 
obtain  allies;  and  finally  when  Luis  from  fear  of  the 
Sobaipuris  and  failure  to  form  an  alliance  with  the 
Apaches,  offered  to  submit,  with  having  received  him 
with  open  arms,  restored  him  to  all  his  titles  and 
privileges,  and  left  him  with  all  his  old  arrogance  and 
entire  freedom  from  missionary  control.  Keller  ad 
vised  the  viceroy  to  accept  Parrilla's  resignation  for 
the  good  of  Sonora. 

The  governor,  on  his  side,  charged  the  Jesuits  with 
having  provoked  the  revolt  by  their  ill-treatment  of 
the  natives.  He  alleged  that  the  padres  had  left  the 
neophytes  no  time  to  till  their  milpas  and  provide  for 
their  own  support;  that  they  starved  them;  that  their 
chastisements  were  unnecessarily  frequent  and  severe, 
besides  being  administered  illegally  by  servants ;  that 
the  Indians  had  therefore  come  to  feel  an  intense 
hatred  of  their  masters  and  tormentors,  being  forced 
into  revolt  to  escape  an  intolerable  oppression.  These 
charges  were  sent  in  to  the  government,  supported  by 
the  testimony  of  many  residents  of  Sonora,  who  swore 
to  the  general  truth  of  the  charges,  and  to  a  long  list 
of  particular  instances  of  Jesuit  cruelty  and  tyranny. 
Pending  investigation  Keller  was  removed  by  the 
provincial  at  Parrilla's  demand,  and  was  in  Mexico 
when  he  wrote  the  formal  charges  given  above;  but 
the  Indians  of  Suamca  were  so  attached  to  their  padre 
that  he  had  to  be  restored  to  prevent  another  out 
break — at  least  so  say  the  Jesuit  wrriters.2 

Padre  Sedelmair  also  made  a  formal  statement  de 
nying  every  charge  of  ill-treatment.  He  had,  he  said, 
built  churches  in  seven  or  eight  of  his  twelve  pueblos, 

2  Don  Luis  himself  took  a  very  prominent  part  in  giving  and  collecting 
testimony  against  the  padres.  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  296-8. 


550  LAST  OF  TEE  JESUITS  IN  SOXORA. 

chiefly  by  the  labor  of  Pdpago  gentiles,  who  coming 
in  as  skeletons  had  gone  away  fat,  slow,  and  inefficient 
workmen,  but  accomplishing  much  by  their  numbers. 
He  had  reduced  fifteen  rancherias  to  pueblo  life,  the 
chief  inducement  being  presents  of  food.  He  had 
baptized  over  one  thousand  adult  gentiles,  whom  he 
fed  gratuitously  while  they  were  learning  the  doc- 
trina.  Food  was  constantly  given  away  to  all  natives 
who  applied  for  it,  and  it  had  been  his  custom  after 
mass  of  a  Sunday  to  open  the  dispensa  and  distribute 
to  all  who  presented  themselves.  He  had  never  al 
lowed  any  Indian  to  work  without  being  fed;  and  for 
every  one  who  worked  there  were  three  or  four  who 
ate.  The  very  week  of  the  revolt  eight  Indians  came 
in  from  Sonoita  and  were  given  all  the  wheat  their 
horses  could  carry;  and  even  Luis  had  often  partaken 
of  the  padre's  food.  In  connection  with  the  other 
priests  he  had  furnished  supplies  for  the  Pimas  in 
the  Seri  war  and  in  other  expeditions.  He  had  not 
only  given  the  neophytes  time  to  work,  but  had  given 
them  seed  and  lent  them  implements;  and  on  the 
theory  of  no  time  to  work  for  their  own  support  he 
would  like  to  know  how  Parrilla  could  account  for 
the  large  amount  of  grain  sold  yearly  and  the  large 
stores  found  in  some  of  the  pueblos.  Complaints 
about  lands  being  taken  from  the  natives  had  no 
foundation,  save  that  outside  gentiles  coming  in  had 
been  lent  lands,  and  had  in  a  few  instances  been  dis 
satisfied  when  a  change  became  necessary.  Punish 
ments  had  been  mild,  not  exceeding  ten  blows,  arid 
always  administered  by  the  proper  official;  Luis  him 
self  had  blamed  the  padre  for  his  leniency;  and  one 
of  the  majordomos  charged  with  special  cruelty  had 
been  spared  by  the  rebels  when  in  their  power.  Luis 
was  publicly  praised  in  church  for  his  services  in  the 
Seri  war;  and  Parrilla  had  always  -been  treated  by 
the  padres  with  the  greatest  respect.  The  Indians 
say  they  dared  not  complain  for  fear  of  not  being  be 
lieved  and  of  still  more  cruel  treatment;  but  Sedel- 


INVESTIGATIONS.  551 

mair  does  not  deem  himself  responsible  for  their 
ii-ars  since  he  had  given,  no  cause  for  them.  The 
charges  were  all  falsehoods  and  calumnies. 

The  subject-matter  of  the  quarrel  was  investigated 
both  by  the  secular  and  Jesuit  authorities,  the  Jesuit 
side  of  the  case  being  presented  in  a  report  by  the 
procurador,  Miguel  Quijano,  to  the  viceroy.3  In  this 
informe  the  testimony  of  forty  prominent  residents  of 
Sonora,  including  civil  and  military  officials,  ecclesias 
tics,  and  native  chiefs,  is  given, ~all  testifying  against 
the  truth  of  Parrilla's  general  charges  of  oppression. 
Of  the  special  instances  of  cruelty  alleged  they  were 
either  wholly  ignorant  or  knew  them  to  be  false.  It 
would  serve  no  good  purpose  to  repeat  here  these 
special  charges  and  the  answers  thereto,  many  of  the 
former  being  trifling  or  absurd.  In  addition  to  this 
mass  of  testimony  the  Jesuit  procurador  calls  atten 
tion  to  the  joyous  reception  of  Keller  by  his  people, 
showing  that  he  was  not  hated;  to  the  fact  that  the 
rebels  had  not  directed  their  ravages  specially  against 
the  padres  or  the  places  where  they  resided;  to  the 
advantages  of  Parrilla  in  getting  testimony,  the  padres 
having  no  authority  save  perhaps  over  the  common 
Indians ;  to  the  testimony  of  several  persons  that  they 
had  sworn  to  the  charges  through  fear,  while  some  of 
the  Jesuit's  witnesses  were  afraid  to  let  their  names 
be  known;  to  the  ease  with  which  Indians  could 
always  be  found  to  testify  against  the  padres,  who 
were  obliged  to  restrain  and  punish  them  at  times; 
and  finally  to  the  bad  character  of  native  witnesses  and 
their  uniform  readiness  to  swear  to  anything  against  an 
enemy — in  fact  the  writer  has  known  an  Indian  to 
swear  most  solemnly  that  his  personal  enemy  "  helped 
kill  King  David,  and  he  saw  the  act  committed." 
Evidence  was  also  presented  to  show  that  Tello  and 
Rhuen,  the  murdered  missionaries,  were  particularly 
gentle  in  their  treatment  of  the  neophytes;  and  that 

3  Quijano,  Informe  d  Su  Excelcncia  por  el  Padre  Miguel  Quijano,  in  Sonora, 
Mate  stales,  33-76.     The  exact  date  is  not  given,  but  it  was  after  1754. 


552  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IX  SOXORA. 

Parrilla  had  been  exiled  from  New  Mexico  as  a  rebel 
lious  and  troublesome  man. 

It  is  true  that  all  we  know  of  this  quarrel  comes 
from  Jesuit  sources,4  a  fact  that  should  of  course  ren 
der  the  student  cautious  in  forming  an  opinion  as  to 
the  merits  of  the  respective  parties;  yet  the  reader 
who  understands  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Sonora  at 
the  time,  and  to  whom  the  very  name  of  Jesuit  is  not 
a  synonym  for  all  that  is  bad,  will  probably  not  hes 
itate  to  decide  in  favor  of  the  missionaries,  who  had 
by  persuasion  and  gifts  of  food  reduced  thousands  of 
natives  to  pueblo  life,  and  all  of  whose  interests  were 
in  the  direction  of  peace,  and  consequently  of  kindness, 
against  a  Spanish  and  mixed-breed  population  of  ad 
venturous  fortune-seekers,  composed  largely  of  the 
criminal  classes  of  Mexico,  and  looking  upon  the 
padres  as  the  only  obstacle  which  kept  from  their 
grasp  the  fertile  and  well-irrigated  mission  lands,  the 
stores  of  grain  and  herds  of  live-stock,  the  native 
women  whom  they  wanted  for  mistresses,  and  the 
stalwart  males  to  be  their  slaves.  It  is  true  the 
Jesuits  were  technically  wrong  in  wishing  to  retain 
for  themselves  and  their  neophytes  the  benefits  of 
past  labor  and  hardships  beyond  the  period  which  by 
the  government  had  been  deemed  sufficient  for  the 
transformation  of  savages  into  tribute-paying  citizens ; 
but  no  formal  demand  had  been  made  upon  them  to 
give  up  the  missions,  and  the  settlers'  policy  was 
apparently  to  provoke  them  to  the  commission  of  acts 
which  should  put  them  in  bad  repute  with  the  gov 
ernment,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  their  removal. 
It  is  by  no  means  unlikely  that  individual  padres  were 
betrayed  by  the  peculiarities  of  their  own  tempera 
ment  or  irritated  by  the  doings  of  their  neophytes 
or  foes  into  occasional  acts  of  petty  cruelty,  as 
parents  are  sometimes  cruel  to  their  children;  yet 
neither  the  missionary  padres  nor  fathers  in  the  llesh 

4  Oct.  9,  1752,  the  viceroy  called  a  junta  to  consider  the  matter.     Various 
measures,  not  specified,  were  adopted,  llobles,  JJiario,  iv.  33. 


SONORA  AND  CALIFORNIA.  553 

can  be  classed  as  cruel-hearted  tyrants.  Again  the 
work  of  the  padres  was  like  that  of  most,  perhaps  all, 
missionaries,  a  failure,  unless  perchance  their  theories 
respecting  future  salvation  should  prove  true,  because 
they  did  not  civilize  the  Indians,  nor  could  they  have 
civilized  them  even  if  not  interfered  with,  since  sav 
ages  cannot  be  civilized  under  the  tuition  of  superior 
races;  yet  it  by  no  means  follows  that  our  sympathy 
should  be  taken  from  the  missionaries  who  did  all 
they  could  for  the  natives,  and^given  to  those  who 
would  have  destroyed  them  by  slavery  and  cruelty 
just  as  surely  and  much  more  rapidly  than  the  padres 
did  by  kindness  and  religion. 

This  same  question  will  come  up  later  with  much 
more  complete  evidence  on  both  sides  in  the  case  of 
the  Franciscans  in  Alta  California;  but  there  are 
three  important  points  of  difference  that  may  be 
noticed  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits.  In  California  the 
padres  had  in  each  mission  a  military  escort  for  pro 
tection,  and  by  the  aid  of  which  in  many  cases  they 
made  converts  by  force;  while  in  Sonora  there  were 
no  escorts  and  consequently  no  force  could  have  been 
used,  neither  were  the  temptations  to  cruelty'  so 
strong.  Again  in  California  there  was  at  times  a 
large  foreign  and  coast  trade,  with  opportunities  for 
smuggling,  almost  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the 
friars,  who  were  accused  of  overworking  and  ill-treat 
ing  the  neophytes  with  a  view  to  pecuniary  gain ;  but 
in  Sonora  there  was  no  exterior  commerce,  and  there 
is  no  evidence  that  the  padres  engaged  in  trade  even 
with  the  settlers  and  soldiers,  whom  in  any  case  it 
was  for  their  interest  to  conciliate.  Finally  the  Span 
ish  population  of  Sonora  as  a  mining  country  was 
much  larger  than  that  of  California,  and  of  a  very 
much  more  troublesome  class,  the  Indians  being  at 
the  same  time  not  only  superior  in  numbers  and  in 
telligence,  but  much  more  unmanageable  in  case  of 
trouble. 

The  tedious  investigations  of  this  quarrel  growing 


554  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

out  of  the  Pima  revolt  lasted  five  or  six  years,  and 
the  result  would  seem  to  have  been  a  general  disculpa- 
tion  of  the  Jesuits  from  all  charges  of  maladministra 
tion  of  their  trust.  In  the  mean  time  the  new  presidio 
of  Tubac  had  been  founded  in  1752;5  a  small  garrison 
had  probably  been  stationed  at  Altar;  and  in  1753 
Parrilla  had  been  superseded  by  Governor  Pablo  de 
Arce  y  Arroyo,  who  ruled  about  a  year  and  a  half.6 
During  his  term  of  office  the  Seris  made  overtures 
for  peace  and  were  kept  tolerably  quiet  under  a  prom 
ise  to  grant  so  far  as  possible  their  demands,  which 
were;  the  return  of  their  women  who  had  been  scat 
tered  in  the  south,  the  restoration  of  their  lands  at 
Populo  and  Los  Angeles,  the  re-transfer  of  the  pre 
sidio  from  San  Miguel  to  Pitic,  and  the  appointment 
of  Nicolas  Pereira  as  their  missionary.  Some  of  the 
conditions  it  was  impossible  to  fulfil,  especially  that 
concerning  the  women,  to  which  the  Indians  attached 
most  importance,  and  they  soon  resumed  their  hostil 
ities.7  Still  earlier  they  had  attacked  the  new  mission 
of  San  Jose  de  Guaymas  refounded  in  1751  by  Padre 
Lizazoin,  forcing  the  padre  to  retire,  killing  eight  con 
verts,  scattering  the  hundred  families  of  the  pueblo, 
and  burning  the  church.  For  over  ten  years  they 
seem  to  have  kept  the  Spaniards  out  of  Guaymas.8 

6  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  torn.  i.  212.  This  is  the  earliest  appearance  in 
the  records  of  this  name  Tubac.  The  full  name  was  San  Ignacio  Tubac,  and 
it  was  possibly  at  this  S.  Ignacio  instead  of  the  mission  that  Parrilla  had 
fixed  his  head-quarters  for  putting  down  the  revolt. 

6Sonora,  Resumen  de  Notitias,  223;  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  298. 
Arce  was  perhaps  only  governor  ad  interim.  He  was  appointed  in  l)ec.  1752. 
Castro,  Diario,  iv.  58.  In  Pinart,  Col.  MSS.,  7,  it  appears  that  a  permanent 
garrison  was  established  at  Sta  Barbara  de  Altar  in  1757.  Horcasitas  presidio 
founded  in  1755.  Zumacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  578-9;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  237. 
Presidio  of  Bayorca,  expense  $20,715  per  year.  1758,  Certification  de  Mer 
cedes,  MS.,  42.  S.  Miguel  de  Horcasitas,  $20,065;  S.  Felipe  de  Jesus  de 
Guevavi  y  Terrenate,  $20,665;  Sta  Rosa  Corodeguachi,  or  Fronteras,  $20,665; 
and  Pimeria  Alta  (?),  $20,665.  Id.,  31-41.  Officers  named  in  the  mission  reg 
isters  of  Pimeria  Alta,  chiefly  at  Altar:  Col.  Francisco  Julian  Alvarado,  Capt. 


y  Uavailos,    ex-governor 
Dec.  1757. 

7  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geofj.,  557-8;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  298;  Nay- 
arlt,  Fraa.  Hid.,  MS.,  15-21. 

8  Lizazoin  Iiiforme,  685. 


MAP. 


555 


SONOEA  AND  SlNALOA. 


55G  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

Juan  de  Mendoza  became  governor  in  1755,9  and  at 
once  began  to  wage  a  vigorous  warfare  on  the  Seris, 
who  after  a  year  were  so  hard  pressed  that  they 
sued  for  peace,  suspended  hostilities,  and  asked  for 
time  to  collect  their  scattered  families  for  pueblo  life. 
The  time  being  granted,  it  was  spent  by  Governor 
Mendoza  in  a  tour  of  two  months  to  Pimeria  Alta, 
and  by  the  Seris  in  retiring  with  all  their  property  to 
the  Cerro  Prieto — a  complicated  net- work  of  barran 
cas  and  mountains  about  half  way  between  Guaymas 
and  Hermosillo,  affording  extraordinary  facilities  for 
defence — where  they  could  laugh  at  the  Spaniards' 
ineffectual  efforts.  Mendoza  led  many  expeditions 
against  the  stronghold,  but  the  occasional  killing  of 
an  isolated  fugitive  and  the  capture  of  some  '  pieces 
of  chusma,'  or  women  and  children,  were  the  only 
successes  achieved.  At  last,  on  November  25,  1760, 
the  governor  with  a  hundred  men  succeeded  in  cor 
nering  a  band  of  nineteen  Seris  near  Sacarachi,  who 
bravely  resisted  for  several  hours,  until  their  leader, 
El  Becerro,  fell.  Mendoza  rushed  forward,  and  was 
killed  by  an  arrow  discharged  by  the  dying  chief 
tain.10 

During  the  rule  of  governors  Arce  and  Mendoza, 

9  His  appointment  was  in  January.  Castro,  Diario,  v.  82. 

10  Sonora,  Res  Amen  de  Noticias,  223.     Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  298, 
gives  the  only  details  of  the  governor's  death.     A  document  in  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  3d  ser.  i.  214,  states  that  Mendoza  was  killed  by  a  band  of  Seris  and 
Pimas  who  attacked  the  Real  de  Saracachi.    See  also  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS. , 
95-6.     On  the  same  day  there  were  hostilities  near  Nacori,  GO  leagues  away. 
Mendoza  himself  in  a  letter  to  the  visitador  Carlos  de  Rojas,  dated  Feb.  15, 
1757,  at  Horcasitas,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  84-8,  reports  that  he  has  killed 
no  end  of  Christ's  barbarian  foes  by  the  aid  of  his  glorious  patron  San  Joa- 
quin.     Aug.  29,  1757,  a  council  in  Mexico  on  Indian  affairs  in  Sonora.   Cas 
tro,  Diario,  vi.  170.     One  of  his  successful  campaigns  was  directed  against 
the  fastnesses  of  the  Cerro  Prieto.     Lorenzo  Jose"  Garcia  was  chaplain  on  one 
of  the  expeditions  and  writes  to  the  visitador  Lucas  Atanasio  Merino  on  Nov. 
23,  1760,  describing  it  minutely.     Three  hundred  and  fifty  men  under  tho 
governor  and  captains  Urrea  and  Anza  (?)  had  come  within  sight  of  the  Seris, 
but  on  account  of  the  rough  country,  want  of  horses — 300  having  been  lost — 
desertion  of  allies,  and  wet  powder  it  was  determined  to  return.     The  chap 
lain  advised  this  retreat,  was  blamed  by  somebody,  and  wrote  in  his  own 
defence.  Garcia,  Carta,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  104-20.     Sixty  families  from 
Suaqui,  eight  leagues  south  of  Tecoripa,  took  refuge  in  the  Cerro  Prieto  in 
1760.    They  afterward  went  to  Belen,  and  returned  to  Suaqui  in  17G2.  Reyes t 
Descrip.  de  Misiones,  740-1. 


APACHE  WARFARE.  557 

there  were  several  entradas  into  Apacheria  from  the 
northern  presidios.  In  1754  the  Apaches  killed  the 
curate  of  Fronteras  presidio  on  one  of  his  tours.11  In 
November  1756  Captain  Gabriel  Vildosola  with  fifty 
men  from  Frontreras  and  Terrenate  and  one  hundred 
and  forty  Opata  archers  marched  north-eastward 
eighty-four  leagues  to  where  the  Gila  flowed  out  of 
the  Sierra  de  Mogollon  at  a  place  called  Todos  San 
tos.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Captain  Bernardo  Busta- 
mante  with  seventy  soldiers  and  sixteen  Tarahumares 
from  Chihuahua,  and  the  combined  forces  raided  in 
detachments  over  the  country  lying  between  the  Gila 
and  San  Francisco,  killing  a  few  'gandules'  or  l  bucks/ 
and  taking  an  occasional  piece  of  clmsma.  They 
noticed  many  ruined  edificios,  with  fragments  of  pot 
tery  and  other  relics  of  antiquity,  obtaining  a  very 
accurate  idea  of  local  geography,  but  were  unable  to 
penetrate  the  mountains,  as  they  wished,  by  following 
•the  Gila  above  Todos  Santos.12 

Mendoza  in  his  letter  of  February  15,  1757,  speaks 
of  two  expeditions  to  Apache  land,  one  of  which  was 
probably  the  one  described  by  Sanchez,  the  other 
being  under  the  governor  in  person,  who  inarched  to 
the  Gila,13  three  hundred  and  sixty-two  leagues  out 
and  around  and  back,  in  the  midst  of  winter,  punishing 
the  incorrigible,  encouraging  the  well-disposed,  and 

llTamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  110-11. 

12  Sanchez,  Carta  del  P.  Bartolom6  Sanchez  al  P.  Prior  y  Rector  Juan  An 
tonio  Baltasar  el  a/To  de  1757,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  88-94;  also  MS.     The 
letter  was  written  from  Cuchuta  March  6th.     The  following  names  should  be 
preserved  as  this  is  the  first  definitely  recorded  exploration  of  the  region, 
although  the  record  is  not  sufficient  to  fix  exact  localities:  Sierras  of  Pitai- 
cachi,   Embudos,  Espuclas,  Enmedio,  and  Animas,  between  Fronteras  and 
Janos  some  30  leagues  south  of  the  Gila;  Sto  Domingo,  Penol  de  los  Janeros, 
Sta  Lucia,  Todos  Santos,  and  Sierra  de  Mogollon  (from  a  high  peak  they 
saw  t\vo  branches  from  the  north  and  south  unite  to  form  the  Gila  farther  up 
in  the  mountains);  Rio  S.  Francisco  (impassable);  Casita,  S.  Francisco  Javier 
(both  on  Gila  above  S.  Francisco);  S.  Simon,  Sierra  de  S.  Marcial,  Sierra  de 
Chichicagui;  S.  Bernardino,  15  leagues  from  Fronteras,  22  leagues  from  S. 
Simon,  which  is  20  leagues  south  of  Gila;  S.  Luis,  Guadalupe.     From  Todos 
Santos  New  Mexico  was  thought  to  be  three  days  distant.     The  Sierra  de 
Mogollon  had  been  named  for  a  governor  of  New  Mexico  who  had  been  de 
feated  here  by  the  Apaches. 

13  J/ew/osf/,  Carta,  in  Xonora  Materlales,  84-8.     He  mentions  30  'bucks* 
and  37  pieces  of  clmsma  as  the  fruits  of  this  eiitrada. 


558  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

preparing  the  way  for  future  conquests.  In  July 
1758  Sanchez  writes  again  to  describe  another  entrada 
just  made  under  Vildosola,  in  which  Lieutenant  Juari 
B.  Anza  was  also  engaged.  This  time  again  they 
reached  the  Gila  in  nearly  the  same  region  as  before, 
killing  the  usual  gandules  and  capturing  the  chiisma; 
but  what  more  than  all  else  attracted  their  attention 
was  blankets  and  buffalo-skins  which  the  Apaches  said 
they  had  got  seven  days'  journey  northward  where 
there  were  many  cattle  and  cultivated  lands,  and 
where  the  people  were  not  Apaches.  This  northern 
people  was  supposed  to  be  the  Moquis,  and  the  padre 
announced  the  readiness  of  himself  and  of  the  soldiers 
to  penetrate  to  that  province  if  it  were  deemed  best.14 
Of  subsequent  operations  against  the  Apaches  down 
to  1767,  the  limit  of  the  Jesuit  epoch  and  of  this 
chapter,  there  is  not  much  to  be  said.  The  raids  of 
the  savages  continued,15  and  the  presidio  forces  com 
bated  them  as  best  they  could;  but  only  one  or  two 
entradas  are  specially  mentioned,  and  those  are  of  the 
usual  type  with  the  usual  results.  In  1764  a  promi 
nent  writer  intimately  acquainted  with  the  country's 
affairs  expressed  the  belief  that  campaigns  in  Apache- 
ria  were  utterly  useless,  since  there  were  no  towns 
or  crops  to  destroy,  and  no  property  to  seize,  and  a 
few  women  and  children  as  captives  were  all  that 
could  be  expected.  The  force  should  be  employed  in 
scouring  the  country  between  the  presidios,  to  keep 
the  inhabitants  on  the  alert  and  succor  threatened 
points.  One  year  of  such  policy  would  do  much  to 
relieve  the  country — so  thought,  according  to  this 
writer,  all  who  knew  the  country  well  except  the  pre 
sidio  captains.16  In  October  1765,  monthly  cam 
paigns  by  the  three  presidios  alternately  were  agreed 

14 Sanchez,  Carta..  .al  M.  JR.  Padre  Visitador  Jos6  Roldan  en  el  ano  de 
17o8,  in  Sonora,  Materials,  94-7.  Dated  Cuquiarachi,  July  24th. 

15Lizazorn,  Inform?,  687,  writing  in  1763,  says  the  invasions  of  the  Apaches 
are  not  so  continuous  as  those  of  the  Seris  and  Punas,  but  even  more  disas 
trous  on  account  of  superior  numbers. 

16  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geofj.,  613-16.  See  general  account  of  Apache  rav 
ages  in  Nayarit,  Frag.  Hist.,  MS.,  21-5. 


WAR  ON  THE  APACHES.  559 

upon  in  a  junta  of  captains,  and  two  entradas  were 
made  with  some  results.  One  was  in  February  and 
March  1766,  by  Captain  Anza,  who  was  now  in  com 
mand  at  Tubac.  It  was  like  a  hundred  other  cam 
paigns  ;  forty  captives  in  all  were  taken  and  distributed 
by  lot  among  the  captors;  excellent  reasons  were 
given  as  usual  why  the  success  was  not  more  complete — 
chiefly  the  rough  country  to  w7hich  the  savages  re 
treated  and  the  exhausted  condition  of  soldiers  and 
horses  when  they  overtook  the  foe.  During  Anza's 
absence  the  Apaches  drove  off  three  hundred  cattle 
from  Bac. 

In  April  of  the  same  year  the  governor  ordered  a 
suspension  of  the  campaigns  on  account  of  the  with 
drawal  of  a  part  of  the  force  for  the  Seri  war,  against 
the  protest  of  Captain  Yildosola,  the  commander  at 
Fronteras.     Still  the  captain  and  his  men  marched  to 
the  south,  and  during  their  absence  the  presidio  horses 
were  stampeded,  so  that  before  offensive  operations 
could  be  resumed  new  animals  had  to  be  obtained  and 
trained.     In  May  and  June  1767  a  correspondence 
took  place  between  Vildosola  and  the  governor,  in 
which  the  latter  found  fault  with  the  former's  inaction 
and  neglect  to  punish  the  Apaches;  but  the  captain 
claimed  that  the  savages  were  constantly  coming  in 
to  demand  peace  and  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  and 
that  under  such  circumstances  he  could  not  lawfully 
attack  them.     It  seems  that  the  Indians  made  the 
exchange  of  prisoners  a  most  effective  way  of  entering 
the  province.     They  came  in  fully  armed,  confident 
that  the  Spaniards  would  do  nothing  to  imperil  the 
lives  of  the  captives;  insisted  on  a  particular  spot  of 
their  own  choosing  for  the  exchange;  and  when  it  had 
been  effected  proceeded  to  their  main  business  by  scat 
tering  in  small  bands  over  the  whole  country  to  plun 
der  on  their  roundabout  way  home,  knowing  well  that 
only  a  few  of  the  parties  at  most  could  be  successfully 
interfered  with.     They  often  insisted  also  on  a  truce 
for  a  certain  number  of  clays  to  cover  their  retreat, 


560  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

shrewdly  supposing  that  the  Spaniards  would  not 
break  tne  truce  except  after  red-tape  formalities  of 
proof  which  would  give  them  all  the  time  they  needed.17 

Of  the  missions  and  missionaries  of  Pimeria  Alta 
from  the  revolt  of  1751  down  to  1767,  we  know  but 
little  beyond  the  fact  that  San  Ignacio,  Tubutama, 
Caborca,  Guevavi,  Suamca,  and  Bac,  with  a  few 
pueblos  de  visita,  were  reoccupied  by  the  Jesuits  and 
maintained  a  precarious  existence  to  the  last.  A  few 
neophytes  were  induced  by  the  persuasions  of  the 
padres  and  by  the  hope  of  occasional  protection  from 
the  presidios  against  the  Apaches  to  remain  faithful; 
the  missions  \vere  moreover  convenient  places  for  the 
Pimas,  Sobas,  P^pagos,  and  Sobaipuris  in  which  to 
leave  their  women,  children,  old,  and  infirm  while 
living  themselves  in  the  mountains  or  perhaps  aiding 
the  Seris  and  Pimas  Bajos  in  their  ever  increasing 
depredations;  convenient  resorts  for  food  when  other 
sources  failed,  and  even  well  enough  to  live  in  occa 
sionally  for  brief  periods.  The  natives  lived  for  the 
most  part  as  they  pleased,  not  openly  rebellious  nor 
disposed  to  molest  the  padres  so  long  as  the  latter 
attempted  no  control  of  their  actions,  and  were  will 
ing  to  take  their  part  in  quarrels  with  settlers  or 
soldiers.  Missionary  work  and  progress  were  at  a 
stand-still;  the  Jesuit  establishments  had  only  a  nom 
inal  existence;  the  mission  period  of  Sonora  history 
was  practically  ended.  But  for  the  hostility  between 
Pimas  and  Apaches  the  Spanish  occupation  of  Pime 
ria  Alta  would  probably  have  been  confined  to  the 
four  garrisons  of  Fronteras,  Terrenate,  Tubac,  and 
Altar,  with  a  few  bands  of  adventurous  miners  risk 
ing  an  occasional  sortie  beyond  the  protection  of  the 
presidios.18 


Carta,  March  17,  1766,  in  Sin.  ySon.,  Cartas,  108-12;  Vildosola, 
Carta  (March  29,  1766),  in  Sonora,  Materidles,  186-9;  Id.,  June  8th,  10th,  in 
Id.,  200-6. 

18Mowry,  Arizona.  18-19;  Memoir,  4;  in  Ind.  Affairs,  Kept.,  1857,  297, 
has  much  to  say  of  a  map  made  by  the  Jesuits  in  1757  copied  by  Capt.  Stone 


PIMERfA  ALTA.  561 

Padre  Sedelmair  may  have  returned  to  Tubutama 
for  a  time,  but  later  he  went  south  to  Matape.19  Soon 
after  the  revolt  Alonso  Espinosa  and  perhaps  Ignacio 
Pfefterkom  were  sent  to  Pimeria.  In  or  about  1756 
a  party  of  German  Jesuits  came  to  these  missions, 
one  of  whom,  Bernardo  Midden  dorf,  founded  a  new 
mission  among  the  P&pagos  which  he  soon  left  for 
Mobas  in  the  south,  his  Indians  having  acted  badly, 
stealing  the  padre's  food  and  bringing  him  to  the  cloor 
of  death  with  hunger,  exposure,  and  grief.  The  Ind 
ians,  not  named,  to  whom  padres  Hawe  and  Miguel 
Gerstner  were  sent,  refused  to  receive  them  and  they 
had  to  retire,  the  latter  settling  at  Sarie.  Och  and 
Steiger  served  at  San  Ignacio,  having  also  charge 
of  Imuri  and  Magdalena.  Och  wished  to  attempt 
the  reestablishment  of  Sonoita,  but  his  superior 
deemed  it  unsafe.20  In  1763  according  to  the  report 
of  Padre  Lizazoin,  Espinosa  was  in  charge  of  San 
Javier  del  Bac  and  wrote  that  nearly  all  his  Indians 
except  the  old  and  sick  had  abandoned  the  mission; 
and  the  same  state  of  things  or  worse  existed  at  Tuc 
son,  which  appears  to  have  been  one  of  his  visitas. 
Pfefferkorn  was  at  Guevavi  arid  wrote  that  nearly  all 

from  its  original  in  Mexico,  on  which  are  laid  down  over  40  towns  and  vil 
lages  in  northern  Sonora  and  southern  Arizona.  The  title  of  the  map  and  its 
names  were  written  in  French,  and  it  was  dedicated  by  the  society  of  Jesus 
to  the  king  of  Spain.  Mowry  gives  the  impression  that  he  supposes  these 
'towns  and  villages,'  or  many  of  them,  to  be  Spanish  settlements,  or  at  least 
mission  pueblos;  but  the  names  given  and  doubtless  all  the  rest,  except  the 
few  missions  and  presidios  mentioned  in  the  preceding  text  and  shown  in  my 
maps,  were  those  of  Indian  rancherias  which  had  at  different  times  been 
visited  by  the  Jesuits.  It  is  not  certain  that  in  1757,  excepting  the  presidio 
soldiers,  there  was  a  Spaniard  in  any  one  of  them,  certainly  none  on  the  Gila 
and  north  of  it.  Modern  publications  generally,  and  especially  the  latest, 
such  as  Hinton's  Handbook  and  Iledfjc^  Arizona  as  it  is,  ascribe  to  the  Span 


ish  settlements  of  Sonora  and  Arizona  an  antiquity,  number,  and  prosperity 
very  much  in  excess  of  the  facts  in  the  case. 

19  Apost.  A  fanes,  260-1.    Padre  Baltasar  is  said  to  have  sent  to  Europe  in 
1752  an  account  of  late  events  in  Pimeria.    Vener/as,  Not.  Cal.,  ii.  562. 

20  Och,  Rcize,  in  Murr,  Nachrichten,  72-6.     The  author  relates  that  when 
the  party  on  their  arrival  were  approaching  Ures,  the  German  padre  at  that 
place  thought  to  have  some  fun  at  their  expense,  and  stationed  two  companies 
of  Indians  in  a  wood,  who  at  the  proper  moment  rushed  with  yells  upon  the 
astonished  missionaries.     They  were  naturally  terrified  and  their  mules  still 
more  so,  rushing  into  the  woods  and  leaving  the  padres  piled  up  one  in  a 
heap  rather  promiscuously;  but  the  Indians  were  delighted  with  the  sport. 

HIST.  N.  MKX.  SiATts,  VOL.  I.    36 


562  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

the  Pdpagos  had  fled  from  Tumacacori  and  Calabazas, 
only  the  Pimas  remaining.  The  Indians  pretended 
to  be  influenced  by  fear  of  the  Apaches,  but  it  was 
feared  this  was  but  a  pretext  for  robberies.  Experi 
ence  had  taught  that  the  submission  of  both  Piuias 
and  Papagos,  was  but  "a  slumbering  flame  covered 
with  ashes."21 

The  abandonment  of  Tucson,  where  it  would  seem 
there  had  been  a  few  settlers  de  razon,  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  governor,  who  ordered  some  investi 
gation  to  be  made  with  a  view  to  bringing  back  the 
Indians,  making  certain  changes  of  location,  or  estab 
lishing  new  missions.  Padre  Manuel  Aguirre,  who 
was  perhaps  visitador,  wrote  several  letters  on  the 
subject  and  made  inquiries  of  Espinosa  at  Bac.  Un 
fortunately  the  fragments  of  the  correspondence  are 
not  sufficiently  complete  to  show  the  state  of  things 
in  the  north  nor  exactly  what  changes  were  proposed; 
but  it  does  not  matter  much  since  nothing  was  done. 
Aguirre  was  in  favor  of  bringing  in  the  Papagos 
to  the  valleys  of  San  Luis,  Buena  Vista,  and  Santa 
Barbara,  and  called  on  the  provincial  for  two  new 
padres;  the  presidio  of  Tubac  would  guard  against 
the  retreat  of  the  Papagos;  Terrenate  would  keep  the 
Sobaipuris  in  their  valley;  Fronteras  would  attend  to 
the  Apaches;  while  Altar  and  San  Miguel  would  be 
left  for  the  Cerro  Prieto  foe.  The  governor,  however, 
concluded  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  send  any  padres 
nor  to  attempt  the  reduction  of  the  Sobaipuris,  fear 
ing  that  an  attempt  to  exercise  any  restraint  would 
convert  that  people  from  friends  into  foes.22 

Bishop  Pedro  Tamaron  visited  Sonora  in  1760  on 
his  grand  diocesan  tour,  and  while  he  did  not  reach 
Pimeria  Alta  he  included  statistics  of  those  missions 
in  his  report,  which  I  give  in  a  note.  It  is  not  un 
likely  that  the  date  should  be  a  few  years  later,  agree 
ing  with  report  rather  than  with  the  visit.  For  1764 

21  Lizazoin,  Informe,  686. 

22  Aguirre  and  Pineda,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  124-38. 


BISHOP'S  VISIT.  563 

there  is  extant  a  report  which  gives  the  names  of 
missionaries  serving  at  the  different  establishments. 
The  original  mission  records  in  my  possession  give 
the  names  of  both  the  regular  missionaries  and  of 
visiting  Jesuits  from  other  Pimeria  missions  and  from 
those  of  Sonora  in  the  south,  it  being  often  impossi 
ble  to  distinguish  clearly  between  the  different  classes. 
And  finally  we  have  the  catalogue  of  the  Jesuits 
serving  at  the  time  of , the  expulsion  in  1767.  I  have 
united  the  information  from  these  four  sources  in  an 
appended  note.23  Jesuits  whom  we  have  met  in 

23  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  112-16;  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geog.,  566-84;  Pinart, 
Col.  de  Pimeria  Alta,  passim;  Compania de  Jesus,  Catdlogo. 

Suamca  (Sta  Maria),  30  1.  N.  w.  Arizpe,  pop.  114  Indians;  Cocospera  (San 
tiago),  10 1.  s.,  133  Ind.  P.  Jose"  Barrera,  in  1764,  no  record  of  Keller's  retire 
ment.  Barrera — called  Diego — still  in  1767.  According  to  the  mission  books 
the  pueblos  de  visita  were  S.  Juan  Quiburi,  Santiago  Optuabo,  S.  Andre's 
Esqugbaag  or  Baclz,  S.  Pablo  Baibcat,  S.  Pedro  Turisai,  Sta  Cruz  Babisi. 
Padres  whose  names  appear:  Keller,  1751-9;  Vega,  1751;  Nentoig,  1753; 
Joaquiii  Felix  Diaz,  1760;  Francisco  Alava,  1756-7;  Juan  Labora,  1757;  Bar 
rera,  1760-7;  Miguel  Elias  Gonzalez  (?),  1767-8. 

Terrenate  (S.  Felipe  Gracia  {Real),  presidio,  4  1.  N.  Suamca,  30  1.  w. 
Fronteras,  pop.  411  gente  de  razon,  including  garrison  of  50  men  under  Capt. 
Francisco  Elias  Gonzalez. 

Guevavi  (S.  Miguel),  20  1.  N.  N.  w.  Suamca,  111  Ind.;  Calabazas,  1.5  1.  N. 
W.,  116  Ind.;  Sonoita,  7  1.  E.  N.  E.,  91  Ind.  [a  visita  of  Tubutama  in  1764]; 
Tuniacacori,  8  1.  N.  N.  w.,  199  Ind.  In  this  district  there  were  also  172  gente 
de  razon  at  Guevavi,  Sta  Barbara,  and  Buenavista.  Padre  Jimeno  in  charge 
in  1764.  Succeeded  by  Pedro  Rafael  Diez  before  1767. 

Tubac  (S.  Ignacio)  presidio,  4  1.  N.  Guevavi,  pop.  421  de  razon,  including 
50  soldiers  under  Capt.  Juan  B.  Anza.  Tubac  is  in  the  curacy  of  Nacosari 
80  1.  distant,  but  has  a  chaplain,  Bro.  Jose"  Manuel  Diaz  del  Carpio,  brother 
of  the  captain's  wife. 

Bac  (S.  Javier),  26  1.  N.  Tubac,  399  Ind.;  Tucson,  5  1.  N.,  331  Ind.  Padre 
Espinosa  in  charge  in  1764-7.  No  mention  of  any  white  population  at 
Tucson. 

Saric  (Santiago),  >30  1.  s.  w.  Guevavi,  6  1.  Bac,  212  Ind.;  Aquimuri  (Qui 
buri?),  4  1.  E.,  67  Ind.;  Arizona,  5  1.  N.  E.,  15  Ind.,  45  gente  de  razon,  here 
were  the  '  Bolas  de  Plata  de  Agua  Caliente;'  Busani,  3  1.  jr.,  41  Ind.  Padre 
Gerstner  in  charge  1764-7. 

Tubutama  (S.  Pedro),  7  1.  s.  Saric,  368  Ind.;  Sta  Teresa,  5  1.  w.,  156  Ind. 
Had  Sonoita  as  a  visita  in  1764,  and  Ati  and  Oquitoa  down  to  1757.  Padre 
Vivas  in  charge  1764-7. 

Ati  (S.  Francisco),  7  1.  w.  Tubutama,  142  Ind.;  Oquitoa  (S.  Antonio),  7  1. 
w.,  131  Ind.  Down  to  1757  both  were  visitas  of  Tubutama,  and  again  in 
1762  apparently  after  the  death  of  P.  Jose"  Haffenrichter.  Names  of  padres 
appearing  in  the  mission  books :  Pfefferkorn,  1757-61;  Gerstner,  1757;  Vivas, 
1759-67;  Haffemichter,  1761-2;  Francisco  Javier  Villaroya,  1763;  Jos6  Mco- 
Ids  Mesa  [at  Altar],  1763-S;  Juan  Gorgoll  [perhaps  not  a  Jesuit],  1763-87; 
Espinosa,  1765-6;  Diez,  1767. 

Altar  (Sta  Gertrudis),  presidio,  7  1.  s.  Ati,  pop.  285  de  razon,  including 
garrison  of  50  men  under  Capt.  Bernardo  Urrea,  Served  by  the  padre  of  Ati. 

Caborca  (Concepcion),  13  1.  w.  Altar,  556  Ind.;  Pitic  (or  Pitiqui),  2  1.  E., 


564  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

Pimeria  Alta,  but  who  in  1764-7  were  serving  in 
other  parts  of  Sonora,  were  Garrucho,  Nentoig,  Och, 
Middendorff,  Pfefferkorn,  Sedelmair,  and  Villaroya. 

On  Mendoza's  death  in  1760  Jose  Tienda  de  Cuervo 
became  governor  ad  interim,  ruled  for  two  years,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Juan  Claudio  de  Pineda  in  1762.24 
Under  these  rulers,  but  not  necessarily  by  their  fault, 
matters  in  Sonora  went  on  from  bad  to  worse.  The 
Apaches,  as  we  have  seen,  kept  up  their  depredations 
on  the  northern  frontier;  the  Seris  and  Pimas  of  the 
south-west  were  also  unceasing  in  their  hostilities; 
many  of  the  mission  Indians  were  only  nominally 
submissive;  the  padres  misioneros  had  lost  all  real 
control  over  the  neophytes  through  the  interference 
of  Spanish  settlers  and  the  growing  arrogance  and 
independence  of  native  chiefs  under  the  settlers' 
promptings;  local  troubles  and  petty  revolts  were  of 
frequent  occurrence;  the  savage  raiders  plundered 
and  killed  almost  with  impunity  on  account  not  only 
of  the  smallness  of  the  military  force,  but  of  the 
presence  in  almost  every  pueblo  of  confederates  who 
made  known  each  movement  and  plan  of  the  soldiers ; 
Entradas  to  the  Cerro  Prieto  and  other  strongholds 
of  the  foe  were  frequent  but  ineffectual,  as  no  consid 
erable  number  of  the  savages  could  ever  be  overtaken 
together.  Meanwhile  population  was  decreasing;  mis 
sions,  pueblos,  mines,  and  ranches  were  being  aban 
doned;  and  officials  of  different  grades  and  branches 

269  Ind.;  Bisani,  51.  E.,  241  Ind.;  P.  Antonio  Maria  Beutz  (or  Beroz),  in 
1764;  P.  Custodio  Jimenez  in  1767.  P.  Vega  also  on  the  registers  of  Pitiqui 
in  1766-7. 

San  Ignacio,  45  1.  E.  Caborca,  98  Ind.;  Imuris  (S.  Jose"),  3  1.  N.  E.,  326 
Ind.;  Magdalena,  2  1.  s.,  107  Ind.;  also  131  gente  de  razon  at  Sta  Ana.  In 
charge  of  P.  Francisco  Paver  1764-7,  Steiger  having  died  in  1762.  Other 
names  on  the  registers  of  S.  Ignacio  and  Magdalena;  Vivas,  1753-4;  Espi- 
nosa,  1754-5;  Bentz,  1756;  Och,  1756-8;  Francisco  Gutierrez,  1756-7;  Juan 
Antonio  Zedano,  1756;  Alava,  1756-7:  Middendorff,  1756-8;  Pfefferkorn, 
1756;  Gerstner,  1756-7;  Mesa,  1767-8. 

2*  According  to  the  generally  accurate  Sonora,  Eesumen  de  Noticias,  223-4, 
Cuervo's  term  began  in  1761,  and  Pineda's  in  1763;  but  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  iii.  298-9,  gives  the  former  date  as  1760,  and  P.  Salgado  writes  to  Pineda 
aa  governor  in  Oct.  1762.  Sonora,  Materiales,  120-4. 


REPORTS  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS.  565 

of  the  service  were  calling  upon  Mexico  and  Spain 
for  aid,  each  giving  his  views  as  to  the  only  practica 
ble  means  for  saving  Sonora  from  impending  ruin. 

An  anonymous  writer  of  1760,  or  thereabouts, 
deems  the  remedy  to  be  a  large  reenforcement  of 
troops,  not  less  than  three  thousand,  to  become  set 
tlers  later,  and  to  be  infantry  instead  of  the  cavalry 
hitherto  sent.'25  In  1761  Governor  Cuervo  sent  a  large 
force  to  the  Seri  country,  and  the  campaign  was  one 
of  the  most  successful  of  its  class;  yet  but  little  was 
really  accomplished.26  In  November  1762  another 
expedition  was  fitted  out,  the  first  under  Governor 
Pineda's  orders.27  The  prominent  men  of  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora  sent  a  representation  to  the  new  governor — 
probably  Pineda  in  1762 — on  the  great  things  that 
were  expected  of  him ;  but  they  seem  to  have  had  no 
very  clear  idea  of  the  measures  that  were  to  afford 
the  desired  relief.23  In  1763  Padre  Tomas  Ignacio 
Lizazoin  made  a  long  report  on  the  unfortunate  con 
dition  of  the  province  resulting  from  the  '  inhuman 
cruelty'  and  ravages  of  Seris,  Pimas,  and  Papagos, 
which  had  caused  the  almost  total  abandonment  of 
Pirneria  and  Sonora  provinces,  the  inhabitants  having 
taken  refuge  in  Ostimuri  and  Sinaloa.  The  padres 
dared  not  enforce  proper  discipline  for  fear  of  provok 
ing  a  general  revolt  in  the  missions.  Instances  of 
attack  and  murder  were  given,  and  the  writer  laid 
great  stress — his  report  was  probably  to  the  viceroy — 
on  the  great  mineral  wealth  that  was  being  lost.  His 

25  Sonora,  Descrip.  Suscinta,  702-7.  Horses  required  too  much  time  in 
care,  could  not  reach  the  mountain  retreats,  and  were  moreover  the  chief 
temptation  to  raiders.  Expense  can  be  no  objection  to  a  king  who  spends 
so  much  on  a  whim  in  S.  America. 

2G  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  298-9,  mentions  a  battle  on  Nov.  7th  in 
which  420  Spaniards  and  Indians  killed  49  Seris,  and  took  63  with  322  horses. 
According  to  Sonora,  Descrip.  Geoy.,  562,  the  Pima  allies  suffered  more  than 
the  Seris,  as  they  deserved  for  their  lying  promises  to  the  Spaniards. 

27  Salrjado,  Carta,  in  Sonora,  Materials,  120-4.  The  padre  writes  that  in 
spite  of  precautions  the  plans  are  known  to  the  foe.  The  rations  for  this 
campaign  were  1  almud  of  pinole  for  25  men,  and  1  vara  of  tasajo  for  3  men 
per  day.  He  writes  from  his  Yaqui  mission  of  Uiribis,  and  calls  attention  to 
a  gathering  of  Indians  between  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  at  Cocoraqui  on  pre 
tence  of  sowing,  but  really  to  be  free  from  all  authority. 

2S  Sonora,  Materiales,  207-18. 


566  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  1ST  SONORA. 

plan  for  relief  was  two-fold:  First,  as  a  temporary 
expedient  two  new  presidios  near  Gnaymas  and  Ba- 
bispe  should  be  established,  made  independent  of  the 
pueblos  as  in  California,  and  otherwise  modified  to 
ensure  effective  service.  Secondly,  the  province  should 
be  settled  by  Spaniards,  there  being  plenty  of  '  lazy 
and  useless'  people  in  the  large  cities  suitable  for  the 
purpose!29 

The  anonymous  author  of  the  valuable  work  on 
Sonora  in  1764  which  I  have  so  often  had  occasion 
to  cite,30  after  giving  a  most  complete  description  of 
the  province  and  its  condition,  has  bub  very  little  to 
say  in  his  closing  chapter  of  the  best  method  of  free 
ing  Sonora  from  her  scourges,  beyond  recommending 
a  general  policy  of  trust  in  God  and  dry  powder. 
The  Seri  and  Pima  confederates,  however,  should  be 
removed  to  some  country  beyond  the  sea;  the  right 
to  do  this  cannot  be  questioned,  and  the  expense 
would  be  more  than  repaid  by  the  revival  of  mining 
and  agricultural  industry.  Padre  Salgado,  ajri  old 
veteran  who  had  spent  twenty-four  years  in  this  field, 
wrote  to  the  governor  in  August  1764  attributing  a 
part  of  the  prevalent  evils,  in  the  Yaqui  district  at 
least,  to  the  scandalous  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  and 
residents  of  color  quebrantado,  who  lived  "  sin  Dios, 
ley  ni  Rey."  In  former  times  the  so-called  white 
settlers  had  been  subject  to  the  pueblo  justices,  and 
should  be  made  so  again,  since  their  lawless  conduct 
results  from  the  great  distance  of  Spanish  judges.31 

29  Llzazoin,  Informe,  683-702.     The  only  difficulty  is  that  of  transporta 
tion,  for  which  vessels  should  run  between  Acapulco  and  Guaymas.     These 
vessels  would  more  than  pay  their  cost  by  the  transportation  of  soldiers  and 
supplies,  and  by  the  increased  product  of  the  mines;  but  if  the  government 
will  not  pay  for  them,  doubtless  the  merchants  of  Mexico  will  do  it,  if  allowed 
to  hold  an  annual  fair  at  Yaqui  or  Guaymas. 

30  Sonora,  Description  Geograjica,  Natural  y  Citriosa  de  la  Provlncia  de 
Sonora  por  un  amicjo  del  sermcio  de  Dios  y  del  Key  Nr.  Sr.,  ano  de  1764,  in 
Sonora,  Materials,  489-616;  also  MS.     On  Seri  and  Pima  troubles  of  1764, 
see  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  181-3;  Galvez,  Inform?.,  139-40. 

31  Salgado,  Carta  (Aug.  23d),  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  140-1.     In  another 
letter,  Id.,  130-3,  Salgado  contradicts  the  rumors  of  an  inpending  revolt  of 
the  Yaquis,  who  lie  says  are  behaving  splendidly.     On  June  10,  1765,  Juan 
Jose"  Montaiio  writes  to  the  governor,  Id,,  142-4,  from  Oposura  to  complain 


CANCIO'S  LETTERS.  5(37 

To  Don  Pedro  Gabriel  de  Aragon,  who  wrote  from 
Alamos  on  September  G,  1765,  the  salvation  of  the 
county  seemed  to  depend  on  the  establishment  of  a 
new  presidio  south  of  the  Yaqui  instead  of  in  the 
north,  he  insisting  that  the  greatest  interests  and 
the  greatest  dangers  lay  in  Ostimuri,  and  that  the 
fatal  mistake  in  the  past  had  been  too  exclusive  atten 
tion  to  the  sterile  north.32  The  presidio  was,  how 
ever,  established  at  San  Carlos  de  Buenavista. 

In  January  1766  the  Indians  of  Suaqui,  or  most 
of  them,  ran  away  and  Captain  Lorenzo  Cancio,  co- 
mandante  at  Buenavista,  was  ordered  by  the  governor 
to  investigate  and  report  upon  the  matter.  This 
duty,  among  his  first  in  Sonora,  Cancio  performed 
with  great  zeal,  presenting  a  voluminous  report  from 
which  little  more  appears  than  that  the  fugitives  had 
been  enticed  away  to  join  the  Seri  foe.33  It  is  to 
Cancio's  letters  that  we  must  look  for  a  very  large 
part  of  all  that  is  known  of  Sonora  history  for  several 
years.  The  Mexican  authorities  were  now  somewhat 
aroused  to  the  importance  of  energetic  measures;  a 
military  expedition  under  the  immediate  command  of 
Colonel  Domingo  Elizonclo  and  under  the  general 
supervision  of  the  visitador  general,  Jose  de  Galvez, 
was  determined  on;  and  Cancio  was  the  man  who 
superintended  the  preparations  for  the  expedition  and 
who  was  intrusted  with  the  Jesuits'  expulsion,  of 
which  more  hereafter.  He  \vas  not  only  a  zealous 
and  able  officer,  but  a  graceful  and  industrious  writer. 
If  the  events  noted  by  him  are  for  the  most  part  of  a 

of  constant  depredations  of  Apaches  and  Seris,  and  of  the  mission's  destitu 
tion  and  defenceless  condition.  He  attributes  many  of  the  disasters  to  the 
people's  carelessness  in  going  unarmed  and  not  keeping  together;  has  fined 
some  of  them  12  to  25  pesos  for  this. 

32  Arayon,  Carta,  in  Sonora,  Materials,  182-6. 

33  Cancio,  Noticias  sacadas  de  /o.s  autos  que  formo  D.  Lorenzo  Cancio  solre 
Jafucjii  quehicieronlos  Indioft  del  pneblode  Suaqui,  in  Sonora,  Materiales,  145- 
81.     The  writer  seems  to  feel  called  upon  to  record  in  detail  and  with  all 
possible  legal  formality  and  circumlocution,  every  step  taken  and  every  word 
littered  from  the  time'  he  received  the  governor's  order  to  the  final  delivery 
of  the  papers.     P.  Francisco  Javier  Gonzalez  was  now  missionary  at  Suaqui, 
and  the  fugitives  numbered  perhaps  300  men. 


568  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

trivial  nature  of  no  great  interest  to  the  reader  of 
history,  it  was  riot  his  fault,  but  because  there  were 
no  more  important  matters  to  be  recorded.34 

July  21,   1766,  Cancio  addresses  the  viceroy  ex 
plaining  the  nature  of  the  Sonora  warfare  and  the 
reasons  why  three  hundred  regular  soldiers  cannot 
restore  quiet,  although  they  could  easily  defeat  the 
combined  forces  of  the  foe  in  a  pitched  battle.     The 
runaway  Sububapas  of  Suaqui  have  committed  many 
hostilities,  even  attacking  the  presidio  of  San  Car 
los;    but  being  repulsed  they  have   come  to   Belen 
and  made  peace  with  Captain  Vildosola,  falsely  claim 
ing  to  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  attack.     The 
writer  has  no  faith  in  the  peace  and  will  undertake  a 
decisive  campaign  in  September.35    In  June  a  military 
junta  in  Mexico  had  authorized  Governor  Pineda  to 
raise  'flying  militia  companies'  for  service  in  the  prov 
ince;  but  Pineda  in  view  of  the  submission  of  the 
Suaquis,  the  approach  of  Elizondo's  army,  instruc 
tions  to  be  economical,  and  lack  of  direct  orders  from 
the  viceroy,  hesitated  and  consulted  Cancio,  who  on 
September  llth  replies,  enclosing  the  resolutions  of 
the  junta  which  had  been  sent  to  him  by  Galvez.    He 
urges  the  immediate  formation  of  the  companies,  the 
submission  of  the  rebels  being  too  sudden  and  volun 
tary  to  be  real,  and  there  having  been  no  movement 
of  the  Mexican  troops  as  late  as  July  26th — in  fact 
the  timber  not  yet  having  been   cut  of  which  the 
transport  vessels   were  to  be  built!36     On   the   22d 
Galvez  wrote  to  Cancio  that  he  could  not  rely  on 
the  treasury  to  defray  expenses,  but  could  get  two 

3i  Cancio,  Carta*,  in  Slnaloa  y  Sonora,  Cartas,  158-334.  The  letters  are 
40  in  number  dated  from  1766  to  1709,  and  chiefly  directed  to  Gov.  Pineda. 
He  often  addresses  the  governor  in  the  most  familiar  terms,  and  seems  to  have 
done  always  very  much  as  he  pleased,  calling  on  Pineda  to  ratify  his  acts  as 
a  matter  of  course.  His  letters  are  often  amusing  as  well  as  important. 

35  Cancio,  Cartas,  164-9.  The  viceroy  replies  on  Sept.  13th,  saying  noth 
ing  in  particular. 

^Cancio,  Cartas,  158-63.  The  writer  dwells  on  the  good  that  may  be 
done  by  the  militia  in  preparing  for  a  grand  blow  when  the  troops  shall  come. 
But  Sonora  and  Ostimuri  are  so  depopulated  that  they  should  not  be  called 
upon  for  militia  recruits  save  as  volunteers. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  PROSPERITY.  569 

hundred  thousand  pesos  from  merchants  in  Mexico 
and  Spain,  with  which  sum  he  hoped  to  reconquer 
Sonora  and  to  found  thirty  Spanish  settlements  on  or 
near  the  Yaqui.  In  his  reply  of  October  31st  the 
captain  states  his  belief  that  instead  of  founding  new 
settlements  it  would  be  better  to  reenforce  old  and 
abandoned  ones,  add  Spaniards  to  the  Indian  pueblos, 
and  encourage  intermarriage.  Besides  the  Yaqui  dis 
trict  was  in  better  condition  and  needed  settlers  less 
than  any  other.  But  this  matter  of  colonization  is  a 
secondary  one  that  can  be  attended  to  later;  the  first 
thing  is  to  conquer  the  Seris  and  Pimas,  and  that 
scourge  removed  prosperity  will  surely  return.  One 
half  the  sum  mentioned  will  suffice  for  the  conquest; 
as  to  colonization  it  will  be  well  to  go  slowly  and  try 
experiments.  Transport  vessels  are  now  being  built 
on  the  Rio  Santiago,  arms  have  been  received  at 
Horcasitas,  and  two  flying  companies  are  being  or 
ganized.37 

March  3,  1767,  Cancio  reports  the  murder  of  the 
curate  of  Bayoreca  at  Los  Cangrejos.33  March  23d 
Bernardo  de  Urrea  advises  the  governor  from  Altar 
that  in  his  opinion  either  Belen  or  Pitic  would  be  a 
better  base  of  operations  than  Guaymas;39  yet  the 
latter  place  was  chosen,  and  work  was  immediately 
begun  there  on  soldiers'  quarters,  warehouses,  water- 

37  Cancio,  Cartas,  158-79.  The  troops  sent  from  Mexico  should  be 
dragoons,  and  200  in  number;  200  soldiers  will  be  taken  from  the  6  presidios, 
the  full  force  being  left  at  Fronteras,  and  the  rest  being  replaced  by  militia 
temporarily;  the  two  flying  companies  will  furnish  100  men;  200  Indians 
should  be  taken  along,  chiefly  to  be  shown  how  the  Spaniards  can  fight,  for 
they  generally  do  nothing  and  boast  much.  Supplies  for  6  months  will  be 
stored  at  Pitic  under  a  militia  reserve.  From  August  to  February  is  the  best 
time  for  operations,  which  should  be  conducted  in  several  divisions  so  as  to 
force  the  foe  to  concentrate.  Provisions  can  be  obtained  from  missions  and 
ranches,  but  bakers  must  be  brought,  and  money  which  as  a  curiosity  will 
have  a  good  effect,  also  clothing,  tobacco,  soap,  and  strong  shoes.  There  is 
not  a  man  on  the  coast  who  can  make  any  part  of  a  ship,  and  the  few  pearl- 
tishing  craft  here  will  be  of  little  use  as  transports.  The  writer  names  about 
20  wealthy  men  who  can  and  probably  will  contribute  either  money  or  cattle. 
A  copy  of  this  letter  was  sent  to  Gov.  Pineda  on  November  21st. 

36  Cancio,  Cartas,  181-3.  '  What  a  sound  this  will  have  in  Mexico,'  saya 
he;  'instants  are  centuries  till  this  region  is  protected.'  Many  of  his  letters 
on  petty  details  I  have  not  noticed. 


petty  detz 
39  Sonora, 


Materials,  192-4. 


570  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

tanks,  surveys  of  the  port,  and  storing  of  supplies. 
Cancio  made  one  or  two  personal  visits  to  assure  him 
self  that  the  work  was  being  properly  done,  and  his 
letters  from  April  to  June  are  almost  exclusively 
occupied  with  the  details  of  this  matter.40  Writing 
on  July  5th  he  has  heard  by  private  letters  that  Eli- 
zondo  and  his  troops  were  at  Tepic  in  May,  but  that 
the  vessels  could  not  get  out  of  the  Rio  Santiago 
before  the  rise  of  water  in  September.  The  colonel 
had  however  detained  the  California  barco  and  Osio's 
lancha,  and  was  awaiting  permission  from  the  viceroy 
to  embark  with  at  least  two  hundred  men,  who  might 
therefore  be  expected  to  arrive  any  day.41 

Captain  Antonio  Casimiro  Esparza  writes  to  the 
governor  the  2d  of  October  from  Bacanora,  describing 
one  of  the  typical  Apache  raids  and  the  steps  taken 
to  punish  the  savages,  all  so  vague  as  to  be  useless. 
He  also  complains  of  the  people's  carelessness  despite 
their  danger,  and  will  if  permitted  oblige  all  the  men 
to  appear  daily  at  review  as  at  mass,  to  go  always 
armed,  and  to  keep  their  horses  ready.  This  will 
cause  dissatisfaction  and  some  will  have  to  be  put  in 
the  stocks ;  but  in  no  other  way  can  the  savage  bands 
be  pursued  at  once  without  the  usual  delay  of  search- 

40  Cartas,  184-205.  Lieut.  Oliva  was  Cancio's  assistant,  and  Capt.  Bergosa 
commanded  one  of  the  flying  companies.  Gov.  Pineda  seems  to  have  done 
some  active  service,  for  April  19th,  27th,  Cancio  warns  him  not  to  go  on  with  his 
small  force,  as  Padre  Salgado  writes  that  it  is  unsafe  and  the  province  cannot 
afford  to  lose  another  governor.  The  Indians  made  a  dash  into  Guaymas  on 
May  10th,  and  drove  off  a  few  horses.  The  crops  were  good  except  in  Osti- 
muri  and  the  Indians  were  restricted  in  their  sales.  The  pearl-craft  were 
impressed  into  the  transportation  service.  June  3d,  Cancio  answers  a  letter 
from  Mexico  of  Jan.  5th,  announcing  the  departure  of  Corbalan,  the  comisa- 
rio  de  guerra,  and  complimenting  both  Cancio  and  Vildosola.  The  former 
thanks  the  writer,  but  is  evidently  uneasy  about  the  praise  awarded  to  Vildo 
sola,  who  as  he  mysteriously  hints  is  not  worthy  of  much  confidence  and 
knows  but  little  of  Indian- fighting.  Lieut.  Lumbreras  seems  to  have  been  in 
command  at  Guaymas.  The  captain  neglected  nothing,  and  June  25th  assured 
the  governor  that  the  privies  for  the  army  were  being  constructed  in  the  most 
approved  style. 

nCartas,  205-8.  He  is  very  anxious  that  all  be  ready  for  the  troops'  re 
ception,  as  it  would  have  been  long  ere  this  had  his  advice  been  followed  ! 
He  complains  of  the  system  of  Corbalan,  now  at  San  Antonio,  in  paying  out 
moneys.  Sept.  2Gth,  Juan  Jose  Echeveste  writes  from  Mexico  a  most  melan 
choly  letter  expressing  anxiety  about  the  expedition,  which  probably  cannot 
leave  Mataiichel  before  the  middle  of  November.  Sin.  y  /Son.,  Cartas,  124-8. 


A  STATE  OF  SUSPENSE.  571 

ing  for  and  repairing  arms,  making  balls,  preparing 
supplies  amid  the  lamentations  of  women  and  a  scene 
of  inevitable  confusion.42  Cancio  states  that  he  has 
enlisted  one  hundred  and  thirty  Yaquis,  paid  them 
two  reales  each,  and  caused  them  to  shout  "Viva  el 
Hey."  For  these  allies  he  must  have  two  hundred 
and  fifty  fanegas  of  pinole.43  October  14th  he  writes 
of  impending  trouble  with  the  Yaquis,  those  of  Bacum 
and  Vicam  having  deserted  their_pueblos.  The  curate 
of  Bayoreca,  Francisco  Ildefonso  Felix,  is  accused  of 
having  incited  this  revolt,  by  telling  the  Indians  the 
Spaniards  were  coming  to  take  away  their  property.44 
November  19th  he  recommends  changes  in  Indian 
governors,  because  the  Jesuits  had  always  selected 
the  most  severe  and  cruel  for  the  position,  and  now 
the  Indians  should  be  led  to  expect  kinder  treatment. 
There  was  a  prevalent  idea  among  the  natives  that 
the  troops  were  coming  to  kill  them,  and  it  was  feared 
some  trouble  might  occur  when  the  vessels  first  came 
in  sight.  Finally  on  December  16th  Cancio  closes 
the  correspondence  of  the  year  with  some  unimportant 
remarks  on  the  progress  of  the  work  at  Guaymas.45 
The  preceding  resume  of  correspondence,  vague  as 
it  is,  gives  an  idea  not  only  of  all  that  is  known,  but 
probably  of  all  there  was  to  know  of  Sonora  history 
at  this  epoch.  It  was  an  epoch  of  suspense  and  ex 
pectation  for  all  classes.  The  Indians  were  in  doubt 
whether  the  great  military  expedition  of  which  they 

42 Exparza,  in  Sin.  y  Son.,  Cartas,  124-8. 

43  Cartas,  220-2.  As  the  next  crops  will  be  a  failure  in  Yaqui  district, 
much  of  the  pinole  must  be  bought  elsewhere. 

44 Id.,  222-4.  He  proposes  to  reconnoitre  the  Rio  Mayo,  for  the  Mayos  and 
Fuertenos  will  be  sure  to  follow  the  Yaquis  in  a  revolt.  Oct.  28th,  he  writes 
to  Joaquin  Alcaide  that  the  men  of  Ostimuri  must  reconnoitre  all  exposed 
places  four  times  a  month,  and  must  also  protect  the  country  during  the 
coming  campaign.  Id.,  225-7.  Nov.  10th,  he  sends  a  memorial  of  the  militia 
captain  EsWvan  Gandarilla  asking  for  the  privileges  granted  to  his  rank 
in  the  Spanish  army — that  is,  immunity  from  the  jurisdiction  of  civil  author 
ities.  Cancio  favors  the  claim  as  the  militia  captains  are  usually  the  best 
gentlemen  of  the  province  and  their  chief  incentive  is  the  desired  immunity. 
Id.,  229-31. 

45 Id.,  231-9.  He  also  hints  that  somebody  does  not  know  so  much  about 
something  as  somebody  would  have  somebody  suppose — perhaps  referring  to 
Capt.  Vildosola  of  whom  he  was  very  jealous. 


572  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  GONORA. 

heard  so  much  was  to  benefit  or  annihilate  them, 
many  suspecting  that  no  expedition  was  coming  at 
all;  but  there  are  some  indications  that  during  the 
period  of  suspense  they  were  less  hostile  than  before. 
All  Spaniards  looked  forward  to  Elizondo's  arrival  as 
the  panacea  that  was  to  cure  all  the  ills  of  the  prov 
ince  by  crushing  the  savages.  This  scourge  once 
removed,  the  Jesuits  fairly  out  of  the  way,  and  a 
military  force  in  readiness  to  hold  rebellious  neophytes 
in  check,  the  settlers  and  miners  looked  forward  to  a 
renewed  era  of  prosperity  and  ease.  Meanwhile  they 
did  nothing  but  wait. 

There  is  little  to  be  said  of  the  Jesuit  missions  and 
missionaries  in  the  last  years.  The  padres'  authority 
and  influence  were  well  nigh  gone,  save  over  a  few 
women,  children,  and  infirm  old  men;  they  were  re 
garded  with  ever  increasing  jealousy  and  hatred  by 
the  settlers;  and  many  of  them,  especially  the  Ger 
man  element  of  new-comers,  became  discouraged  arid 
fretful,  remaining  to  perform  mechanically  the  routine 
of  mission  duties  only  in  obedience  to  superior  orders. 
Like  all  other  classes  they  were  waiting  for  a  change, 
which  in  their  case  came,  before  the  arrival  of  troops 
from  Mexico,  in  a  radical  and  unexpected  form — their 
expulsion  from  the  province  and  from  America.  Statis 
tics  from  the  bishop's  visita,  the  descriptive  list,  and  the 
Jesuit  catalogue,  corresponding  to  those  already  given 
for  Pirneria  Alta,  are  appended  in  a  note,  in  which  I 
include  the  province  of  Sinaloa  proper  and  Ostimuri, 
and  to  which  I  add  Tamaron's  statistics  of  the  south 
ern  coast  provinces  from  Culiacan  to  Rosario.46  From 

46  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.;  Sonora,  Descrip.,  Geog.,  566-84;  Comp.  Jesiis, 
Catdlofjo. 

Rectorate  of  S.  Francisco  Borja.  Onapa,  33Ind.;  Taraichi,  14  1.  E.,  50Ind. 
P.  Miguel  Almela  in  1764,  who  went  to  Opodepe  and  was  succeeded  by  P. 
Antonio  Castro  lief  ore  1767. 

Arivechi,  5  1.  N.  Onapa,  112  Ind.;  Ponida,  \  1.  N.,  131  Ind.;  Bacanora,  10 
1.  N.  \v.,  163  Ind.;  also  449  de  razon  including  valley  of  Tacupeto.  P.  Jose" 
Roldan,  1764-7. 

Sahuaripa  (S.  Miguel),  5  1.  N.  Arivechi,  140  Ind.;  Teopari  (S.  Jose"),  14  1. 
N.  E.,  121  Lid.,  besides  46  in  rancheria  of  S.  Camilo,  7  1.  E.  [also  in  1764  Sto 


MISSION  STATISTICS.  573 

the  items  thus  presented  we  learn  that  in  the  terri 
tory  corresponding  to  the  modern  Sinaloa  and  Sonora 
during  the  last  years  of  the  Jesuit  era  there  was  a 
population  of  gente  de  razon — of  Spanish,  negro,  and 
mixed  blood — amounting  to  thirty-two  thousand  souls, 

Tomds,  including  Ind.  of  Chamada;  and  S.  Juan  de  Dios  Chipafora  rancho 
8  1.];  also  52  Span,  in  district.  P.  Tomas  Perez  in  1764,  retired  and  suc 
ceeded  by  Bartolom6  Saenz  before  1767. 

Mobas  (Concepcion),  7  1.  s.  Rip  Chico,  121  Ind.;  Nuri  (Sta  Ana),  5  1.  x.  E., 
70  Ind.  P.  Bernardo  MiddendorfF,  1764-7. 

Onabas  (S.  Ignacio),  111.  N.  Mobas,  520  Ind.;  Tonichi,  5  1.  X.,  up  river, 
372  Ind.;  Soyopa  (S.  Francisco),  14  1.  x.,  221  Ind.  P.  Enrique  Kurtzel,  rec 
tor,  1764-7. 

Comuripa  (S.  Francisco  Javier),  81.  s.  E.  Rio  Chico,  180 Ind.;  Buenavista, 
12  1.  S.,  299  Ind.  P.  Benito  Antonio  Romero,  1764-7. 

Tecoripa  (S.  Fran.  Borja),  20  1.  N.  w.  Comuripa,  210  Ind.;  Suaqui,  10.  1. 
s.,  391  Ind.;  S.  Jos<§  de  Pimas,  16  1.  w.,  190  Ind.  P.  Francisco  Javier  Gon 
zalez,  1764-7. 

Matape  (S.  Jose),  30  1.  N.  Tecoripa,  114  Ind.;  Nacori  (Sta  Cruz),  3 1.  s.  w., 
108  Ind.;  Alamos  (Asuncion),  7  1.  N.  w.,  113  Ind.;  also  3  Spanish  settlements, 
Rebeico,  Nacori,  and  Mazatan,  with  a  pop.  of  256.  "P.  Jacobo  Sedelmair, 
1764-7. 

Rectorate  of  Santos  Martires.  Batuco  (S.  Fran.  Javier),  4  1.  E.  Matape, 
210  Ind.;  Tepuspe,  1.51.  S.,  163  Ind.  Also  4  Spanish  settlements,  Realito, 
La  Mesa,  Chihuahua,  and  Todos  Santos,  with  a  pop.  of  301.  P.  Alejandro 
Rapicani,  1764-7. 

Oposura  (S.  Miguel),  8  1.  E.  Aconchi,  205  Ind.;  Cumpas,  10  1  N.,  116  Ind.; 
Terapa,  51.  S.,  57  Ind.  Also  7  Spanish  settlements:  Conadepa,  10  1.  N.; 
Jamaica,  81.  x. ;  Yecora,  6  1.  x. ;  Toiserobabi,  31.  N. ;  Tombabi,  51.  E. ;  Pi- 
uipa,  2  1.  S. ;  Tepachi,  12  1.  s.  [Tecori,  Jonivavi,  and  Nacosari  in  the  printed 
report],  with  a  pop.  of  1,266.  P.  Jos6  Garrucho,  1764-7 

Guazava  (S.  Fran.  Javier),  18  1.  E.  Oposura,  205  Ind.;  Opotu,  11  1.  x., 
221  Ind.  and  27  Yaquis.  P.  Juan  Nentoig,  in  1764-7,  rector;  also,  in  1767, 
P.  Ramon  Sanchez. 

Bacadeguachi  (S.  Luis  Gonzaga),  5  1.  E.  s.  E.  Guazava,  208  Ind. ;  Nacori 
(Asuncion),  9  1.  w.,  208  Ind.;  Mochopa,  12  1.  s.,  183  Ind.  P.  Manuel 
Aguirre  in  1764;  P.  Jose"  Liebana  in  1767. 

Baseraca  (Sta  Maria),  24  1.  x.  Bacadeguachi,  546  Ind.;  Guachinera  (S. 
Juan  Bautista),  51.  s.,  200  Ind.  P.  Joseph  Och  in  1762-4;  P.  Pio  Laguna  in 
1767. 

Babispe  (S.  Miguel),  5  1.  N.  Baseraca,  259  Ind.  Visita  of  Baseraca  in 
1764;  P.  Javier  Pascua  in  1767. 

Nacosari  (Rosario),  real,  50  1.  s.  w.  Babispe,  pop.  165.  Had  a  curate,  but 
he  deserted  and  went  tp  Fronteras. 

Rectorate  of  San  Francisco  Javier.  Cuquiarachi  (S.  Ignacio),  171.  N.  of 
Nacosari,  115  Ind.;  Cuchuta  (S.  Fran.  Javier),  5  1.  S.  E.,  73  Ind.;  Tehurichi 
(Asuncion),  81.  s.,  82  Ind.  P.  Bartolom^  Saenz  in  1764,  succeeded  by  P. 
Jose'  Neve  before  1767. 

Fronteras  (Sta  Rosa  Corodeguachi),  presidio,  59  1.  w.  Janos,  3  1.  N.  Cu 
quiarachi,  garrison  of  50  men  under  Capt.  Gabriel  Antonio  Vildosola,  pop. 
484;  curate  of  Nacosari  here. 

Arizpe  (Asuncion),  30  1.  s.  w.  Fronteras,  393  Ind.;  Chinapa  (S.  Jose"),  6  1. 
x.  E.,  296  Ind.;  Bacoachl  (S.  Miguel),  8  1.  x.  E.,  92  Ind.  Also  in  the  reales 
of  Chinapa,  Basochuca,  and  Bacanuchi,  a  Spanish  pop.  of  291.  P.  Carlos  de 
Rojas,  visitador,  1764-7. 

Banamichi,  20  1.  E.  Cucurpe,  158  Ind.;  Guepaca,  5  1.  s.,  129  Ind.;  Sino- 


574  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

living  in  fifty  or  more  settlements — villas,  presidios, 
and  mining  camps,  with  the  attached  ranchos  and 
haciendas;  served  in  part  by  some  fifteen  secular 
clergy,  and  also  by  Jesuits  acting  as  curates.  In  care 
of  the  curates,  and  chiefly  in  the  south',  were  six  thou 
sand  Indians  living  in  over  forty  native  settlements. 
There  were  also  twenty-five  thousand  neophytes  liv 
ing  in  one  hundred  and  twenty  pueblos,  forming  fifty 

quipe  (S.  Ignacio),  51.  N.,  134  Ind.  Also  Spanish  settlement  of  Motefore,  pop. 
296;  531  Spanish  in  valley  of  Sonora.  P.  Francisco  Javier  Villaroy a  in  1764-7. 

Aconchi  (S.  Pedro),  8  1.  E.  Opodepe,  205  Ind.;  Babiacora  (Concepcion),  7 
1.  s.,  2i)4  Ind.  P.  Nicolas  Pereira  in  1764-7. 

tires  (S.  Miguel),  12  1.  w.  Batuco,  236  Ind.;  Sta  Rosalia,  12  1.  s.,  53  Ind. 
Also  in  Gavilan  and  other  ranchos  125  Spaniards.  P.  Francisco  (or  Andre's) 
Michel,  1764-7. 

Horcasitas  (S.  Miguel),  villa,  capital  of  Sonora,  garrison  of  50  men, 
founded  in  1750,  pop.  488  de  razon;  Real  de  S.  Jos<§  de  Gratia,  7  1.  s.,  pop. 
152;  Hacienda  of  Pitic,  151.  S.  w.j  abandoned  pueblos  of  Populo  and  Los  Au- 


Opodepe  (Asuncion),  16  1.  N.  Horcasitas,  413  Ind.;  Nacameri,  51.  S.,  113 
Ind.  Also  153  Spaniards  in  the  two  pueblos.  P.  Francisco  Loaiza  in  1764, 
who  retired  and  was  succeeded  by  P.  Miguel  Almela  before  1767. 

Cucurpe  (Stos  Reyes),  16  1.  s.  w.  S.  Ignacio,  141  Ind.;  Saracachi,  7 1.  N.  E., 
109  Ind.;  Toape,  7  1.  a.  w.,  173  Ind.  Also  188  geiite  de  razon  in  district 
including  the  real  de  Saracachi.  P.  Ignacio  Pfefferkorn,  1764-7. 

Rectorate  of  Dolores,  or  Pimeria  Alta,  see  p.  563  of  this  volume. 

Rectorate  of  S.  Ignacio  de  Yaqui.  Pueblos  on  the  Yaqui  and  Mayo  rivers. 
Bacum,  1,900  Ind. ;  Cocorin,  3  1.  below,  2,530  Ind.  P.  Julian  Salazar  1764-7. 

Torin,  6  1.  below  Bacum,  3,645  Ind.;  Vicam,  2.5 1.  S.  S.  w.,  3,618  Ind.  P. 
Lorenzo  Garcia,  1764-7. 

Rahum,  1  1.  w.  N.  w.,  2,684  Ind.;  Potam,  3  1.  s.  s.  w.,  2,458  Ind.  P. 
Juan  Blanco,  1764-7. 

Huiribis,  1.5  1.  N.  W.  Rahum,  1,436  Jnd.;  Belen,  2  1.  N.  w.,  at  mouth  of 
river,  1,054  Ind.;  Guaymas,  18  1.  W.,  Indians  transferred  to  Belen,  550. 
Belen  was  a  cabecera  after  1764.  P.  Maxirniliano  Le  Roi,  1764-7;  P.  Lor 
enzo  Salgado,  1767. 

Conicari,  on  Rio  Mayo,  196  Ind.;  Mocoyahui,  81.  N.,  596  Ind.;  Camoa,  5 
1.  s.,  200  Ind.;  Tesia,  6  1.  s.,  388  Ind.  P.  Vicente  Rubio,  1764-7.  P.  Jose" 
Ronderos  at  Camoa,  1767. 

Nabojoa,  10  1.  s.  Tesia,  309  Ind.;  Cohurimpo,  3  1.  S.,  630  Ind.  P.  Lucas 
Merino,  1764-7. 

Mayo  (Sta  Cruz),  at  mouth,  200  Ind.;  Echohoa,  81.  N.,  1,156  Ind.  P. 
George  Fraideneg,  1764-7. 

Tepahue,  on  Rio  Ceclros,  8  1.  N.  W.,  Rio  Mayo,  211  Ind.;  Batacosa  (ca 
becera  after  1764),  10  1.,  109  Ind.  P.  Francisco  Ita,  1764-7. 

Los  Alamos,  real,  with  lieutenant-governor  and  curate;  good  mines;  pop. 
3, 400  de  razon. 

Bayoreca,  real,  331.  N.  W.  Alamos,  pop.  1,004,  Spanish  and  mixed. 

Rio  Chico,  real,  26  1.  N.  Bayoreca,  pop.  1,400;  with  a  curate. 

Trinidad  de  Plata,  real,  25  1.  N.  E.  Rio  Chico;  with  3  other  reales,  Con 
cepcion,  Guadalupe,  and  S.  Antonio;  pop.  715;  mine  rich;  assistant  curate. 

Soyopa,  or  S.  Antonio  de  la  Huerta,  real  established  in  1759,  pop.  300; 
14  1.  N.  Rio  Chico;  gold  placer  mines;  curate. 

Rectorate  of (province  of  Sinaloa).     Mocorito,  190  Ind.;  Bacubi- 


MISSION   STATISTICS.  575 

missions  under  as  many  Jesuit  missionaries.  Of  gen 
tile  population  no  reasonable  estimate  is  possible. 

The  names  of  the  Jesuits  expelled  in  1767  are 
given  in  the  statistical  note.  Of  the  expulsion  so  far 
as  it  particularly  concerned  these  provinces  there  is 
little  to  be  said.  Captain  Cancio,  appointed  by  the 

rito  (S.  Pedro),  10  1.  s.  w.,  110  Ind.  PP.  Francisco  Alava  and  Fernando 
Berra  in  1767. 

Sinaloa  (S.  Felipe),  villa,  pop<.  3,500;  Jesuit  serving  as  curate;  P.  Jose" 
Garfias  rector  in  1767. 

Chicorato,  on  Rio  Sinaloa,  156  Ind.;  S.  Ignacio  de  Sta  Marfa,  41.  E.,  137 
Ind.;  Ohuera,  81.  S.  w.,  Ill  Ind.  P.  Juan  Antonio  Cedano,  1767. 

Ocoroni,  8  1.  N.  w.  Sinaloa,  636  Ind.;  Bamoa,  81.  S.,  522  Ind.  P. 
Miguel  Fernandez  Somerain  1767. 

Nio,  41.  S.,  downriver,  800  Ind.     P.  Ignacio  Gonzalez,  1767. 

Guazave,  2  1.  s.  Nio,  651  Ind.;  Tamazula,  2  1.  s.,  589  Ind.  P.  Jose"  Palo 
mino,  1767. 

El  Fuerte  (S.  Juan  de  Montesclaros),  villa  28  1.  w.  Sinaloa,  1,886  pop., 
with  a  curate;  Real  de  Sivirijoa,  rich  gold  and  silver  mines. 

Vaca,  on  Rio  Fuerte,  145  Ind.;  Huites,  5  1.  N.,  208  Ind.  P.  Sebastian 
Cava,  1767. 

Toro,  4  1.  s.  Vaca,  216  Ind.;  Chois,  10  1.  E.  Vaca,  204  Ind.;  Biamena,  8  1. 
E.,  461  Ind.  P.  Juan  Francisco  Acufia,  1767. 

Telmeco,  15  1.  s.  Toro,  612  Ind.;  Sivirijoa,  4  1.  s.,  700  Ind.;  Charai,  11  1. 
S.  920  Ind.  P.  Javier  Anaya,  1767. 

Mochicavi,  4  1.  s.,  1,600  Ind.;  S.  Miguel,  4  1.  s.,  660  Ind.;  Ahome,  8  1.  s., 
at  mouth  of  river,  501  Ind.  P.  Antonio  Ventura,  1767. 

Province  of  Chinipas  (largely  in  Chihuahua),  Batopilas,  real,  pop.  227. 

Navogame,  265Ind.;  Chinatun,  238  Ind.;  Sta  Rosalia,  290  Iiid.;  P.  Bias 
Miner,  in  1767. 

Baburigame,  2  days  N.  Navogame,  300  Ind. ;  Real  de  S.  Juan  Nepomuceno, 
8  1.  w.,  55  Ind.,  36  Span.;  Cinco  Llagas,  12  1.  s.,  155  Ind.;  Basonopa,  12  1.  w., 
150  Ind.;  Sta  Rosa,  7  1.  w.,  73  Ind.;  Tenoriba,  1.5  days  w.,  121  Ind.;  S. 
Andre's  [cabecera  in  1767,  P.  Luis  Martin],  2  days  N.,  287  Ind.;  Sta  Paciencia 
de  Cristo,  3  days  N.,  110  Ind.;  Gueachic,  12  1.  N.,  176  Ind.  P.  Javier  Weis, 
1767. 

Satevo  (Sto  Angel),  4  days  N.  Baborigame,  220  Lid.;  Concepcion,  16  1., 
217  Ind.  P.  Wenceslao  Kolub,  1767. 

Tubares  (S.  Ignacio),  10  1.  N.  E.  Satevo,  250  Ind.;  S.  Miguel,  10  1.  E.,  210 
Ind.  P.  Jose"  Felix  Sebastian,  1767. 

Serocagui  (S.  Fran.  Javier),  2  days  N.  E.  Tubares,  139  Ind.;  Cuiteco,  8  1. 
N.,  293  Ind.;  Churuc,  8  1.  N.  E.,  231  Ind.;  Guapaleina,  12  1.  E.,  118  Ind.,  15 
Span.  P.  Nicolds  Sachi,  1767. 

Guazapares  (Sta  Teresa),  151.  E.  Serocagui,  300  Ind.;  Temoris,  3.51.  s., 
195  Ind.;  Tepochi,  11  1.  N.,  85  Ind.  P.  Pedro  Pablo  Macida,  1767. 

Chinipas  (Sta  In<§s),  18  1.  w.  Guazapares,  146  Ind.;  Guadalupe,  10  1.  N., 
177  Ind.  P.  Juan  Cubedu,  visitador,  1767. 

Santa ^Ana,  19  1.  N.  Chinipas,  280  Ind.;  Loreto,  10  1.  N.,  599  Ind.  P. 
Manuel  Klever,  rector,  1767. 

Batopililla  (S.  Jose"),  24  1.  E.  Sta  Ana,  388  Ind.;  Barboruco,  2  daysw., 
211  Ind.  [Cabecesa,  in  1767.]  P.  Francisco  Slesac,  1767. 

Moris  (Espiritu  Santo),  20  1.  N.  Batopilillas,  adjoining  Ostimuri,  145  Ind. 
P.  Juan  Steb,  1767. 

Yecora  (S.  Ildefonso),  55  1.  x.  Moris,  118  Ind.;  Maicoba,  14  1.  E.,  271  Ind. 
P.  JoscS  Wazet,  1767. 

Southern  coast  provinces  (including  a  portion  of  Topia).     Masatan,  253 


576  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

government  comisionado  for  the  purpose,  proceeded 
during  August  and  September  to  carry  out  his  orders 
as  rapidly  and  secretly  as  possible  by  removing  the 
Jesuit  padres  from  all  the  missions  and  sending  them 
to  Guaymas.  The  majordomo  of  each  establishment 
was  put  in  charge  and  made  responsible  for  a  short 
time  until  the  arrival  of  the  regularly  appointed 
comisarios,  who  took  possession  by  inventory  and 
held  all  the  property  subject  to  the  order  of  the  gov 
ernment.  The  padres  sent  to  Mexico  in  the  aggre 
gate  some  thirty  thousand  dollars,  but  with  this 
exception  the  society  retained  nothing  whatever. 
The  few  curates  in  the  country  were  instructed  to 
take  charge  of  the  spiritual  interests  of  the  natives 

Ind.;  Sta  Maria,  2.5  1.  s.,  175  Ind.;  S.Juan,  3  1.  s.,  130  Ind.;  Otatitlan,  2  1. 
s.  w.,  55  Ind.;  Cacalotlan,  2  1.  N.,  41  Ind.;  Sta  Cruz,  4.25  1.  s.,  293  Ind.  A 
few  settlers.  All  under  a  curate  of  Masatan. 

Plomosas,  real,  14  1.  N.  E.  Masatan,  pop.  422,  assistant  curate;  Rosario, 
real,  5  1.  s.  s.w.  Masatan,  pop.  2,459,  curate  and  several  clergy;  good  build 
ings,  mine  failing;  Chametla,  51.  S.  Rosario,  21.  from  sea,  on  river,  pop. 
500  Ind.,  357  Span.;  Escuinapa,  8  1.  E.  Rosario,  110  Ind.,  90  Span. 

San  Sebastian,  villa,  500  Span,  and  2,000  in  ranches  and  haciendas,  assist 
ant  alcalde  and  curate ;  Mazatlan,  6  1.  s.  w. ,  41.  from  sea,  8  1.  from  port,  966 
mulattoes,  assistant  curate;  Jacob,  5  1.  s.  E.,  500  Ind.;  Sta  Catarina,  6  1.  w. 
80  Ind. 

Copala  (S.  Juan),  real,  10  1.  N.  S.  Sebastian,  pop.  with  real  de  Arrona, 
766;  543  in  reales  of  Paiiuco  and  Charcas;  also  curates;  Guasima,  61s.,  101 
Ind.;  S.  Pablo,  28  Ind.;  Carrizal,  7  1.  N.  E.,  74  Ind.;  Sta  Lucia,  10  1.  N.,  98 
Ind. 

Jan  Javier,  villa,  40  1.  N.  w.  Copala,  35  1.  w.  Rosario,  pop.  876,  curate 
and  alcalde;  Cabazan,  2  1.  w.,  106  Ind. 

San  Ignacio,  pop.  374,  100  Ind.;  Ajoya,  12  1.  s.  E.,  442  Ind.;  Sta  Polonia, 
15  1.  s.  E.  up  river,  92  Ind.;  S.  Juan,  3  1.  s.,  192  Ind.;  S.  Agustin,  6  1.  w. 
down  river,  215  Ind. 

Cosala,  real,  271.  \v.  S.  Ignacio,  pop.  1,897,  curate;  S.  Juan  Bautista 
Coristaca,  101.  s.,  152  Ind.;  Abnia,  18  1.  s.  s.  w.,  235  Ind.;  Tabala,  16  1.  N.  E., 
115  Ind.;  Tecuichamona,  181.  s.  w.,  123  Ind.;  Binapa,  181.  s.  w.,  122  Ind. 

Alaya,  8  1.  N.  w.  Cosala,  220  Ind.,  some  Span.,  rich  mines  of  El  Cajon, 
pop.  414  in  two  adjoining  valleys,  curate;  Otatitlan,  12  1.  N.  N.  E..  68  Ind.; 
large  river  between  three  pueblos  and  Cosala. 

Culiacan  (S.  Miguel),  villa,  351.  N.  Cosala,  pop.  1,583,  alcalde  mayor; 
pop.  of  633  in  ranches  and  haciendas;  rich  mine  of  Palo  Blanco;  Navito, 
20  1.  s.  w.,  80  Ind.;  Aguila,  18  1.  s.,  58  Ind.;  Imala,  7  1.  N.  E.,  63  Ind.;  Te- 
puche,  5  1.  N.,  40  Ind.;  Jacobito,  12  1.  N.,  24  Ind.;  Bachigualito,  3  1.  w.,  123 
Ind.;  Olaguarato,  4  1.  w.,  162  Ind.;  S.  Pablo  Culiacan,  4.51.  w.,  83  Ind.; 
S.  Pedro,  5  1.  w.,  335  Ind.;  Nabolato,  10  1.  w.,  322  Ind.;  Bachimeto,  11.5  1. 
s.  w.,  94  Ind.;  Otameto,  12  1.  N.  w.,  20  Ind.;  Capirato,  12  1.  N.  w.,  210  Ind.; 
Camarito,  13  1.  N.  w.,  201  Ind. 

Badiraguato,  26  1.  N.  w.  Culiacan,  104  Ind.,  curate;  Cariatapa,  7.5  1.  E., 
98  Ind.;  Morirato,  101.  E.,  89  Ind.;  Guatenipa,  13.5  E.,  149  Ind.;  Bamupa, 
18  1.  N.,  39  Ind.;  Soyatita,  28  1.  N.,  159  Ind.;  S.  Javier,  7  1.  S.  w.,  70  Ind.; 
San  Beiiito,  12  1.  N.  w.,  pop.  910  Span.,  curate;  Sta  Cruz,  5  1.  :N.  N.  E.',  55  Ind. 


THE  EXPULSION.  577 

until  further  provision  should  be  made,  but  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  the  duty  was  not  very  thoroughly,  how 
ever  faithfully,  attended  to.  Of  the  acts  and  words 
and  feelings  of  the  padres  on  reception  of  the  wholly 
unexpected  order  to  give  up  their  missions,  their 
neophyte  subjects,  the  results  of  all  their  toils,  the 
homes  where  many  of  their  number  had  grown  old, 
we  know  absolutely  nothing,  since  for  some  unknown 
reason  the  Jesuits  themselves  have  kept  silence,  and 
it  was  the  policy  of  the  government  to  observe  the 
strictest  secrecy. 

August  9th  Cancio  writes  to  the  governor  that 
the  Jesuits  of  the  Fuerte,  Mayo,  and  Yaqui  have 
assembled  at  Santa  Cruz  as  ordered  except  Padre 
Cava,  who  is  sick,  and  Anaya,  who  has  shown  no 
sio^n  of  obedience,  and  for  whom  an  officer  has  been 

O  ' 

sent.  Cancio  with  twelve  of  the  padres  is  now  at 
Camoa  en  route,  perhaps  for  Guaymas,  where  he  will 
remain  five  or  six  days  on  account  of  sickness  and  hot 
weather.  Again  on  October  3d  he  writes  that  on 
September  19th  he  despatched  nineteen  padres  from 
Las  Cruces  in  two  lanclias  under  a  sergeant  and  eight 
soldiers;  but  they  came  back  with  the  story  that 
they  could  not  enter  Guaymas  on  account  of  the  tide. 
The  zealous  captain  kept  the  padres  on  board,  put 
the  masters  in  the  stocks,  and  himself  paced  the  beach 
as  sentinel  all  night.  At  last,  on  the  22d,  he  got  a 
receipt  for  the  nineteen  Jesuits  from  Lieutenant  Lum- 
breras  in  command  at  Guaymas.  October  24th  the 
Governor  approved  Cancio's  management  of  the  whole 
business.  December  20th  Cancio  speaks  of  rumors 
that  the  Jesuits  confined  at  Guaymas  leave  the  quar 
ters  at  night  to  hold  interviews  with  the  Indians, 
talking  of  independence  from  Spain  and  English  in 
terference.  While  he  thinks  the  rumors  may  not  be 
well  founded,  he  has  ordered  redoubled  vigilance,  for 
the  Jesuits  might  do  great  harm  in  the  country's 
present  critical  condition.47 

"  Cancio,  Cartax,  208-41. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    37 


578  LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONORA. 

The  exiles  seem  to  have  sailed  from  Guaymas  early 
in  1768  and  from  America  late  in  the  same  year. 
Only  thirty  of  the  fifty  lived  to  reach  Spain  in  July 
1769.  Father  Baegert  gives  some  details  of  their 
sufferings  for  nine  months  in  the  wretched  '  cattle- 
sheds'  at  Guaymas,  on  the  voyage  of  forty-eight  days 
to  Matanchel,  and  on  the  painful  march  across  the 
country  to  Vera  Cruz.48  No  friars  or  curates  came 
in  1767  to  take  the  place  of  the  banished  missionaries, 
though  there  was  some  correspondence  on  the  subject. 
I  append  an  alphabetical  list  of  the  Jesuits  who  served 
in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  from  the  beginning.  For  the 
earlier  and  later  years,  as  for  the  northern  missions, 
the  list  may  be  regarded  as  practically  complete;  but 
for  the  intermediate  period  and  the  southern  districts 
there  are  doubtless  some  omissions.49 

*s  Baeyert,  Nachrichten,  299-301;  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo.  Nentoig,  Perera, 
and  Pedro  Diaz  were  among  those  who  died  before  leaving  America.  Of  the 
others  we  have  met  in  Pimeria,  Paver  died  in  Spain  in  1770,  Sedelmair  in 
1779,  Garrucho  in  1785,  and  Espinosa  in  1786.  Ignacio  Gonzalez  died  in 
Sinaloa  in  1767. 

49  The  dates  are  those  when  the  padres  are  shown  by  the  records  to  have 
been  in  the  country.     In  most  cases  they  give  no  indication  of  the  respective 
terms  of  service.     Names  marked  with  a  *  were  serving  in  other  parts  of 
Mexico  in  1767.     Dates  in  parentheses  are  approximately  correct. 
Abaci,  Isidoro  Fernandez,  1750.  Benavides,  Martin,  (1G97)-1700. 

Acufia,  Juan  Francisco,  1767.  Bentz,  Antonio  Ma.,  1750-66. 

Adame,  Laurencio,  1609.  Berra,  Fernando,  1767. 

Aguila,  Vicente,  (1606)-1641.  Beyerca,  (1695). 

Aguirre,  Manuel,  1750-64.*  Blanco,  Juan,  1748.* 

Alava,  Francisco,  1756--7.  Bonifacio,  Luis,  (1609)-1640. 

Albieuri,  Juan,  1633.  Borio,  Guillermo,  1750. 

Almela,  Miguel,  1764-7.  Bueno,  Pedro,  (1646). 

Alvarez,  LiicasLud.,  1750.  Burgesio,  Martin,  (1618-20). 

Anaya,  Fran.  Javier,  1742-67.  Burgos,  Juan  Muiioz,  1677-94. 

Andonaiqui,  Roque,  1742.*  Calderon,  Jose",  1730.* 

Angel,  Juan,  (1619-21).  Calvo,  Juan,  (1609). 

Anzieta,  Juan  B.,  (1678)- 1681.  Campos,  Agustin,  1693-1735. 

Arce,  Ignacio,  1730.  Canal,  Gerdnimo,  (1644)-1653. 

Arce,  Juan  Antonio,  1742.  Canas,  Cristobal,  1730. 

Armas,  Jose",  1730.  Capetillo,  Miguel,  1734. 

Arriola,  Agustin,  1742-50.*  Cardenas,  Juan,  (1619-21). 

Avendaiio,  Juan,  1730.  Cardenas,  Lorenzo,  (1630).» 

Azpilcueta,  Martin,  (1630)-1636.  Carranco,  (1696). 

Balestra,  Angel,  (1619J-1644.  Cartagena,  Manuel,  1742.* 

Baltasar,  Juan  Ant.  1757.  Castaiio,  Bartolom6,  (1618-46). 

Barrera,  Diego  Jos^,  1760-7.  Castellanos,  Pedro,  (1688). 

Basaldua,  1710.  Castini,  Pedro  Juan,  (1618-44). 

Basilio,  Tomas,  1617.  Castro,  Antonio,  1767. 

Bastiromo,  Melchor,  (1699)-1701.  Castro,  Francisco,  1593-1627. 


LIST  OF  JESUITS. 


579 


Cava,  Sebastian,  1767. 
Cavero,  Juan  Fern.,  (1678)-! 690.  " 
Cedano,  Juan  Ant.,  1756-67. 
Celestri,  Carlos,  (1688). 
Cervantes,  Andres,  (1678). 
Cervantes,  Baltasar,  (1640). 
Clericis,  Alberto  (1609). 
Clever — see  Klever. 
Collantes,  Jose",  (1632)-1644. 
Confreres,  Pedro  Puu'z,  1697-8. 
Copart,  Juan  B.,  (1678). 
Cordaveras,  Manuel,  1742. 
Cortes,  Jacinto,  (1668-71). 
Covarrubias,  Jos£,  (1678). 
Cruz,  Diego  de  la,  (1616). 
Cubedu,  Juan,  1767. 
Da vila,  Luis,  1678. 
Diaz,  Joaquin  Felix,  1744-60. 
Diaz,  Manuel,  1701. 
Diez,  Pedro  Rafael,  1767. 
Duque,  Ignacio,  1742. 
Echajoyan,  Juan,  1730. 
Egidiano,  Andres,  (1660)-1667. 
Escalona,  Jose",  1730-50. 
Esgrecho,  Felipe,  1688. 
Espinosa,  Alonso,  1754-67. 
Fentaiiez,  Bartolome",  1750. 
Fernandez,  Juan,  (1720-30). 
Flores,  Lorenzo,  (1640). 
Fraideneg,  George,  1767. 
Franco,  Jose",  1750. 
Gallardi,  Luis  Ma.,  (1720)-30. 
Garcia,  Lorenzo  Jose",  1750-67. 
Garfias,  Jose",  1750-67. 
Garrucho,  Jose",  1744-67. 
Gerstner,  Miguel,  1756-67. 
Gil,  Adan,  (1099)-!  700. 
Godinez,  Miguel,  (161S)~1644. 
Gomar,  Antonio,  (1618)-1700. 
Gomez,  Marcos,  1632. 
Goiii,  Pedro  Matias,  1677-8. 
Gonzalez,  Andres,  1730. 
Gonzalez,  Francisco,  (1699)-!  702. 
Gonzalez,  Fran.  Javier,  1764-7. 
Gonzalez,  Ignacio,  1750-1767. 
Gonzalez,  Manuel,  (1688)-! 730. 
Gonzalez,  Miguel  Elias,  1767. 
Gorgoll,  Juan,  1763-7.  (?) 
Gfashoffer,  Juan  B.,  1731-2. 
Gudifio,  Diego,  1730. 
Guerrero,  Cayetano,  1730. 
Gutierrez,  Buenav.,  1742-50. 
Gutierrez,  Francisco,  1756-7. 
Gutierrez,  Lorenzo  Ign.,  1740-1. 
Guzman,  Diego,  1615. 
Haffenrichter,  Jose,  1761-2. 
Hardenas,  Juan,  (16'24-44). 
Ha  we,  (1756). 
Hidalgo,  Tomas,  (1671). 
Imaz,  Patricio,  1750. 


Ita,  Francisco,  1764-7. 
Januske,  Daniel,  1693-1716. 
Jimenez,  Jose",  (1678). 
Jimeno,  Custodio,  1764-7. 
Kappus,  Marcos  Ant.,  1694-1716. 
Keller,  Ignacio  Javier,  1742-59. 
Kino,  Eusebio,  1684-1711. 
Klever,  Manuel,  1767. 
Kolub,  Wenceslao,  1767. 
Kurtzel,  Enrique,  1764-7. 
Labora,  Juan,  1757. 
Laguna,  Pio,  1767. 
Lauria,  Cristobal,  1730. 
Le  Roy,  Maximiliano,  1764-7. 
Leal,  Aiilonio,  1688-1701. 
Liebana,  Jose,  1767. 
Lizazoin,  Ignacio,  1750-63.* 
Loaiza,  Francisco,  1750-64. 
Lombardo,  Natal,  1678. 
Loyola,  Marcos,  (1688). 
Macida,  Pedro  Pablo,  1767. 
Maires,  (1701). 

Marciamares,  Luis  Ma.,  1730. 
Marjiano,  Luis  Ma.,  (1722-3). 
Marras,  Daniel  A.,  (1673)-89. 
Martinez,  Juan,  (1678). 
Martinez,  Manuel,  1632. 
Masquina,  Diego,  (1678). 
Mendez,  Antonio,  (1678). 
Mendez,  Pedro,  (1592)-1635. 
Mendivil,  Pedro,  1740. 
Mendoza,  Juan,  (1646). 
Meneses,  Juan,  (1690). 
Mercado,  Bernardo,  1750. 
Mercado,  Nicolas,  1701. 
Merino,  Lucas,  1760-7. 
Mesa,  Jose"  Nic.,  1763-8. 
Mesa,  Pedro,  (1678). 
Michel,  Francisco  Andre's,  1764-7. 
Middendorff,  Bernardo,  1756-67. 
Miguel,  Domingo,  1688. 
Miner,  Bias,  1767. 
Ming,  Guillermo,  (1700). 
Minutili,  Geronimo,  1706. 
Miquio,  Jose",  1742. 
Miranda,  Tomds,  1750.* 
Molarja,  Ignacio,  (1653). 
Molina,  Jos<§  Javier,  1737-45. 
Montepio,  Egidio,  1646. 
Montoya,  Francisco  Jav.,  (1700). 
Navarro,  Gonzalo,  (1671)-! 678. 
Nentoig,  Juan,  1750-67. 
Neve,  Jose",  1767. 
Nieto,  Juan  Estan.,  1742. 
Och,  Joseph,  1756-64.* 
OKnano,  Francisco,  (1618-20). 
Ordaz,  Manuel,  (1(397). 
Oro,  Nicolas,  1730. 
Orobato,  Juan  B.,  (1592-1600). 
Osorio,  Jose",  (1678). 


580 


LAST  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  SONOEA. 


Oton,  (1619-21). 
Paez,  Melchor,  (lC56)-76. 
Palomino,  Jos6  Ign.,  1742-67. 
Pantoja,  Pedro,  (1639). 
Paredes,  Bias,  (161S)-1636. 
Paris,  Francisco,  (1646)-1653. 
Pascua,  Javier,  1767. 
Pascual,  Juan,  (1G18)-1632. 
Paver,  Jos<§  Fran.,  1750-67. 
Pecoro,  Fernando,  1681. 
Peiia,  Salvador,  1750.* 
Perea,  Jos6  Torres,  1741-3. 
Perera,  Nicolas,  1730-67. 
Perez,  Martin,  1591-1626. 
Perez,  Tomas,  1750-64.* 
Pfefiferkorn,  Ignacio,  1756-67. 
Pimentel,  Francisco,  1750. 
Pistoya,  Geronimo,  (1678). 
Polici,  Horacio,  (1695). 
Prado,  Nicolas,  1681-97. 
Proto,  Pedro,  (1728). 
Rapuani,  Alejandro,  1740-67. 
Reuter,  Francisco,  (1678). 
Rhuen,  Enrique,  1750"-!. 
Ribas,  Andres  Perez,  1604-20. 
Rio,  Miguel  Marcos,  (1646)-53. 
Rojas,  Carlos,  1742-67. 
Roldan,  Josd,  1742-67. 
Romero,  Benito  Ant.,  1764-7. 
Ronderos,  Jos6,  1767. 
Rubio,  Vicente,  1764-7. 
Sabanzo,  Antonio  Diego,  (1678). 
Sachi,  Nicolas,  1767. 
Saenz,  Bartolome,  1750-67. 
Saeta,  Francisco  Jav. ,  1695. 
Salazar,  Julian,  1764-7. 
Salgado,  Juan  Lorenzo,  1740-67. 
Salvatierra,  Juan  Ma.,  1680-90. 
Sanchez,  Bartolome",  1757. 
Sanchez,  Manuel,  (1678). 
Sanchez,  Ramon,  1767. 
Sandoval,  Luis,  (1678). 
San  Martin,  Juan,  1730. 
Santaren,  Hernando,  (1592)-1600. 


Santiago,  Alonso,  (1592)-1594. 
Sebastian,  Jos6  Felix,  1767. 
Sedelmair,  Jacobo,  1 736-67. 
Segesser,  Felipe,  1731-50. 
Sepulveda,  Francisco,  (1678). 
Sierra,  Alvaro  Flores,  (1670)-73. 
Silva,  Pedro,  (1678). 
Slesac,  Francisco,  1767. 
Sola,  Miguel,  1750. 
Somera,  Miguel  Fern.,  1750-67. 
Soto,  Francisco  Jav.,  (167S)-SS. 
Steb,  Juan,  1767. 
Steiger,  Gaspar,  1733-62. 
Tapia,  Gonzalo,  1591-4. 
Tapia,  Jose,  (1676-8). 
Tello,  Tomas,  1750-1. 
Tomas,  Gaspar,  1678-81. 
Toral,  Jose,  1730-50. 
Torices,  Francisco,  (1632). 
Torres,  Jose,  1743. 
Ugarte,  Martin,  1604-24. 
Urquisa,  Antonio,  1678. 
Valladares,  Diego,  1750. 
Vandersipe,  Diego,  (1618)-51. 
Varela,  Gaspar,  (1619)-36. 
Varela,  Juan,  (1619)-36. 
Varilla,  Gaspar,  1696-1701. 
Vega,  Miguel,  1749-67. 
Velarde,  Luis,  1702-30. 
Velasco,  Juan  B.,  (1592)-! 61 3. 
Velasco,  Pedro,  1607-(1621). 
Ventura,  Antonio,  1767. 
Victoria,  Alonso,  (1678). 
Villafaiie,  Hernando,  (1592)-1634. 
Villafane,  Nicolds,  1678. 
Villalta,  Cristobal,  1604-23. 
Villammo,  164^. 

Villaroya,  Francisco  Jav.,  1763-7. 
Vivas,  Luis,  1753-67. 
Wazet,  Josd,  1767. 
Weis,  Javier,  1767. 
Zambrano,  Pedro,  (1631). 
Zamora,  Marcos,  1730. 
Zerquera,  Juan,  1750. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

NUEVA  VIZCAYA,  OR'  DURANGO  AND  CHIHUAHUA. 
1701-1767. 


AND  LIST  OF  RULERS—  PRESIDIOS  AND  INDIAN  WARFARE  — 
RIVERA'S  TOUR—  BERROTARAN'S  REPORT  —  PRESIDIAL  CHANGES—  MIS 
SION  ANNALS  —  REPARTIMIENTOS  —  THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  —  SECULARI 

ZATION    OF    THE    DURANGO    MISSIONS  —  STATISTICS  —  EXPULSION    OF    THE 

JESUITS  —  LIST  OF  MISSIONARIES  —  THE  FRANCISCANS  —  SECULARIZATION  — 
CUSTODY  OF  PARRAL  —  MISSIONS  AT  JUNTA  DE  LOS  Rios  —  ECCLESIAS 
TICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  LIST  OF  BISHOPS  —  TAMARON'S  VISITA  AND  RE 
PORT  —  STATISTICS  OF  POPULATION  —  LOCAL  ITEMS  IN  THE  SOUTH  AND 
NORTH  —  SAN  FELIPE  EL  REAL  DE  CHIHUAHUA  AND  MINES  OF  SANTA 
EULALIA. 

FROM  1701  to  1767,  the  period  covered  by  this  chap 
ter,  there  was  no  other  change  in  the  boundaries  than 
the  separation  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  in  1733-4  as 
elsewhere  related,  and  none  whatever  in  the  political, 
military,  or  ecclesiastical  government  of  Nueva  Viz- 
caya.  The  capital  was  still  Durango,  but  the  governor 
and  captain-general  was  permitted  to  have  his  head 
quarters  for  most  of  the  time  at  Parral,  more  con 
veniently  located  for  the  supervision  of  Indian  affairs. 
Juan  Bautista  Larrea  was  governor  from  1700,  and 
Juan  Felipe  Orozco  y  Molina  lieutenant-governor  to 
1714,  there  being  no  record  respecting  intermediate 
rulers  if  there  were  any  such.  Ex-governor  Pardinas 
was  exiled  from  New  Spain  in  1703  for  engaging  in 
contraband  trade.  Manuel  de  San  Juan  y  Santa  Cruz 
ruled  from  1714;  Martin  de  Aldai  from  1720;  Jc/se 
Sebastian  Lopez  de  Carbajal  from  1723;  Ignacio 
Francisco  de  Barrutia  from  1728;  Juan  Francisco  de 
Vertiz  y  Ontanon,  about  1737;  Juan  Bautista  de 

(581) 


582  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Belaunzaran,  with  Manuel  de  Uranga  as  lieutenant- 
governor,  in  1738-48;  Alonso  Gastesi,  ad  interim,  in 
1752-4;  and  Jos6  Cdrlos  de  Agiiero  in  1760-8.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  there  were  two  or  three  other  rulers 
not  named  in  this  list.  The  actions  of  these  successive 
chiefs  gave  rise  to  no  important  controversies  or  scan 
dals  so  far  as  can  be  known.1 

There  were  five  presidial  garrisons  at  the  beginning 
of  the  century :  Pasage,  Gallo,  Cerro  Gordo,  Conchos, 
and  Janos,  besides  small  detachments  of  troops  at 
Durango,  Santa  Catalina,  and  various  other  points  at 
different  times.  Of  Casas  Grandes  as  distinct  from 
Janos  nothing  more  is  recorded.  For  the  first  fifteen 
years  savage  hordes  from  the  Bolson  de  Mapimi  con 
stantly  infested  the  line  of  travel  northward  to  Parral 
in  spite  of  the  protection  afforded  by  the  presidios 
of  Pasage  and  Gallo.  Disasters  were  frequent  and 
sometimes  serious,  though  few  particulars  are  known. 
Haciendas  were  repeatedly  plundered  and  destroyed 
until  the  country  was  nearly  abandoned.  Caravans 
of  traders  and  travellers  required  a  strong  military 
escort,  and  even  when  thus  protected  were  several 
times  defeated  with  heavy  loss.  The  Indians  some 
times  fought  desperately  when  cornered,  bat  generally 
avoided  a  conflict  with  the  soldiers  unless  the  advan 
tages  were  all  on  their  side,  reaching  their  inaccessible 
retreats  in  the  mountains  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men 
after  every  raid.  In  1704  a  junta  of  high  officials 
experienced  in  northern  warfare  was  held  in  Mexico 
and  resolved  on  a  systematic  series  of  campaigns  in 
the  regions  between  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  Coahuila.2 

1  On  the  succession  of  rulers,  government,  and  Indian  affairs  see :  Berro- 
taran,  In  forme;  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.   Hi«t.t  iv.  5-12,   14-21,  39-47,   194;  N. 
Mex.,  Ccdulas,  MS.,  150-1,  338-49;  Rivera,  Diario;  Arlcgid,  Cron.  Zac.,  73, 
98,  202-3;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  60-2;  Id.,  Not.  Chih.,  23;  Instruc.  Virrcyes, 
99-100;  Maltratamiento  de  Indios,  MS.,  no.  9;  Certif.  de  Mercedes,  MS.,  40- 
3;   Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  ii.  340-50,  422-3;  Castro,  Diarjo,  v.  114;  Nayarit, 
Frag.,  MS.,  3-4;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,BoL,  v.  114;  Lizazain,  Inf.,  6S7-8;  Robbs, 
Diario,  iii.  458;    Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  217;  Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  167; 
Arevalo,  Comp.,  30;  Gaceta  de  Mex. ,  v.  180. 

2  Record  of  the  junta  de  guerra  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv.  5-12.     The 


SAVAGE  WARFARE.  583 

The  result  of  these  movements  after  a  number  of 
years  seems  to  have  been  that  the  country  was  re 
stored  to  a  condition  of  comparative  security,  though 
danger  was  never  entirely  averted  even  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  larger  towns.3  Meanwhile  the  line  of  presidios 
was  strengthened  by  the  reoccupation  of  Mapimi  in 
1711,  and  the  stationing  a  garrison  at  San  Bartolomd 
which  soon  became  a  regular  presidio.  From  1715 
also  Governor  San  Juan  claimed  not  only  to  have 
afforded  adequate  protection  by  military  measures, 
but  to  have  established  an  Indian  pueblo  on  the  Rio 
Nazas  with  the  most  beneficial  results.  He  advo 
cated  the  forming  of  other  similar  towns  as  the  best 
means  of  securing  permanent  peace;  and  he  also 
favored  a  reestablishment  of  the  presidios  in  new 
positions  on  the  frontier  in  fertile  spots  where  villas 
would  take  their  places  in  a  few  years.*  Governor 
Aldai  had  been  a  famous  Indian-fighter,  and  during 
his  rule  in  1720  some  of  the  worst  of  the  hostile 
bands  came  voluntarily  to  live  in  peace  near  Cerro 
Gordo.  In  1725  Brigadier-general  Pedro  de  Rivera 
made  a  tour  of  inspection,  visiting  each  presidio.  His 
diary  was  published,5  but  contained  nothing  of  his 
official  acts  or  recommendations.  In  accordance  with 

members  were  Francisco  Cuervo  y  Valde"s,  governor-elect  of  N.  Mexico,  Gre- 
gorio  de  Salinas  y  Baraona,  captain  and  ex-governor  of  Coahuila,  Juan  Ignacio 
de  Vega  y  Sotomayor,  Martin  de  Sabalza,  and  Captain  Juan  de  Salaiza.  A 
guard  of  10  men  was  to  be  left  in  each  of  the  presidios,  arid  all  the  rest,  230  in 
number,  should  march  in  detachments  from  different  directions  to  the  haunts 
of  the  hostiles. 

3  According  to  Arlerjui,  Cr6n.  Zac.,  202-3,  the  savages  committed  depre 
dations  in  the  outskirts  of  Durango  in  1735,  killing  two  persons  and  taking 
three  captives  for  torture.     At  Canatlan,  Sail  Juan  del  Rio,  and  Casco  within 
two  years  no  less  than  40  were  killed. 

4  Undated  petition  of  Gov.,  or  Ex-gov.,  San  Juan,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc. 
Hist,  iv.  14-21. 

5  Diario  y  Dcrrotero  de  lo  caminado,  visto,  y  Obcervado  en  el  discurso  de  la, 
visita  general  de  Precidhs,  situados  en  las  Provincias  Internets  de  Nueva  Espana, 
que  de  6rden  de  Su  Mar/estad  executo  D.  Pedro  de  Rivera,  Brigadier  de  los 
rrafes  exercitos.     JIaviendo  tran*itado  por  los  Reinos  del  Nuevo  de  Toledo,  el 
de  la  Nuera  Galicia,  el  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  el  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  el  de  la 
Nueva  Estremadura,  el  de  las  Nuevas  Philipinas,  el  del  Nuevo  de  Leon.     Las 
provincial,  de  Sonora,  Oxtimuri,  Sinaloa,  y  Guasteca.     Ympresso  en  Guathe- 
mala,  por  Xeba«ti<rii  de  Arebalo,  ano  del736.  Folio,  38  1.,  with  MS.  notes.    It 
is  a  detailed  diary  of  the  route,  with  slight  descriptive  details  of  the  places 
visited. 


584  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

the  latter,  however,  a  new  reglamento  was  issued  in 
17 29, "affecting,  so  far  as  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  con 
cerned,  only  minor  details  of  presidio  management, 
and  not  the  number  or  position  of  the  presidios.6 

While  the  main  route  and  the  Spanish  establish 
ments  thus  became  comparatively  safe,  it  was  yet 
necessary  for  the  troops  to  undertake  one  or  more 
expeditions  each  year  to  protect  some  threatened 
point  or  bring  out  fugitive  and  threatening  neophytes 
from  their  mountain  retreats.  Captain  Jose  de  Ber- 
rotaran,  in  command  at  Mapimi  and  Conchos  for 
thirty-five  years,  made  a  report  to  the  viceroy  in  1748 
on  the  campaigns  made  by  himself  and  the  other 
captains  during  that  period,  which  document  is  the 
best  authority  extant  not  only  on  Indian  affairs  but 
on  the  succession  of  rulers.7  It  would  serve  no  good 
purpose  to  catalogue  the  various  expeditions  men 
tioned,  one  being  very  much  like  another,  and  many 
similar  campaigns  being  chronicled  in  other  parts  of 
this  work.  After  1743  it  appears  that  the  southern 
garrisons  had  no  service  in  the  field,  and  a  proposition 
was  made  to  save  expense  by  suppressing  them.  Ber- 
rotaran  opposed  this  policy,  claiming  that  peace  was 
maintained  only  by  the  presence  of  the  soldiers; 
though  he  approved  some  changes  of  sites,  and  also 
favored  the  policy  of  founding  towns  of  Indians  and 
Spaniards,  he  having  been  successful  in  1728  in  found 
ing  the  pueblo  of  Cinco  Senores  with  one  hundred 
and  twenty  Tarahumara  families  brought  out  from 
the  barrancas  of  the  Sierra. 

In  1751  five  of  the  seven  presidios  were  suppressed, 
Gallo,  Mapimi,  San  Bartolome,  Cerro  Gordo,  and 

6Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  60-1,  implies  that  the  7  presidios  were  established 
by  this  reglamento;  but  they  had  all  existed  before.  The  force  at  Janos  was 
47  men,  at  each  of  the  other  posts  33  men,  a  reduction  from  the  former  force. 
In  Durango  a  pestilence  of  measles  is  recorded  in  1728,  also  a  severe  snow 
storm  and  epidemic  in  1736-7. 

7  Berrotaran,  Informe  acerca  de  los  presidios  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  in  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.,  2d  series,  i.  161-224,  dated  Mexico,  April  17,  1748.  The  other 
presidio  captains  whose  services  are  to  some  extent  recorded  in  this  report 
w«re  Francisco  Jose  and  Juan  B.  Lizaola,  Martin  and  Jos<S  Aldai,  Juan  de 
Salaiza,  Jos6  de  Beasoain,  Antonio  Rodela,  and  Antonio  Becerra. 


PEESIDIAL  CHANGES.  585 

Conclios;  leaving  Pasage  in  the  south  and  Janos  in 
the  north-west,  besides  Paso  del  Norte  belonging  to 
New  Mexico  in  the  north-east.  In  1752,  however, 
a  new  presidio  was  founded  at  Guajuquilla  with  a 
double  garrison  to  take  the  place  of  Conchos,  San 
Bartolome,  and  Cerro  Gordo;8  and  in  1760  the  presidio 
of  Belen  was  founded  near  the  junction  of  the  Conchos 
and  Rio  del  Norte,  to  be  transferred  in  1766  to  a 
new  site  at  Julimes.  The  marques  de  Rubi  made  a 
tour  of  inspection  in  1766,  and  his  diary,  kept  by  the 
engineer  Nicola's  Lafora,  is  similar  to  that  of  Rivera 
in  1725,  containing  little  beyond  local  items.9  Mean 
while  nothing  is  known  in  detail  of  either  savage  raids 
on  the  northern  frontier  from  Janos  to  El  Paso,  or  of 
campaigns  against  the  Apaches.  With  a  few  unim 
portant  exceptions  of  local  happenings  we  have  only 
the  general  complaint  in  all  reports,  secular,  mis 
sionary,  and  ecclesiastical,  that  each  establishment 
was  constantly  exposed  to  destruction  at  the  hands 
of  the  cruel  foe,  and  that  the  Apaches  often  acted  in 
secret  concert  with  renegade  Tarahumares  and  natives 
of  other  tribes  nominally  converted. 

There  are  no  missionary  annals  proper  extant  for 
this  period,  not  even  the  monotonous  local  particulars 
so  abundant  in  earlier  times;  yet  most  that  has  been 
said  of  the  padres'  troubles  and  triumphs  in  the  last 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century  might  doubtless  be 
repeated  in  a  general  way  for  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth.  The  period  of  true  prosperity  had  passed ; 
but  the  decadence  arising  from  savage  raids,  neophyte 
apostasy,  and  controversy  with  ecclesiastical  and  sec 
ular  authorities,  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  less 

8  According  to  Garcia  Conde  in  Soc.  Geog.  Mex.,  BoL,  v.  269;  Escudero, 
Not.  Chih.,  23,  General  Hugo  Oconor  made  a  tour  of  inspection  about  1750, 
and  his  report  seemed  to  have  caused  the  changes.     The  authors  named  are 
apparently  in  error,  however,  when  they  speak  of  the  presidios  of  Janos, 
Galeana,   Carrizal,  Norte,  Coyame,   S.  Elceario,  and  S.  Carlos,   besides  the 
flying  companies  of  Jimenez,  Namiquipa,  Conchos,  and  S.  Pablo  as  estab 
lished  at  this  period. 

9  Lafora,  Viaye  d  Santa  Fe  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  17GG.  MS. 


586  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

rapid  and  disastrous  than  in  the  coast  provinces. 
Later  in  this  chapter  I  present  some  local  statistics 
showing  the  condition  of  the  different  establishments 
in  1767.  In  a  consulta  of  1744  the  governor  discoursed 
at  length  to  the  viceroy  on  the  condition  of  the  mis 
sion  and  pueblo  Indians,  showing  that  very  little  had 
been  accomplished  toward  reducing  the  natives  to 
well-ordered,  Christian,  civilized,  and  Spanish-speaking 
communities.  The  system  of  repartimientos  was 
deemed  to  be  a  necessity,  and  should  be  of  great 
benefit  to  the  laborers  as  well  as  the  employers;  but 
irregularities  had  practically  made  it  a  curse.  Four 
per  cent  of  the  community  was  the  repartirniento 
allowed  by  the  king;  but  in  reality  on  requisitions 
from  captains,  alcaldes,  and  other  subordinate  officers 
many  of  the  pueblos  were  nearly  depopulated  at  the 
time  of  planting.  The  Indians  were  cheated  in  the 
matter  of  time,  left  free  from  all  control  in  respect  of 
religion  and  morals,  and  forced  to  go  long  distances 
for  their  wages,  which  were  paid  in  such  articles  as 
the  agents  happened  to  have  rather  than  in  such  as 
the  laborers  needed.  Thus  they  were  forced  into  the 
mountains  in  quest  of  food  not  existing  at  their  homes; 
and  from  being  fugitives  they  readily  became  rebels. 
The  governor  favored  an  increase  of  the  repartimientos 
from  four  to  thirty- three  and  one  third  per  cent;  but 
at  the  same  time  insisted  that  the  system  should  be 
subjected  to  strict  and  wholesome  regulations,  which 
should  apply  not  only  to  employers  in  mines  and 
haciendas  but  to  missionaries,  military  officials,  and 
native  alcaldes  and  governors.  Doubtless  many  sim 
ilar  complaints  were  made  without  any  practical 
results.10 

I  have  before  me  a  report  on  the  condition  of  the 
Jesuit  college  at  Durango,  from  1742  to  1751.  Spirit 
ually  and  in  the  matter  of  education  the  institution 
with  its  eight  resident  padres  had  accomplished  satis- 

10  Sept.  1,  1744,  governor  of  N.  Vizcaya  to  viceroy,  in  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc. 
Hist.,  iv.  39-47;  also  MS.,  in  Maltratamiento  de  Indios,  no.  9. 


SECULARIZATION  IN  DURANGO.  587 

factory  results.  It  had  entertained  without  charge 
all  sick  and  indigent  travellers  who  had  presented 
themselves;  religious  exercises  had  been  regularly 
performed  in  honor  of  the  different  saints,  though 
sometimes  on  credit,  the  sums  of  money  promised  not 
always  being  paid;  and  the  padres  had  often  been 
cheered  by  miraculous  interventions  which  are  mi 
nutely  described.  Yet  in  temporal  affairs  the  college 
was  represented  as  on1  the  brink^of  ruin,  there  being 
no  hope  of  succor  from  human  sources.  Buildings 
were  dilapidated;  live-stock  had  nearly  disappeared; 
a  debt  of  $27,000  had  been  incurred;  and  drought 
had  raised  the  price  of  food  to  fabulous  rates.  The 
seminary  at  Parral,  according  to  Alegre,  had  been 
abandoned  in  1745.11 

As  early  as  1746  the  Jesuit  provincial  had  pro 
posed  to  give  up  the  Durango  missions,  that  is  those 
of  the  Tepehuana  and  Topia  districts,  to  the  bishop. 
Only  slight  fragments  of  the  ensuing  correspondence 
for  six  years  are  extant;  but  it  appears  that  the 
bishop  wras  greatly  troubled  by  a  lack  of  curates  to 
replace  the  missionaries,  and  there  were  bitter  com 
plaints  that  the  Jesuits  had  not  taught  their  neo 
phytes  to  speak  Spanish,  thus  greatly  increasing  the 
difficulties  of  the  clergy.  There  was  also  trouble 
about  the  division  of  property.  The  bishop  proposed 
to  divide  it  into  three  portions,  two  for  the  church 
and  one  for  the  Indians  by  whose  sweat  and  blood  it 
had  been  accumulated;  while  the  Jesuits  protested, 
unsuccessfully  as  it  would  seem,  that  the  'sweat  and 
blood'  of  the  missionaries  should  be  taken  into  the 
account.  Finally  the  secularization  was  accomplished 
in  1753,  when  twenty-two  establishments,  all  that 
existed  in  Durango,  with  five  of  Tarahumara  Baja  in 

11  Anna  del  Colegio  de  Durango,  1742-61,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  iv. 
48-59;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  284.  See  Braun,  Carta . . . sobre  la 
cmogttilica  vida,  virtudes,  y  santa  muerte  del  P.  Francisco  Hermano  Glan- 
dorff,  Mexico,  17G4,  8vo,  33  pages,  on  the  life  of  one  of  the  prominent  Jesuits 
•who  died  at  Tomochic  in  1704,  after  40  years  of  service.  The  author  also 
served  in  Chihuahua. 


583  NUEVA  YIZCAYA. 

Chihuahua,  were  turned  over  to  the  church.  Father 
Och,  who  visited  this  region  in  1756,  tells  us  that 
secularization  wTas  an  end  of  all  prosperity  on  account 
of  the  bad  character  and  inexperience  of  the  curates, 
some  of  them  mulattoes.  Some  establishments  were 
abandoned  within  three  months;  and  the  church 
property  went  rapidly  to  ruin.  Och  said  mass  at  an 
abandoned  mission,  where  the  natives  not  only  at 
tended  in  person  but  brought  three  hundred  skulls, 
that  their  dead  friends  might  share  the  benefit.  There 
is  reason  to  suspect  that  this  Jesuit  somewhat  exag 
gerates  the  destruction  caused  by  the  transfer.12 

In  1705,  according  to  Berrotaran,  there  had  been 
seventy-one  mission  pueblos  under  the  Jesuits  in 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  a  number  increased  to  seventy-five 
in  1748.13  In  1751  fifty-one  Jesuits  were  serving, 
sixteen  in  the  college  and  at  Parras,  Parral,  and  Chi 
huahua,  and  thirty-five  at  the  same  number  of  mis 
sions  in  the  three  districts  of  Tarahumara,  Tepehuana, 
and  Piastla  as  Topia  was  then  called.14  In  1753 
twenty-two  of  the  establishments  were  secularized  as 
just  mentioned.  In  1763  there  remained  fifteen  mis 
sions,  or  about  fifty  pueblos,  all  in  Tarahumara  Alta.15 
And  finally,  at  the  time  of  the  expulsion  in  1767, 
nineteen  padres  were  serving  at  nineteen  missions, 
while  an  equal  number  were  stationed  at  the  college 
and  residencias.16  Of  circumstances  connected  with 
the  expulsion  from  Chihuahua  nothing  whatever  is 

™Alegrc,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  287-9;  Clavigero,  Storia  ddla  CaL,  ii. 
120;  Casati,  Dictdmen  del  Padre  Provincial  sobre  la  entrega  de  22  misiones, 
1750;  Instruction  de  Virreyes.  98-9;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  169;  Och,  Reize, 
68-71;  in  the  Memoria  de  las  22  misiones  cedidas  por  la  Oompania  de  Jesus 
d  la  Mitra  de  Durango,  d  fines  del  ano  de  1753,  in  N.  Vizc.,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv. 
60-1,  the  establishments  are  named  as  follows:  Topia;  S.  Ignacio  de  Piastla, 
S.  Juan,  Sta  Maria  cle  Utias  (Otais),  S.  Gregorio,  Otatitlan,  Tasula  (Tama- 
zula),  Baridagitato,  Coriantapan.  Tepehuana;  Cinco  Seuores,  Papasquiaro, 
Zape,  Las  Bocas,  S.  Pablo,  Guexotitlan,  Sta  Cruz  de  Herrera,  Sta  Maria  de 
las  Cuevas,  and  Satevo. 

13  Berrotaran,  Informe,  206-7. 

u  Catalogus  Personarum  Soc.  Jesu.  The  distribution  is  indicated  in  the 
local  items  in  note  23,  as  is  also  that  of  the  catalogue  of  1767. 

15  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS. 

16  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo.     Thote  expelled  may  be  identified  by  the  date 
in  the  list  in  note  17. 


EXPULSION  OF  JESUITS. 


589 


known.  Seven  of  the  exiles  died  on  the  way  to 
Europe.  I  append  an  alphabetical  list  of  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty-seven  Jesuits  who  served  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya  from  the  beginning.  It  is  doubtless  much 
less  complete  than  the  lists  for  Sonora  and  Baja  Cali 
fornia.17 


17  The  dates  show  when  each  padre  is  known  to  have  been  in  the  country, 
but  not  always  when  he  came  or  departed. 


Abee,  Juan  Isidro,  1767. 
Acacio,  Juan,  1616. 
Acebedo,  Diego,  1616-64. 
Agreda,  Antonio,  1751. 
Agustin,  Juan,  1598. 
Almmada,  Luis,  1615. 
Alavez,  Luis,  1602-16. 
Alvarez,  Juan,  1616-23. 
Alvarez,  Luis,  1750. 
Arias,  Antonio,  1717. 

Arista, ,  1755. 

Arrieda,  Rafael,  1751. 
Arteaga,  Francisco,  1678. 
Arteaga,  Manuel  G.,  1678. 
Ascarza,  Domingo,  1767. 
Ayerve,  Floriano,  1609. 
Bafiuelos,  Francisco,  1678. 
Barrio,  Fernando,  1678. 
Barrionuevo,  Francisco,  1674. 
Basilio,  Jacome  Antonio,  1652. 
Basurto,  Joaquin,  1751. 
Betaucur,  Juan,  1615. 
Boltor,  Juan,  1678-1729. 
Braun,  Bartolome",  1751-67. 
Bravo,  Cristobal,  1678. 
Caamano,  Fernando,  1751. 
Cardaveraz,  Diego,  1751. 
Carmona,  Mateo,  1767. 
Cartagena,  Manuel,  1751. 
Castillo,  Andres,  1678. 
Castillo,  Rodrigo,  1645-68. 
Castro,  Diego,  1616. 
Celada  Francisco,  1678-1707. 
Cepeda,  Nicolas,  1645. 
Chaves,  Jose",  1751. 
Cisneros,  Bernardo,  1608-16. 
Conte,  Juan,  1616. 
Contreras,  Diego,  1678. 
Contreras,  Caspar,  1615-53. 
Corro,  Ildefonso,  1767. 
Cuervo,  Pedro,  1767. 
Cuesta,  Pedro,  1678. 
Cueto,  Gonzalo,  1609-33. 
Diaz,  Cosine,  1767. 
Diaz,  Gabriel,  1630. 
Dominguez,  Tom  as,  1615. 
Douazar,  Joaquin,  1751. 


Escalante,  Pedro,  1665-78. 
Escamefa,  Bartolome,  1759. 
Escobar,  Cristdbal,  1746. 
Espadas,  Jose",  1767. 
Espinosa,  Juan  Agustin,  1594. 
Estrada,  Ger6nimo,  1630-78. 
Estrada,  Ignacio,  1717. 
Ferrer,  Nicolas,  1678. 
Figueroa,  Geronimo,  1639-68. 
Flores,  Manuel,  1767. 
Fonte,  Juan,  1598-1616. 
Foronda,  Juan  Ortiz,  1690. 
Franco,  Lazaro,  1767. 
Fuente,  Antonio,  1767. 
Fuentes,  Juan,  1751. 
Gamboa,  Juan  Manuel,  1675. 
Gera,  Lorenzo,  1751. 
Giron,  Luis  Tellez,  1751. 
Glandorff,  Herman,  1751-63. 
Godinez,  Comelio,  1650. 
Gomez,  Alonso,  1610. 
Gomez,  Luis,  1615-52. 
Gonzalez,  Andres,  1616. 
Gonzalez,  Claudio,  1767. 
Gonzalez,  Javier,  1767. 
Gonzalez,  Juan  Manuel,  1767. 
Gonzalez,  Miguel,  1751. 
Gravina,  Pedro,  1616-35. 
Guadalajara,  Tomas,  1678. 
Gualde,  Pedro,  1742. 
Guendulain,  Juan,  1725. 
Guerra,  Vicente,  1767. 
Guevara,  Jose",  1678. 
Gustambide,  Pedro,  1742. 
Heredia,  Juan,  1630. 
Hidalgo,  Jos6  Antonio,  1751-67. 
Hierro,  Cristobal,  1751. 
Hierro,  Juan  Manuel,  1751. 
Ibarra,  Arias,  1717. 
Iranzo,  Jose",  1767. 
Isassi,  Francisco,  1751. 
Jatino,  Leonardo,  1664. 
Jimenez,  Diego  Pedro,  1632- -78. 
Kauga,  Juan  Francisco,  1751-67. 
Kiylt,  Antonio,  17C7. 
Larios,  Diego,  1615. 
Lartundo,  Juan,  1767. 


590 


NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 


Of  the  Franciscan  establishments  even  less  is  known 
than  of  those  under  the  Jesuits,  though  evidently  the 
experience  of  the  two  orders  was  much  the  same  dur 
ing  this  period.  Arlegui,  whose  standard  chronicles 
were  published  in  1737,  gives  a  few  details  for  the  first 
years  of  the  century.  He  mentions  the  murder  of  the 
friars  Ramiro  Alvarez  and  Diego  Evia  by  the  Indians 
of  San  Bernardino  de  Milpillas  in  1702,  and  the  con- 


Lomas,  Jose",  1009-18. 

Lopez,  Andres,  1605. 

Lozano,  Francisco  Javier,  1751-67. 

Maez,  Vigilio,  1646-50. 

Mallen,  Juan,  1616. 

Mancuso,  Luis,  1717. 

Maten,  Santiago,  1767. 

Medina,  Ignacio,  1662. 

Medrano,  Francisco,  1678. 

Mendoza,  Francisco,  1662-78. 

Miqueio,  Jose",  1751. 

Moranta,  Ger6nimo,  1602-16. 

Moreno,  Cristobal,  1751. 

Morillas,  Juan  Sebastian,  1751. 

Muiioz,  1645. 

Murillo,  Dionisio,  1751. 

Najera,  Caspar,  1616-64. 

Nava,  Juan  Jose",  1751. 

Navarrete,  Francisco,  1717. 

Nortier,  Juan,  1767. 

Nunez,  Juan  Antonio,  1751. 

Och,  Joseph,  1756. 

Orena,  Antonio,  1678. 

Orozco,  Diego,  1602-16. 

Osorio,  Diego,  1645. 

Palacios,  Rafael,  1767. 

Pal  ma,  Bias,  1751. 

Pangua,  Diego  Diaz,  1615. 

Pascual,  Jose",  1639-52. 

Pastrana,  Jose",  1751-67. 

Pereira,  Jose",  1767. 

Perez,  Francisco  Jose",  1750. 

Plaza,  Francisco,  1678. 

Prado,  Martin,  1678. 

Prieto,  Sebastian,  1751. 

Ramirez,  Francisco,  1594. 

Ramirez,  Geronimo,  1596-1621. 

Retes,  Pedro,  1751-3. 

Rico,  Felipe,  1751. 

Riualdini,  Benito,  1743-51. 

Rios,  Antonio,  1751. 

Rivas,  Andre's  Perez,  1616. 

Rivero,  Ramon,  1767. 

Robledo,  Jose",  1751-9. 

Robles,  Cristobal,  1661. 

Robles,  Pedro,  1678. 

Rodero,  Gaspar,  1717. 


Rodriguez,  Este"van,  1664. 
Ruanova,  Felipe,  1751-67. 
Ruiz,  Alonso,  1600-18. 
Saenz,  Diego,  1678. 
Salazar,  Jose",  1751. 
San  Ciemente,  Ger6nimo,  1609. 
Sanchez,  Manuel,  1690. 
Sanchez,  Mateo,  1751. 
Santander,  Hernando,  1599-1616. 
Sarmiento,  Juan,  1665-78. 
Serrano,  Francisco,  1635. 
Serrano,  Juan  Domingo,  1753. 
Sola,  Miguel,  1767. 
Soto,  Bernab<§,  1662. 
Steffel,  Mateo,  1767. 
Sterkianowski,  Antonio,  1767. 
Suarez,  Pedro,  1638-62. 
Sugosti,  Ignacio,  1742. 
Tarda,  Jose",  1674-8. 
Texeiro,  Antonio,  1751. 
Tobar,  Hernando,  1608-16. 
Torija,  Juan,  1751. 
Treviiio,  Bernardo,  1751-3. 
Trujillo,  Gaspar,  1751. 
Tutiiio,  Andres,  1602-16. 
Ugalde,  Pedro,  1753. 
Urizar,  Miguel,  1751. 
Urroz,  Antonio,  1767. 
Urtasum,  Jose",  1767. 
Uveis,  Francisco,  1751. 
Uvirs,  Miguel,  1751. 
Vadillo,  Francisco,  1767. 
Valdtis,  Francisco,  1678. 
Valde's,  Miguel,  1767. 
Vallarta,  Martin,  1751. 
Valle,  Juan  del,  1608-16. 
Valle,  Juan  del,  1740. 
Vazquez,  Nicolas,  1751. 
Vega,  Jos6  Honorato,  1767. 
Vera,  Francisco,  1610-78. 
Villar,  Gabriel,  1648-78. 
Vivanco,  Manuel,  1767. 
Yanez,  Luis  A.,  1751-67. 
Ydiaquez,  Antonio,  1751. 
Yta,  Sebastian,  1615. 
Zapata,  Juan  Ortiz,  1662. 


FRANCISCAN  MISSIONS.  591 

sequent  transfer  of  the  convent  to  San  Francisco  de 
Lajas  the  next  year,  this  being  the  twenty-eighth 
convent  of  the  Zacatecas  province.  Arlegui  records 
several  instances  of  attacks  upon  parties  of  travellers, 
in  which  friars  were  terrified,  robbed,  and  once  even 
wounded,  but  not  killed.  Indeed  he  claims  that  the 
Franciscans  were  often  spared  by  the  savages  when 
they  had  no  pity  for  members  of  other  orders  Sev 
eral  cases  of  miraculous  rescue  in  response  to  prayer 
are  recounted.  About  1703,  according  to  the  same 
authority,  the  bishop  attempted  to  secure  the  secular 
ization  of  twelve  Franciscan  cloctrinas ;  but  by  sending 
a  representative  to  Spain  the  friars  obtained  from  the 
council  of  the  Indies  an  order  of  restoration.18  All  of 
the  southern  missions  were,  however,  turned  over  to 
the  secular  clergy  before  1763,  when  Bishop  Tarnaron 
mentions  seven  or  eight  of  them  as  being  under  curates; 
but  I  have  found  no  record  whatever  of  the  transfer 
or  even  its  date. 

In  the  north,  or  the  modern  Chihuahua,  the  cus- 
todia  of  San  Antonio  del  Parral  was  formed  by  a  bull 
of  Clernente  XI.  in  1714,  and  put  in  operation  by  the 
provincial  council  of  San  Luis  Potosi  in  1717.  Padre 
Antonio  Mendigutia  was  the  first  custodian,  and  his 
jurisdiction  extended  from  San  Bartolonie  to  Casas 
Grand es.19  In  1714  the  natives  living  near  the  junc 
tion  of  the  Conchos  and  Rio  del  Norte  asked  for  mis 
sionaries,  their  country  having  been  visited  several 
times  in  former  years.  Accordingly  in  1715  padres 
Gregorio  Osorio  and  Juan  Antonio  Garcia,  with  a 
guard  of  thirty  soldiers  under  sergeant  major  Juan 
Antonio  Transviiia  Retis,  went  to  the  Junta  region 
and  began  the  work  of  conversion.  Five  or  six  friars 
soon  came  to  join  the  pioneers,  arid  six  missions  were 
founded,  including  eleven  pueblos.  For  about  ten 
years  all  went  well;  but  then  the  Indians  became  dis 
satisfied  at  the  neglect  of  the  government  to  accede 

™Arhciui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  92-3,  201-8,  250-2. 

19 N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iii.  13;  Arlnjui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  124-5. 


592 


NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 


NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 


BISHOPRIC.  593 

to  their  petitions  regarding  irrigation  works,  and 
finally  revolted  in  a  quiet  way,  causing  the  friars  to 
retire  in  1725.  The  abandonment  continued,  except 
for  occasional  temporary  visits  when  the  natives  were 
always  friendly,  until  1753.  In  this  year  the  reoccu- 
pation  of  the  Junta  missions  was  ordered,  and  though 
there  were  some  delays  in  the  matter  of  obtaining 
proper  military  escorts,  it  would  seem  that  very  soon 
the  object  was  accomplished.20  I  find  no  definite 
record  of  the  reoccupation ;  but  Tamaron  in  1763  re 
ports  the  missions  as  in  -existence,  though  the  natives 
were  at  that  time  rebellious,  making  objection  to  the 
presidio  lately  founded  in  their  country.  The  pre 
sidio  as  we  have  seen  was  soon  removed  to  Julimes. 
In  these  years  the  Franciscans  had  in  Nueva  Vizcaya 
twelve  missions  with  4,000  neophytes.  They  also  re 
ceived  the  old  Jesuit  missions  in  1767. 

On  the  promotion  of  Bishop  Legaspi,  Manuel  de 
Escalante  Columbres  y  Mendoza  was  appointed  in  1700 
to  the  see  of  Durango.  He  had  been  four  times  rector 
of  the  university  of  Mexico,  and  to  his  name  was 
attached  a  long  list  of  ecclesiastical  titles.  Taking  the 
green  hat  in  Mexico  on  July  26,  1700,  he  took  posses 
sion  of  his  office  on  September  29,  1701,  and  held  it 
until  1704,  when  he  was  made  bishop  of  Michoacan. 
Bishop  Escalante  was  especially  noted  for  his  charity, 
having  pledged  even  his  pontifical  robes  in  that  sacred 
cause.  Ignacio  Diego  de  la  Barrera,  who  had  been 
doctor  of  canon  law  and  advocate  of  the  audiencia,, 

20 N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv.  131-72,  containing  many  details  of  the 
original  founding  in  correspondence,  with  Retis'  diary  of  his  expedition;. 
ViUa-SeTior,  Theatro,  ii.  424-5;  Mosaico  Mex.,\i.  163.  Berrotaran,  hiforme, 
177-9,  mentions  a  difficulty  about  irrigation  works  in  1720,  when  Capt. 
Lizaola  went  to  investigate  and  make  promises;  see  also  Soc.  Hex.  Gcog.,  BoL, 
v.  312-13,  319-20.  Rivera,  Diario  y  Derrolero,  mentions  the  revolt  in  1725, 
in  which  two  friars  are  said  to  have  been  taken  prisoners.  The  mission  pue 
blos  of  the  Junta  de  los  Rios  were :  Santiago  de  la  Cienega  del  Coyame,  Nra 
Sra  Begoua  del  Cuchillo  Parado,  Loreto,  S.  Juan  Bautista,  S.  Francisco  de 
Asis  de  la  Junta,  Nra  Sra  de  Aranzazu,  Guadalupe,  S.  Jose1,  S.  Antonio,  and 
S.  Cristobal.  The  friars  were:  Osorio,  Garcia,  Raimundo  Gras,  Antonio- 
Aparicio,  Francisco  Lipiani,  Luis  Martinez  Clemente,  and  Andres  Baro. 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  38 


594  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

became  bishop  on  May  7,  1705,  and  died  in  office 
September  20,  1709.  Barrera  distinguished  himself 
by  attempting  to  establish  a  collegiate  seminary,  which 
however  by  his  successor  was  incorporated  with  the 
Jesuit  college.  This  successor  was  Pedro  Tapiz,  a 
native  of  Andosilla,  Spain,  who  had  been  abbot  and 
vicar-general.  He  took  possession  by  proxy  February 
21,  1713,  and  died  April  13,  1722.  Three  days  after 
his  death  he  was  appointed  bishop  of  Guadalajara. 
The  next  incumbent  was  Benito  Crespo,  knight  of 
Santiago,  dean  of  Oajaca,  and  formerly  rector  and  pro 
fessor  in  the  college  of  Salamanca.  His  appointment 
was  dated  March  22,  1723;  and  on  January  20,  1734, 
he  was  transferred  to  the  diocese  of  Puebla.  Bishop 
Crespo  made  three  extensive  tours  through  Nueva 
Vizcaya  and  the  coast  provinces,  and  was  the  first  to 
visit  New  Mexico.  His  confirmations  numbered 
forty-six  thousand,  and  he  built  many  churches  in 
Durango.21  Martin  de  Elizacoechea,  a  native  of  Azpil- 
cueta,  Navarre,  educated  at  AlcaH,  and  who  had  held 
high  positions  in  Spain  and  Mexico,  having  been  pro 
posed  for  the  see  of  Cuba,  was  next  made  bishop  of  Du 
rango,  which  office  he  held  from  September  6,  1736,  to 
March  8,  1747,  when  he  was  promoted  to  the  see  of 
Guadalajara.  This  bishop's  term  was  marked  by  a 
controversy  and  law -suit  between  him  and  the  bishops 
of  Guadalajara  and  Valladolid  respecting  the  tithes  of 
cattle  straying  across  the  diocesan  boundaries  to  graze. 
On  April  9,  1747,  the  appointment  was  made  in  favor 
of  Pedro  Anselmo  Sanchez  de  Tagle,  a  native  of  San- 
tillana,  educated  at  the  universities  of  Salamanca  and 
Valladolid,  and  who  had  been  senior  magistrate  of  the 
inquisition  in  Mexico.  He  took  possession  August 
27,  1749,  and  ruled  until  September  26,  1757,  when 
he  was  made  bishop  of  Michoacan.  At  the  same 
time  Pedro  Tamaron  was  made  bishop  of  Durango, 

21  Crespo,  Memorial  Ajustado,  is  an  argument  in  a  law-suit  between  this 
bishop  or  his  successor  and  the  Franciscan  authorities,  arisingfrom  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  vicar  in  New  Mexico  and  other  acts  not  approved  by  the  missionaries. 


LOCAL  ITEMS  AND  STATISTICS.  595 

taking  the  office  in  1758.  He  was  a  native  of  Toledo, 
Spain,  and  came  to  America  in  1719  in  the  suite  of  the 
bishop  of  Caracas,  where  he  completed  his  studies. 
His  rule  ended  with  his  life  on  December  21,  1768, 
his  death  occurring  in  Sinaloa.  Tamaron  issued  sev 
eral  series  of  instructions  for  priests  and  friars;  and 
he  spent  much  of  his  time  in  tours  of  inspection.  In 
obedience  to  royal  orders  he  kept  a  full  record  of  his 
travels  and  observations,  which  record  for  1759—63  is 
one  of  the  most  valuable  sources  of  information  ex 
tant,  being  utilized  in  this  and  other  chapters,  espe 
cially  for  local  items  and  statistics/ 


'2-2 


From  the  elaborate  report  of  Bishop  Tamaron's 
episcopal  tour  of  1759-63,  confirmed  but  only  very 
slightly  modified  by  comparison  with  several  other 
general  accounts  pertaining  to  the  period  covered  by 
this  chapter,  I  extract  the  local  item's  appended  in  the 
form  of  notes.23  From  the  statistics  thus  presented 

22 For  list  of  bishops  and  ecclesiastical  affairs  generally  in  1701-67,  see: 
Concilia*  Prov.,  142,  333-5,  346,  372-5;  Iglesias  y  Conventos,  Eel.,  317-18; 
Ramirez,  in  Ilust.  Mex.,  i.  22-4;  Alcedo,  Dice.,  ii.  54-6;  Dice.  Univ.,  iii. 
143-4;  vii.  207-8;  viii.  375;  ix.  269;  Robles,  Diario,  iii.  257;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
2d  series,  iv.  119-20,  171-209;  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  593;  Aleyre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  228;  Ardvalo,  Compendia,  13,  37;  Aposttilicos  Afanes,  381; 
Arlegui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  108;  I<jlesiadeDur.,Espejo,  Jurid.,  passim;  N.  Espana, 
Breve  Res.,  MS.,  ii.  317-19,  346;  Tamaron,  Visita,  MS.,  passim;  Villa-Senor 
y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  ii.  337-9;  Providencias  Reales,  MS.,  71-2;  Castro,  Diario, 
vi.  230;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  i.  298;  Buelna,  Compend.,  57. 

Padre  Matias  Blanco  is  described  as  a  distinguished  theologian  and  pro 
fessor  in  the  college  of  S.  Pedro  y  S.  Pablo  of  Durango.  He  left  some  works 
in  print  and  MS.,  dying  in  1734.  In  1702  some  Franciscans  from  Quer^taro 
held  a  mission,  or  revival,  in  Dnrango,  causing  much  commotion.  Income 
of  the  diocese  in  1728,  $60,000.  In  1736,  $22,000  for  bishop's  share.  In  1767, 
$50,000,  bishop's  share  $12,519.  Tithes  from  1756  to  1767  were  $460,303. 

™  Rivera,  Diario  y  Derrotero  (1725);  Guendulain,  Carta  (1725);  Villa- 
Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro  (1745),  ii.  339-67;  Berrotaran,  Inform*  (1748); 
Tamaron,  Visita  (1759-63),  MS.;  Lafora,  Viage  d  Sta  Ft  (1766),  MS.;  N. 
Espana,  Breve  Resumen  (1767),  MS.,  ii.  346.  Also  the  following,  chiefly 
referring  to  the  cities  of  Durango  and  Chihuahua:  Santos,  Chron.  Hi.it.,  ii. 
465-6;  Arlefjui,  Cr6n.  Zac.,  59-63,  98-9,  107-9;  N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iii. 
13;  iv.  119-20,  195,  316-17,  462;  Artvalo,  Comp.,  94-5,  174;  Mota-PadiUa, 
Conq.  N.  Gal.,  229,  314-15,  517;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  270;  ii.  220; 
iii.  178;  lylesias  y  Conventos,  Rel.,  322-4;  Dicciouario  Universal,  ix.  72. 

Durango,  capital  city,  residence  of  the  governor — or  in  late  years  of  the 
lieutenant  governor — of  Nueva  Vizcaya ;  also  cathedral  town  of  the  bishopric 
of  Guadiana.  or  Durango.  Population,  8,937.  Four  convents  or  monastic 
institutions  of  different  orders,  a  hospital,  and  several  churches  and  chapels; 
branch  of  the  royal  treasury;  secular  and  ecclesiastical  cabildos;  fine  water- 


596  '  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

it  appears  that  in  southern  Nueva  Vizcaya,  that  is 
the  modern  Durango  with  parts  of  Sinaloa  on  the 
west  and  the  Parras  and  Saltillo  districts  of  Coahuila 
on  the  east,  there  was  a  Spanish  and  mixed  popula 
tion  of  about  46,000  souls.  Only  a  small  percentage 
of  this  gente  de  razon  was  of  pure  Spanish  blood; 
and  it  would  seem  that  the  number  must  have  in 
cluded  many  laborers  in  the  mines  and  haciendas  who 
were  full-blooded  Indians.  Nine  thousand  of  this 
population  lived  in  the  capital  city  of  Durango;  while 
the  rest  were  distributed  in  some  thirty-six  settle 
ments,  including  two  villas,  one  presidio,  and  fourteen 
reales  de  minas,  besides  many  large  haciendas  which 
were  practically  small  towns.  There  were  about  forty 
towns,  or  communities  of  Indians  so  called,  represent- 

works  built  by  Bishop  Crespo  about  1728,  at  his  own  expense  of  about  $7,000. 
Many  descriptive  details  of  the  city  with  its  buildings,  institutions,  and  sur 
roundings,  are  given  in  the  authorities  cited.  The  cathedral  curate  had 
charge  of  three  visitas:  San  Juan  Analco,  in  suburbs  of  Durango,  with  610 
Tlascaltecs;  Tunal,  2  1.  s.  w.,  328  Indians;  Santiago,  31.  s.,  221  Ind. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  villa;  not  apparently  in  the  bishopric  of  Durango,  as  it 
is  not  mentioned  by  Tamaron.  Lafora  in  1766  found  'a  few  Spaniards,  some 
mulattoes,'  and  800  Mexican  Indians  under  an  alcalde  mayor  and  curate. 

Mezquital  (S.  Francisco),  20  1.  s.  W.  Dur.;  formerly  a  Franciscan  mission, 
pop.  257  gente  de  razon,  121  Ind.;  also  hacienda  of  Sta  Elena,  41.  W.,  pop. 
193.  The  curate  has  charge  of  six  visitas:  Sonora,  20  1.  w.,  96  Ind.;  Jaco- 
nosta,  20  1.  s.,  57  Ind.;  Sta  Maria,  35  1.,  264  Ind.;  Tenaraca,  40  1.  S.  w.,  165 
Ind.;  Ocotan,  50  1.  S.  w.,  165  Ind.;  Jicara,  55  1.,  79  Ind. 

Guazamota  (Sta  Maria),  70  1.  s.  w.  Dur.,  50  1.  from  Mezquital,  on  the 
borders  of  Nayarit;  a  Franciscan  serves  as  curate;  153  Ind.  Visitas:  S. 
Bemabe,  4  1.  N.,  59  Ind.;  S.  Antonio,  £  1.  N.,  190;  S.  Lucas  de  Galpa,  21.  s., 
299  Ind.  All  very  destitute  and  liable  to  destruction. 

Lajas  (S.  Francisco),  50  1.  S.  Dur.,  60  1.  N.  Guazamota;  Franciscan  curate; 
220  Ind.  Visitas:  Milpillas,  1  day  N.  E,,  52  Ind.;  Tagicaringa,  1.5  days  w., 
39  Ind.;  Ylametech,  1.75  days  w.,  69  Ind. 

Pueblo  JSTuevo  (Concepcion),  2  1.  w.  Lajas,  40  1.  s.  w.  Dur.;  formerly 
belonged  to  Jesuits;  P.  Nicolas  Vazquez  in  1751;  348  Ind.  Under  the  curate 
is  the  mining  camp  of  San  Diego  del  Rio  with  a  population  of  246,  and  many* 
silver  mines. 

Guarizame  (S.  Pedro),  40  1.  N.  Pueblo  Nuevo,  40  1.  w.  Dur. ;  Jesuit  mis 
sion  to  1753;  193  Ind.  Visita,  Tumazen,  8  1.  N.,  114  Ind. 

Otais  (Sta  Maria),  4  1.  N.  Guar.,  741.  w.  Dur.;  secularized  in  1753;  221 
gente  de  razon,  125  Ind.;  P.  Juan  Fuentes  in  1751.  Visita,  Bassis,  12  1.  E., 
50  1.  w.  Dur.,  a  real  de  minas  discovered  in  1763  and  causing  a  great  rush, 
chief  mine  called  Tajo;  pop.  2000. 

San  Gregorio,  2  days  from  Otais;  secularized  in  1753;  91  Ind.;  gente  de 
razon  at  S.  Javier,  4  1.  w.,  99;  La  Huerta,  10  1.  N.,  84;  S.  Juan  20  1.  w.,  52; 
Bincon,  128;  Sta  Efigeiiia,  35.  Visita,  Soyupa  (Soibupa),  71.  w.,  114  Ind. 
P.  Mateo  Sanchez  in  1751. 

Los  Remedies  (formerly  S.  Ildefonso?),  3  days  s.  Soyupa;  secularized  1753; 
146  de  razon,  108  Ind.;  P.  Miguel  Gonzalez  in  1751.  Visitas,  S.  Juan,  6  1.  s. 


DURANGO  STATISTICS.  597 

ing  the  old  mission  pueblos,  now  under  secular  curates, 
with  an  aggregate  population  of  eleven  thousand. 
Thus  the  nominally  civilized  and  christianized  inhab 
itants  numbered  somewhat  less  than  sixty  thousand; 
the  number  of  gentiles  in  the  mountains  of  Durango 
cannot  be  even  approximately  estimated,  but  was 
comparatively  small. 


Again  I  append  in  a  note  similar  local  statistics  for 

\v.,  106  Ind.;  Sta  Catalina,  6  1.  N.  \v.,  105  Ind.;  also  valleys  of  Palma  and 
Amaculi,  pop.  123. 

Valle  de  Topia  (S.  Pedro),  43  1.  from  Soyupa,  formerly  Franciscan  mis 
sion;  142  Ind.,  78  de  razon,  also  47  at  the  Topia  mine  8  1.  north.  Visitas: 
Canelas,  real  de  minas,  14  1.  w.,  pop.  395;  Sianori,  mines,  20  1.  w.,  pop.  432; 
Tabahueto,  mines,  201.  N.,  pop.  115. 

Tamazula  (S.  Ignacio),  3  days  s.  from  Sianori  and  Canelas;  P.  Manuel 
Cartagena  in  1751;  secul.  1753;  225  Ind.  Visita,  Agua  Caliente,  2.5  1.  N.  E., 
115  Ind.;  820  de  razon  in  ranches. 

Zape,  secul.  1753,  78  Ind.  Visita,  Guanasevi,  real  de  minas,  51.  N. ;  mines 
of  La  Paz  20  1.  E.;  gold  mine  of  Merced  3  1.  w.,  pop.  of  all  805. 

Santa  Catalina,  48  1.  N.  w.  Dur.,  14  1.  s.  Zape;  P.  Pedro  Retes  in  1751; 
secul.  1753;  65  Ind.,  948  de  razon. 

Papasquiaro  (Santiago),  12  1.  s.  w.  Sta  Catalina;  P.  Antonio  Rios  in  1751; 
secul.  1753;  101  Ind. ;  the  whole  parish  has  a  pop.  de  razon  of  2,728.  Visitas: 
Atotonilco,  3  1.  N.,  261  Ind.;  S.  Nicolas,  3  1.  s.  w.,  115  Ind. 

Canatlan  (S.  Diego),  12  1.  N.  w.  Dur.;  formerly  a  Franciscan  mission; 
133  Ind. ;  also  many  haciendas  with  a  pop.  of  2145. 

San  Juan  del  Rio,  24  1.  N.  Dur. ;  formerly  Franciscan  mission;  curate  has 
4  assistants;  363  Ind.,  2588  gente  de  razon.  Visitas:  Avinito,  real  de  minas, 
10  1.  N.  E.  S.  Juan,  pop.  1,230;  Panuco,  mines  £  1.  from  Avinito,  pop.  1,469; 
Coneto,  mines,  12  1.  s.  S.  Juan,  pop.  736  in  1761,  but  greatly  reduced  before 
1765. 

Cuencame",  real  de  minas,  pop.  with  haciendas  of  Atotonilco  and  Saucillo, 
2,148.  The  curate  has  6  lieutenants.  Visitas:  Santiago,  near  Cuencame", 
100  Ind.;  Oguila,  1.5  1.  E.,  166  Ind.;  El  Penol,  10  1.  w.,  447  Ind.;  Cinco 
Seuores,  151.  N.,  once  a  Jesuit  mission,  P.  Felipe  Ruanova  in  1751,  22  Ind. 
In  the  adjoining  haciendas,  a  pop.  of  898. 

Pasage,  presidio,  3  1.  N.  N.  w.  Cuencame",  25  soldiers,  pop.  509  in  district. 

Parras  (Sta  Maria),  601.  E.  Cuencame",  1,559  Ind.,  3,813  de  razon.  Visitas: 
Patos,  hacienda,  20  1.  E.,  owned  by  Marques  de  Aguayo,  pop.  1,201;  300,000 
sheep.  Alamo,  Tlascaltec  town,  20  1.  w.,  455  Ind.,  270  de  razon.  Morn", 
Diario,  384-99,  gives  some  particulars  about  this  district,  which  was  very 
productive,  but  cursed  by  land  monopolists.  Most  of  the  land  was  owned  in 
1778  by  three  non-residents. 

Saltillo,  villa ;  no  statistics,  as  it  was  not  in  the  bishopric  of  Durango,  but 
in  that  of  Guadalajara.  With  its  haciendas  it  probably  had  a  population  of 
not  less  than  5,000.  In  1726  there  were  over  700  Tlascaltecs. 

Mapimi,  formerly  a  presidio,  60  1.  w.  Parras,  pop.  1,260.  It  had  been 
resettled  in  1716,  after  long  abandonment. 

El  Gallo,  a  presidio  until  1751,  20  1.  N.  E.  Mapimi,  pop.  546.  Pop.  800  in 
1766,  according  to  Lafora. 

El  Oro,  real  de  minas,  41  1.  N.  Gallo,  pop.  1,082.  Visitas:  Sta  Cruz,  3  1. 
s.  \v.,  Jesuit  mission  until  1753;  P.  Cristobal  Moreno  in  1751,  148  Ind.;  28  do 
razon  on  hacienda  of  Encino;  Iud(5,  real  de  niinas,  6  1  E.,  pop.  866;  Hacienda 


598  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

northern  Nueva  Vizcaya,  or  the  modern  Chihuahua.2* 
Here  there  were  twenty-three  thousand  Spanish  and 
mixed  gente  de  razon,  living  in  sixteen  settlements 
with  adjoining  haciendas  and  ranches,  including  two 
villas,  four  reales  de  minas,  and  three  presidios.  The 
christianized  native  population  of  twenty-seven  thou 
sand  was  divided  in  three  classes:  five  thousand  living 
in  Indian  pueblos  under  parish  priests  as  in  Durango; 
four  thousand  in  twelve  missions,  or  twenty-three 
pueblos,  under  Franciscan  missionaries;  and  eighteen 

de  Mimbres,  7  1.  E.  N.  E.  Inde",  pop. — with  ex-presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo,  and 
other  haciendas — 1,032;  Tizonazo,  8  1.  s.,  formerly  Jesuit  mission;  P.  Man 
uel  Vivanco  in  1751,  217  Ind.;  Hacienda  S.  Jose"  de  Ramos,  18  1.  s.  w., 
pop.  742. 

Las  Bocas,  19  1.  N.  El  Oro,  15  1.  s.  S.  Bartolome",  formerly  Jesuit  mission; 
P.  Juan  Fran.  Kauga  in  1751,  251  Ind.,  296  de  razon  in  parish.  Visita,  San 
Gabriel,  2  1.  w.  Bocas,  102  Ind. 

24Valle  de  San  Bartolome",  pop.  1,833  (pop.  of  district  in  1766,  including 
21  haciendas,  4,751),  curate;  also  Franciscan  convent.  Presidio  removed  in 
1751.  Visita,  San  Francisco  de  Conchos,  20  1.  N.  E.,  289  Ind.;  Conchos,  ex- 
presidio,  pop.  1,330. 

Atotonilco,  Franciscan  mission,  10  1.  E.  S.  Bartolom<§  on  Rio  Florido,  280 
Ind. 

Guajuquilla  (Nra  Sra  de  las  Caldas),  new  presidio  founded  in  1752,  5  1.  E. 
Atotonilco.  Garrison,  C5  men;  pop.  1,400  (?).  In  1706  according  to  Lafora 
26  men  had  been  withdrawn,  and  the  pop.  besides  soldiers  \vas  195. 

Parral  (S.  Jose"),  real  de  minas,  7 1.  N.  N.  w.  S.  Bartolome",  20  1.  w.  Conchos, 
pop.  2,693.  Curate,  Franciscan  convent,  and  Jesuit  college.  Parral  was 
often  the  residence  of  the  governor  and  captain-general,  who  left  a  lieutenant 
at  the  capital. 

Santa  Barbara,  real,  called  also  a  villa,  6  1.  w.  Parral,  pop.  1,020. 

Tarahumara  Baja:  Santa  Cruz  del  Padre,  301.  N.  N.  w.  Sta  Barbara, 
formerly  Jesuit  mission,  P.  Cristobal  Moreno  in  1751;  348  Ind.,  767  gente  de 
razon  in  curacy.  Visitas:  S.  Felipe,  10  1.  E.  N.  E.,  near  R.  Conchos,  242  Ind.; 
La  Hoya  (Olla?),  4  1.  N.  N.  w.,  218  Ind.;  S.  Jose",  10  1.  N.,  129  Ind. 

Huexotitlan  (S.  Geronimo),  10  1.  S.  Sta  Cruz,  formerly  Jesuit  mission; 
P.  Benito  Rinaldini  in  1751,  112  Ind.  Visitas:  Guadalupe,  51.  N.,  30  Ind.; 
S.  Ignacio,  5.5  1.  N.,  120  Ind.;  S.  Javier,  1.5  1.  S.,  170  Ind.;  Cienega  de  los 
Olivos,  6  1.,  pop.  740  de  razon  in  vicinity. 

San  Pablo,  7  1.  s.  w.,  S.  Javier,  240  Ind.,  with  two  adjoining  rancherias, 
Baguirachi  130,  and  Tecorichi  282  Ind.  Formerly  Jesuit  mission;  P.  Lazaro 
Franco  in  1751.  Visitas:  S.  Mateo,  4  1.  N.,  264  Ind.;  S.  Juan,  2 1.  w.,  45  Ind., 
and  an  adjacent  Spanish  settlement,  pop.  287. 

Tarahumara  Alta :  Satevo,  40  1.  N.  Parral,  448  Ind. ,  760  de  razon.  For 
merly  Jesuit  mission;  P.  Juan  Ant.  Nunez  in  1751;  Visita,  Sta  Ana  de  la 
Hoya,  5  1.  N.,  100  Ind. 

Babonayagua  (Santiago),  3  1.  N.  Satevo,  203  Ind.;  Franciscan  serving  as 
curate;  109  gente  de  razon.  Visitas:  Guadalupe,  5  1.  N.,  100  Ind.;  Concep- 
cion,  61.  N.,  90  Ind. 

San  Lorenzo,  28  1.  w.  Chihuahua,  8  1.  s.  Cuziguariachic,  589  Ind.,  345  de 
razon.  Formerly  Jesuit  mission.  Visitas:  Cuevas,  6  1.  E.,  747  Ind.;  P.  Fe 
lipe  Rico  in  1751;  Sta  Rosalia,  3  1.  E.,  246  Ind. 

Coyachic   (S.  Ignacio),  Jesuit  mission,  8  1.  s.  S.  Lorenzo,  30  1.  E.  (\v.  ?) 


CHIHUAHUA  STATISTICS.  599 

thousand  in  the  fifteen  Jesuit  missions,  or  fifty  pue 
blos,  of  Tarahumara  Alta.  Thus  the  total  population 
of  so-called  civilized  beings  in  Chihuahua  was  about 
sixty  thousand  as  in  Durango,  though  the  Spanish 
population  was  only  half  that  of  the  southern  province. 
Near  the  Franciscan  mission  of  Nombre  de  Dios 
mines  were  discovered  in  the  first  years  of  the  cen 
tury,  about  1703-5,  which  proved  to  be  among  the 
richest  in  the  new  world.  Contradictory  statistics 
extant  make  the  product  of  silver  before  1800  from 
fifty  to  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  Two  reales 

S.  Felipe  el  Real,  3  1.  w.  Cuziguariachic,  283  Ind.  Visitas :  Cuziguariachic, 
4  1.  s.  (?),  290  Ind.;  Napabechic,  7  1.  w.  (or  8  1.  N.),  210  Ind.  In  1725  these 
three  pueblos  had  614  Ind.,  showing  a  gain  of  169.  P.  Jose"  Hidalgo  in  1751: 
Francisco  Vadillo,  1767. 

San  Francisco  de  Borja  (Tehuacachic),  Jesuit  mission,  15  1.  s.  E.  Coyachic 
(16  1.  from  Carichic),  415  Ind.  Visitas:  Sta  Ana,  4  1.  s.  w.,  453  Ind.  (in  1725, 
Yequatzi,  3  1.  B.);  Teporachic  (or  Teopari),  5  1.  E.  (or  6  1.  N.),  110  Ind.;  Sa- 

fuarichic  (or  Soguarachi),  3.5  1.  N.  (or  3  1.  w.),  302  Ind.  There  were  in  all 
17  families  in  1725.  P.  Luis  T.  Giron  in  1751;  Mateo  Steffel  in  1767. 

Nonoava  (Nra  Sra  Monserrate),  Jesuit  mission,  12  1.  s.  Borja,  750  Ind. 
Visita,  Umariza,  8  1.  s.  (or  N.),  420  Ind.  Population  of  the  two  in  1725, 
1,070.  P.  Antonio  Ydiaquez  in  1751;  Pedro  Cuervo  in  1767. 

Sisoguichic  (Noinbre  de  Maria),  Jesuit  mission,  20  1.  N.  N.  w.  Nonoava, 
332  Ind.  Visitas:  Bacoina,  3  1.  w.,  326  Ind.;  Guasarori,  12  1.  S.,  114  Ind.; 
Vacaino,  18  w.,  319  Ind.;  total,  1,091.  In  1725  there  were  1,960,  the  two 
visitas  being  called  Guacuina  and  Gacayba,  under  P.  Juan  Francisco  Rexis. 
P.  Martin  Vallarta  in  1751;  Ildefonso  Corro  in  1767. 

Gueigachic  (Nra  Sra  del  Populo),  Jesuit  mission,  50  1.  w.  Sisoguichic,  460 
Ind.  Visitas:  Pamachic,  61.  N.,  621  Ind.;  Guagueibo,  6  1.  w.,  208  Ind.; 
Sameichic,  81.  E.,  229  Ind.  P.  Bart.  Braun  in  1751;  Josd  Iranzo  in  1767. 

Tonachic  (S.  Juan  Bautista),  Jesuit  mission,  50  1.  w.  Gueigachic,  400  Ind. 
Visita,  Tecabonachic,  18  1.  s.  w.,  278  Ind.  P.  Santiago  Maten,  1767. 

Horogachic,  or  Norogachi  (Nra  Sra  del  Pilar),  Jesuit  mission,  18  1.  N. 
Tonachic,  1,525  Ind.  Visitas:  Papahichic,  or  Paipachi,  61.  s.,  1,084  Ind.; 
Tetaguichic,  10  1.  w.,  910  Ind.;  Paguichic,  8  1.  N.,  345  Ind.  In  1725,  1,220 
Ind.  P.  Lorenzo  Gera  in  1751;  Antonio  Sterkianowski,  1767. 

Carichic  (Jesus),  Jesuit  mission,  40  1.  N.  Horogachic,  12 1.  s.  Cuziguariachic, 
507  Ind.  Visitas:  Bacaguerachic,  or  Bocarinachic,  or  Bucaguarachi,  51.  s., 
564  Ind.;  Teguerichic,  15  1.  s.,  276  Ind.;  Pasigochic,  or  Pangochic,  41.  w., 
263  Ind.;  Tagirachic,  3  1.  w.,  184  Ind.;  in  1725,  2,034  Ind.  P.  Luis  Yanez, 
in  1751-67. 

Temaichic,  or  Tameichi  (S.  Jose"),  Jesuit  mission,  14  1.  s.  Pasigochic,  16  1. 
E.  Cuziguariachic,  180  Ind.  Visitas:  Alamos,  101.  E.,  243  Ind.;  Pachera,  41. 
N.,  304  Ind.;  Pichachi,  or  Pichachiqui,  7  1.  w.,  265  Ind.;  in  1725,  991  Ind. 
P.  Jose"  Miqueo  in  1751;  Antonio  Kiylt,  1767. 

Tomochic  (Concepcion),  Jesuit  mission,  20  1.  E.  Temaichic,  368  Ind.  Vis 
itas:  Tresiachic,  91.  N.,  404  Ind.;  Caburichic,  181.  s.,  344  Ind.;  Peguachic, 
9  1.  w.,  164  Ind.  In  1725,  Temotzi,  with  visitas,  Aleasachi  and  Culiachi, 
with  2,112  Ind.  under  Padre  Glandorff.  P.  Glandorff  to  1764;  P.  Juan  Man 
uel  Gonzalez  in  1767. 

.Papigochic  (Purisima),  75 1.  E.-  Tomochic,  Jesuit  mission,  328  Ind.  Visitas: 
Paguirachic,  or  Pugiburachi,  3  1.  s.,  221  Ind.;  Muguriachic  or  Moleachic,  3  1. 


600  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

de  minas,  or  mining  towns,  were  founded  a  few 
leagues  apart  and  named  respectively  San  Felipe 
and  Santa  Eulalia.  The  former  in  1718  was  made 
a  villa  under  the  title  of  San  Felipe  el  Real  de 
Chihuahua,  this  being  the  first  appearance  of  the 
name  Chihuahua  since  applied  to  the  state,  having 
been  probably  the  Indian  name  of  a  rancheria  in  the 
vicinity.  Notwithstanding  its  position  on  the  distant 
frontier,  exposed  to  constant  inroads  of  the  savage 

w.,  93  Ind.  In  1725,  500  families.  P.  Sebastian  Prieto  in  1751;  Jose"  Vega, 
1767. 

Santo  Tomas,  Jesuit  mission,  50  1.  w.  Chihuahua,  4  1.  N.  Papigochic,  in 
valley  of  the  Basuchi,  631  Ind.,  40  de  razon.  Visitas:  S.  Miguel,  1  1.  w., 
228  Ind. ;  Cocomorachic,  12 1.  w.,  910  Ind. ;  in  1725,  1,770  Ind.  P.  Bias  Palma 
in  1751;  Rafael  Palacios,  1767. 

Matachic  (S.  Rafael),  Jesuit  mission,  5 1.  s.  w.  Sta  Tonics,  200  Ind.  Visitas : 
Tegolocachic  (S.  Gabriel),  4  1.  s.,  143  Ind.,  11  de  razon;  in  1725,  638  Ind.  P. 
Felipe  Ruoanova  in  1767. 

Temotzachic  (S.  Javier),  Jesuit  mission,  3  1.  N.  Matachic,  on  Yaqui  River, 
616  Ind.  Visita,  Tepomera,  3  1.  w.,  510  Ind.,  105  de  razon.  In  1/25  there 
were  980  Ind.  P.  Juan  Manuel  Hierro  in  1751;  Bartolome'  Braun,  1767. 

Chinarras  (Sta  Ana),  Jesuit  mission,  6  1.  N.  E.  Chihuahua,  across  river 
from  S.  Ger6nimo,  74  Ind.  In  1725  seven  families  under  P.  Antonio  de  Arias. 
P.  Dionisio  Murillo  in  1751;  Claudio  Gonzalez,  1767. 

Cuziguariachic  (Sta  Rosa),  real  de  minas,  30  1.  w.  Chih.,  pop.  1,353,  under 
curate.  Visita,  Cieneguilla,  71.  E. ,  pop.  546,  with  rancho  of  Laguna,  8  1.  N. 

Bachiniva  (Nativioad),  Franciscan  mission,  5  I.  w.  Cuziguariachic,  100 
Ind.  Visita,  Cosiquemachic,  79  Ind. 

Namiquipa,  Franciscan  mission,  20 1.  N.  Cuziguariachic,  121.  N.  E.  S.  Buen., 
42  Ind.,  70  de  razon.  In  1763  the  fiscal  was  killed  by  the  Indians  and  the 
padre  Ignacio  Fernandez  died  of  fright.  Visita,  Cruces,  6  1.  S.  w.,  86  Ind. 

San  Buenaventura,  Spanish  settlement,  60  1.  N.  E.  Chih.,  pop.  479,  and 
118  in  the  Carmen  hacienda.  Exposed  to  attacks  of  savages,  and  guarded 
by  30  soldiers  from  Guajuquilla. 

Janos,  presidio,  301.  N.  S.  Buen.,  garrison  of  50  men,  pop.  434  (455  in 
1766),  under  a  chaplain  curate.  District  swarms  with  Apaches. 

San  Andre's,  Franciscan  mission,  10  1.  N.  Cuziguariachic,  183  Ind.,  210  de 
razon.  Visitas:  S.  Bernabe",  10  1.  N.  w.,  210  Ind.;  S.  Buenaventura,  61.  w., 
394  Ind. 

Santa  Isabel,  Franciscan  mission,  8  1.  s.  S.  Andre's,  201.  w.  Chih.,  285 
Ind.  Visitas:  S.  Bernardino,  61.  s.,  88  Ind.;  Sta  Cruz,  7  1.  S.,  319  Ind.; 
Concepcion,  7.5  1.  w.,  61  Ind. 

Chihuahua  (San  Felipe  el  Real),  villa,  chief  town  of  the  province  in  popu 
lation  and  commerce,  surrounded  by  rich  mines,  but  in  constant  danger  from 
the  Apaches.  Population  4,652,  55  at  Sacramento  rancho,  115  at  Fresnos, 
and  37  prisoners  and  12  Ind.  at  Encinillas,  18  1.  N.  Curate,  4  priests,  and 
13  presbyters.  Jesuit  college  and  Franciscan  convent.  Cabildo  with  one 
corregidor,  2  alcaldes,  one  procurador,  3  deputies  for  trade  and  mines,  assayer, 
etc.  Lafora  in  1766  says  the  town  was  visibly  declining  on  account  of  non- 
productiveness  of  mines  and  Indian  raids ;  pop.  400  families. 

Santa  Eulalia,  real  de  minas,  5  1.  E.  Chih.,  pop.  4,755,  under  a  lieutenant 
corregidor  and  assistant  curate.  Bishop  Tamaron  in  1760  blessed  the  first 
stone  of  a  fine  church. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  Franciscan  mission,  1  1.  N.  Chih.,  100  Ind.    Visitas:  S. 


CITY  OF  CHIHUAHUA.  601 

Apaches,  the  new  town  was  for  many  years  the  most 
flourishing  Spanish  settlement  in  all  the  North  Mex 
ican  States.  Before  1767,  as  we  have  seen,  it  had  a 
population  of  nearly  five  thousand,  while  Santa  Eulalia 
had  the  same  number  in  its  immediate  vicinity,  in 
cluding  many  haciendas.  The  grand  cathedral  which 
is  still  shown  to  visitors  as  the  city's  chief  attraction 
is  said  to  have  been  built  at  a  cost  of  nearly  a  million 
by  a  tax  of  one  real  on  each  mark  of  silver  produced 
by  the  Santa  Eulalia  mines,  amounting  to  about  one 
and  a  half  per  cent.  Most  authorities  represent  the 
edifice  as  having  been  completed  in  1789;  but  others 
say  it  was  built  in  twelve  years,  from  1738  to  1750.  In 
the  Gaceta  de  Mexico  of  November  1728  I  find  that 
the  audiencia  in  that  year  approved  the  offer  of  the 
miners  to  pay  half  a  real  on  each  mark  of  silver  for 
the  building  of  the  parish  church ;  and  it  is  to  be  noted 
that  Bishop  Tamaron,  speaking  of  the  church  in  1760, 
describes  it  as  "de  fabrica  sumptuosa,  which  might 
any  where  be  a  fine  cathedral,"  not  implying  that  it  was 
incomplete.  The  bishop  also  blessed  the  corner-stone 
of  a  fine  church  at  Santa  Eulalia,  which  may  indicate 
that  the  tax  in  favor  of  Chihuahua  was  no  longer 
collected. 

Geronimo,  4  1.  E.,  121  Lid.;  Chuviscar,  4  1.  w.,  123  Ind.,  with  sitio  of  S.  Juan 
Alamillo,  8  1.  N.,  pop.  28. 

Santa  Cruz  Tapacolmes,  Franciscan  mission,  9  1.  S.  Julimes,  20  1.  \v. 
Conchos,  G9  Ind.;  visita,  S.  Pedro,  71.  S.,  74  lud. 

Julimes,  Franciscan  mission,  22  1.  N.  Chih.,  52  Ind.  Visita,  S.  Pablo,  4  1. 
S.,  36  Ind.  In  1766  the  presidio  of  Junta  de  los  Eios  was  transferred  to 
Julimes  el  Viejo,  according  to  Lafora. 

Junta  de  los  Rios,  4  Franciscan  mission  pueblos,  under  3  padres,  not 
visited  by  Bishop  Tamaron  on  account  of  the  Indians  being  in  revolt  in  1760. 
The  missions  were :  S.  Juan  Bautista,  near  the  Conchos,  5 1.  from  the  junction, 
309  Ind. ;  two  visitas,  Mezquites  and  Conejos,  having  been  joined  to  the  cabe- 
cera;  S.  Francisco,  w.  of  the  Conchos  at  the  junction,  167  Ind.;  Guadalupe, 
across  the  Conchos  from  S.  Francisco,  194  Ind. ;  S.  Crist6bal,  1  1.  down  river 
from  Guadalupe,  117  Ind.,  its  visita  Puliques,  10  1.  below,  having  been  aban 
doned. 

Belen,  or  Junta  de  los  Rios,  presidio,  midway  between  S.  Francisco  and 
Guadalupe.  Founded  in  1760,  much  to  the  displeasure  of  the  natives;  garri 
son  of  50  men,  pop.  138.  Transferred  as  stated  above  to  Julirnes  in  1766. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 
1701-1800. 

A  GLANCE  AT  NEW  MEXICO — COAHUILA,  OR  NUEVA  ESTREMADURA — GOV 
ERNMENT  AND  RULERS — GENERAL  PROGRESS  AND  STATISTICS— LOCAL 
ITEMS — CHRONOLOGICAL  RECORD-^MILITARY  AND  MISSION  AFFAIRS — 
TEXAS,  OR  NUEVAS  FILIPINAS — OPERATIONS  OF  ST  DENIS — RAMON'S 
EXPEDITION — MISSIONS  REFOUNDED — GOVERNOR  ALARCON — FOUNDING 
OF  BEJAR  AND  SAN  ANTONIO— FRENCH  INVASION — EXPEDITION  OF  GOV 
ERNOR  SAN  MIGUEL  DE  AGUAYO— VILLA  OF  SAN  FERNANDO — REDUCTION 
OF  MILITARY  FORCE — QUERETARO  FRIARS  TRANSFER  THEIR  MISSIONS — 
FRENCH  BOUNDARY  QUESTION — SUCCESSION  OF  GOVERNORS — APACHE 
WARFARE — PENITENT  LIPANES — TROUBLES  OF  THE  FRIARS — MISSIONS 
OF  SAN  JAVIER— RABAGO'S  EXCESSES — CONTRABAND  TRADE — SAN  SABA, 
PRESIDIO  AND  MISSION— ZEAL  OF  CONDE  DE  REGLA— A  MASSACRE — 
PARRILLA'S  CAMPAIGN — RULE  OF  OCONOR  AND  RIPPERDA — NORTHERN 
ESTABLISHMENTS  ABANDONED  —  BUCARELI  AND  NACODOCHES — QUERE 
TARO  FRIARS  RETIRE— EFFORTS  OF  MEZIERES — MORFI'S  WORK— LOCAL 
AFFAIRS — CONDITION  OF  THE  PROVINCE — LAST  DECADES  OF  THE  CENTURY. 

FOR  the  earlier  periods  I  have  given  a  brief  sketch 
of  New  Mexican  history;  but  now  that  the  time  of 
exploration,  of  conquest,  of  mission-founding,  of  revo 
lution,  and  of  reconquest  was  past,  annals  of  the 
province  afford  scanty  material  for  a  resume.  The 
country  had  fallen  into  the  condition  of  monotonous 
non-progressive  existence  that  sooner  or  later  came 
upon  most  Spanish  provinces.  One  governor  suc 
ceeded  another  at  intervals  of  a  few  years,  most  rules 
being  marked  by  quarrels  and  complicated  legal  in 
vestigations.  The  friars  toiled  faithfully  according 
to  their  methods  and  lights  to  keep  their  mission 
communities  in  the  narrow  path.  The  missionary 
force  varied  from  forty  to  twenty-five  during  the 

(602) 


NEW  MEXICO.  COS 

century;  the  neophyte  population  from  fifteen  thou 
sand  to  ten  thousand;  while  the  Spanish  and  mixed 
population  increased  from  perhaps  five  thousand  to 
twenty  thousand.  The  mission  Indians,  though  bap 
tized  and  complying  with  certain  religious  obligations, 
were  practically  not  changed  by  their  nominal  con 
version,  and  were  still  strongly  addicted  to  their  old 
idolatries.  Hardly  a  year  passed  without  rumors  of 
impending  revolt;  but  no  great  disaster  occurred. 
Early  in  the  century  Zuni  was  "abandoned  for  a  time 
but  recovered;  while  the  Moquis  in  despite  of  en 
treaties  and  force  persisted  in  maintaining  their  relig 
ious  independence,  even  in  the  later  years  when 
drought,  pestilence,  and  raids  of  savages  had  reduced 
their  numbers  from  seventeen  thousand  to  less  than 
one  thousand,  though  many  individuals  of  this  nation 
were  baptized  from  time  to  time.  Shortly  after  1767 
several  of  the  missions  adjoining  Spanish  settlements 
were  put  in  charge  of  secular  curates ;  and  after  the 
ravages  of  small-pox  in  1780-1  the  missions  were  re 
duced  against  the  wishes  of  the  friars  to  nineteen  by 
consolidation.  Controversies  were  frequent,  but  not 
very  bitter.  Santa  Fe,  La  Canada,  Alburquerque, 
and  El  Paso  acquired  a  Spanish  population  of  over 
two  thousand  each.  Trade  was  carried  on  both  by 
Spaniards  and  Indians  with  the  northern  gentiles; 
and  each  year  a  great  caravan  of  traders  went  to 
Chihuahua  to  exchange  products  of  the  north  for 
needed  articles  of  merchandise.  Meanwhile  attacks 
of  savage  foes  on  the  frontier  posts  were  frequent; 
and  there  were  few  years  in  which  a  campaign,  gen 
erally  ineffective,  was  not  made  by  the  presidial  forces. 
Some  bands  of  Apaches,  Comanches,  and  Navajos 
were  generally  on  the  war-path,  while  others  found  it 
advantageous  from  time  to  time  to  make  treaties  of 
peace.  Warfare  against  the  savages  was  more  actively 
waged  under  Governor  Anza  after  the  organization 
of  the  Provincias  Internas;  and  finally  the  Comanches, 
after  defeat  in  several  campaigns,  became  allies  of  the 


604  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

Spaniards  against  the  Apaches.  Details  of  New 
Mexican  annals  for  the  century  are  given  in  another 
volume  of  this  series.1 

The  province  of  Coahuila,  also  called  Reino  de  la 
Nueva  Estremadura,  extended  northward  across  the 
Rio  Bravo  to  the  Rio  Medina,  which  was  generally 
regarded  as  the  boundary  between  that  province  and 
Texas,  known  also  as  Nuevas  Filipinas.2  In  1785 
the  district  of  Saltillo  and  Parras  was  detached  from 
Nueva  Vizcaya  and  added  to  Coahuila,  making  the 
southern  boundary  practically  the  same  as  on  modern 
maps.  In  1691-2,  as  we  have  seen,  Domingo  Teran 
de  los  Rios  was  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas,  and 
was  succeeded  perhaps  by  Francisco  Cuervo  y  "Val- 
des.  In  1702  or  a  little  later  Martin  de  Alarcon 
became  governor,3  and  his  authority  was  extended 
over  Texas  on  the  reoccupation  of  that  province  in 
1716.  His  successor,  the  Marques  de  San  Miguel  de 
Aguayo,  ruled  both  provinces  in  1719—22;  as  did 
possibly  his  successor,  Fernando  Perez  de  Almazan, 
in  1722-6;  but  later  each  province  seems  to  have  had 
a  separate  ruler.4  The  rulers  of  Texas  will  be  named 
later  in  this  chapter;  for  Coahuila  I  find  no  record 
of  their  names — except  that  Clemente  de  la  Garza 
was  governor  in  1738 — until  1753,  when  Pedro  Rd- 

1See  Hist.  N.  Mex.  and  Ariz. 

2  The  boundary  line  is  not  a  very  satisfactory  one,  as  the  Medina  is  a 
branch  of  the  San  Antonio,  and  there  is  no  indication  that  the  southern  bank 
of  this  stream  near  the  gulf  was  ever  deemed  a  part  of  Coahuila.     A  map  of 
about  the  middle  of  the  century,  copied  from  the  Archivo  General,  in  Prieto, 
Hist.   Tamaullpas,  and  given  in  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.,  this  series,  makes  Nuevo 
Santander  extend  up  to  the  San  Antonio;  but  nothing  else  appears  in  support 
of  such  a  division.     Again  Morfi,  in  1778,  Diario,  452,  says  the  Nueces  was 
the  line  between  Texas  and  Santander;  but  this  view  is  also  unsupported. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  there  were  no  exact  bounds,  as  none  were  needed.     Coa 
huila  and  Santander  had  settlements  on  the  Kio  Grande;  Texas  on  the  San 
Antonio;  and  there  was  no  settlement  between.     Why  the  Medina  rather 
than  the  Nueces  or  Hondo  was  generally  spoken  of  as  the  bound  it  is  hard  to 
determine. 

3  Alarcon,  Relation,  MS.,  306,  etc.    In  1704  Gregorio  de  Salinas  y  Baraona 
is  named  as  ex-governor.  N.  Viz.,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv.  6. 

4  According  to  Guerra  de  N.  Esp.,  ii.  711,  the  separation  was  in  1720. 
Yoakum,  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  77,  following  a  document  in  the  Bejar  archives,  tells 
us  that  separate  governors  were  appointed  in  1727. 


RULERS  OF  COAHUILA.  605 

bago  y  Teran  held  the  office,  as  he  had  done  perhaps 
for  many  years.  In  1756  Angel  Martos  y  Navarrete 
took  the  place;  and  about  1760  changed  places  with 
Governor  Jacinto  de  Barrios  y  Jduregui  from  Texas. 
The  end  of  Barrios'  term  does  not  appear;  but  after 
him  ruled  Jacobo  Ugarte  y  Loyola/  succeeded  in 
1778  by  Juan  de  Ugalde,  and  he  apparently  by  Pedro 
Fueros  in  1783,  who  was  still  governor  in  1789.6 

From  1776  Coahuila  and  Texas  belonged  to  the 
Provincias  Internas,  the  organization  and  changes  of 
which  government  are  noted  in  another  chapter;  and 
from  1786  Colonel  Ugalde  held  the  military  power 
as  comandante  de  armas.7  Also  in  1786  the  two 
provinces  were  attached  to  the  intendencia  of  San 
Luis  Potosi;  but  of  political  rulers  after  Fueros  under 
the  new  system  I  find  no  record.  In  judicial  matters 
these  provinces  were  transferred  in  1779  from  the 
audiencia  of  Mexico  to  that  of  Guadalajara;  and 
ecclesiastically  in  the  same  year  from  the  see  of  Gua 
dalajara  to  the  new  one  of  Nuevo  Leon.8 

Coahuila  in  this  century  was  in  every  way  more 
prosperous  than  Texas,  obstacles  in  the  way  of  progress 
though  of  similar  nature  being  somewhat  less  formid 
able.  The  province  was  often  raided  by  savages,  but 
they  came  from  a  distance  and  their  ravages  were 
local.  The  natives  as  neophytes  were  not  perhaps  less 
fickle  and  lazy  and  vicious  than  those  of  Texas,  but 
they  were  more  completely  under  control  of  the  friars, 
and  the  Tlascaltecs  in  several  establishments  were 
comparatively  models  of  industry.  Many  settlers  of 
Spanish  and  mixed  blood  were  of  the  usual  worthless 
character;  but  there  were  exceptions,  and  in  several  dis 
tricts  haciendas,  ranchos,  and  even  a  few  mines  were 
prosperously  maintained.  No  serious  derelictions  are 
recorded  against  provincial  or  presidio  rulers;  nor  do 
they  seem  to  have  been  often  involved  in  controversies 

6Morfi,  Diario,  415,  418. 

6Gaccta  de  Mcx.,  i.  76;  Ziifiiga  y  Ontiveros,  Col.  Man.,  86. 

1  Instruction  formada  en  virtud  de  real  drden. 

8  Selena,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  291. 


606  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

with  the  missionaries.  But  it  was  only  in  comparison 
with  one  or  two  other  provinces,  and  taking  into  con 
sideration  the  difficulties  encountered  by  a  small  and 
indolent  population  constantly  exposed  to  the  attacks 
of  savage  hordes,  that  Coahuila  could  be  called  flour 
ishing;  and  mission  work  was  almost  a  complete  failure. 
The  number  of  mission  Indians  was  about  1,800  in 
1786,  and  1,600  seven  years  later;  but  two  thirds  of 
the  number  were  TIascaltecs.  The  total  population 
of  neophytes  and  gente  de  razon,  including  the  families 
of  the  soldiers,  was  estimated  in  1780  at  about  8,000, 
but  was  nearly  doubled  by  the  addition  of  the  Saltillo 
and  Parras  district  in  1785.  I  append  some  items  of 
local  information  respecting  the  different  establish 
ments.9 

9  Monclova,  Santiago  de,  villa  and  presidio,  capital,  founded  1G87.  Pre 
sidio  sometimes  called  San  Francisco.  Garrison  of  35  men,  and  population  of 
400  families — 150  Spanish — in  1744-5.  Annual  cost  of  presidio  about  1758, 
$13,057.  By  the  reglamento  of  1772  the  presidio  was  transferred  to  the  Rio 
Grande,  about  20  leagues  above  S.  Juan,  with  43  men;  but  I  have  no  record 
of  its  annals  at  the  new  site  except  the  visit  of  Gen.  Croix  in  1778.  The 
villa  consisted  in  1778  of  low  adobe  buildings;  public  edifices  insignificant. 

San  Miguel  de  Aguayo,  adjoining  Monclova  on  the  north,  founded  as  a 
mission  in  1675.  Arricivita  says  it  was  sacked  by  the  Tobosos  in  1702,  which 
may  be  an  error.  Adjoining  San  Miguel,  and  forming  a  separate  barrio,  and 
practically  a  part  of  the  town  of  Monclova  in  later  years,  was  San  Francisco 
de  Nueva  Tlascala,  founded  with  TIascaltecs  about  1690.  The  natives,  and 
to  a  less  extent  the  TIascaltecs,  became  of  mixed  Indian,  negro,  arid  Spanish 
blood  before  1778,  when  there  was  a  good  church  at  S.  Francisco,  under  a 
curate.  Tithes  had  yielded  $80,000  above  expenses.  A  barefooted  friar  took 
charge  of  S.  Miguel  in  1781.  In  1786  S.  Miguel  had  a  population  of  192,  and 
S.  Francisco  of  470.  One  hundred  and  eighty-one  and  399  were  the  figures  in 
1793. 

San  Fernando  de  Austria,  or  de  Rosas,  villa,  founded  in  1753,  in  the 
valley  of  Las  Animas,  13  (or  3)  1.  s.  w.  of  the  presidio  of  Monclova,  22  1.  w. 
of  S.  Juan  Bautista.  Seventy-six  families  in  1778.  Two  ranchos  of  Patiiio 
and  San  Ildefonso  near  by. 

Agua  Verde,  presidio,  3.5  1.  from  the  Rio  Grande,  10  1.  N.  w.  of  Monclova 
presidio,  visited  by  Gen.  Croix  in  1778.  This  was  apparently  one  of  the  four 
presidios — Monclova,  Cerro  Gordo,  S.  Saba,  and  Sta  Rosa — transferred  to  the 
Rio  Grande  by  the  reglamento  of  1772. 

Santa  Rosa,  villa,  26  1.  s.  w.  of  the  presidio  of  Monclova,  near  the  Rio 
Sabinas.  Visited  by  Croix  and  Morfi  in  1778.  Some  ranchos  and  mines  in 
the  vicinity.  Here  seems  to  have  been  the  presidio  of  Sacramento,  founded 
in  1736,  and  having  a  garrison  of  50  men  in  1744—5.  No  record  of  the  change 
from  presidio  to  villa.  Perhaps  it  A*  as  in  1772,  and  this 'was  the  presidio 
called  Sta  Rosa, 

San  Antonio  de  la  Babia,  presidio,  32  1.  N.  K.  w.  of  Sta  Rosa,  16  1.  E.  of 
N.  Vizcaya  boundary.  Visited  by  Croix  in  1778.  This  was  another  of  the 
four  presidios  transferred  in  1772,  the  other  two  being  beyond  the  limits  of 
Coahuila. 

Nadadores,  Nra  Sra  de  la  Victoria,  or  Santa  Rosa,  mission,  founded  about 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  607 

There  is  but  little  to  add  in  the  form  of  chrono 
logical  annals.  At  the  beginning  of  the  century  the 
Queretaro  friars  obtained  a  military  guard  soon  con 
stituting  the  regular  presidio  of  San  Juan  Bautista, 
under  the  protection  of  which  they  maintained  near 
the  Rio  Grande  several  missions  for  many  years.  At 
times  there  was  much  prosperity  in  respect  of  agri 
culture  and  stock-raising.  Sometimes  one  or  more 
of  the  missions,  as  in  1715,  were  abandoned  on  ac 
count  of  Apache  raids.  Sometimes  the  neophytes 
ran  away;  but  others  were  found  to  take  their  places. 
The  records  are  very  meagre  so  far  as  details  are  con 
cerned.  In  1729  there  was,  as  Berrotaran  tells  us, 

1677,  *  1.  w.  of  Monclova  villa.  Soon  abandoned  by  natives,  whose  place 
was  taken  by  Tlascaltecs.  Population  305  in  1786,  under  a  Franciscan  of  the 
Pachuca  college  since  1781.  Population  309  in  1793.  Nothing  is  heard  of 
S.  Buenaventura  after  1745,  when  it  is  mentioned  by  Villa-Senor. 

San  Juan  Bautista,  or  presidio  del  Rio  Grande,  founded  in  1702;  continued 
with  garrison  of  43  men  by  reglamento  of  1772.  A  badly  constructed,  ugly 
town  in  1778.  The  captain  had  civil  jurisdiction  over  three  missions,  a  villa, 
and  several  ranches.  Chaplain  got  $1,500  per  year  in  fees. 

San  Juan  Bautista  mission,  adjoining  the  presidio;  founded  1699,  but 
transferred  to  this  site  in  1700.  Down  to  1761  the  baptisms  by  the  Queretaro 
friars  were  1,434;  burials  1,606.  Population  in  1778,  35.  In  1786  the  mission 
had  75  Indians,  30  stone  houses,  4,200  sheep,  380  cattle.  Fertile  fields  and 
extensive  irrigation  works.  Good  church  and  buildings.  Population  63  in 
1793. 

San  Bernardo,  near  the  presidio  of  S.  Juan,  founded  in  1703,  and  the  site 
changed  several  times.  Baptisms  numbered  1,618  down  to  1761.  In  1777 
deemed  the  richest  mission  in  Coahuila.  An  irrigation  canal  20  1.  long  brings 
water  from  the  river.  Fine  church  nearly  completed,  but  described  as  a 
wretched  affair  in  1786.  Population  in  1786,  146;  5,000  sheep,  250  cattle, 
270  horses,  40  stone  houses.  One  hundred  and  three  Indians  in  1693.  A 
mission  of  San  Francisco  Solano,  transferred  to  S.  Ildefonso  Valley  in  1703, 
and  to  the  Rio  Grande,  3  1.  from  S.  Juan,  in  1708,  was  finally  moved  to  the 
San  Antonio  River  in  Texas  in  1718. 

Peyotes,  Nombre  de  Jesus,  mission,  111.  from  the  Rio  Grande,  founded 
in  1688,  and  on  later  site  perhaps  in  1698.  The  poorest  of  all  the  missions, 
sometimes  had  no  padre.  Thirty-five  Indians  in  1777;  59  in  1786;  56  in 
1793. 

San  Pedro  de  Gigedo,  villa,  adjoining  Peyotes  mission;  founded  about 
1753  or  later  with  'delincuent  mulattoes'  and  other  settlers.  Under  spiritual 
care  of  the  mission.  Two  hundred  and  seven  inhabitants  in  1786. 

San  Francisco  Vizarron,  mission,  near  Peyotes,  and  10  1.  from  the  presidio; 
founded  1737.  Nearly  ruined  when  the  barefooted  friars  took  charge.  Bap 
tisms,  17S1-7,  285.  Population  in  1786,  108;  in  1793,  82. 

San  Bernardino  de  Candela,  mission,  near  the  border  of  N.  Leon,  24  1. 
from  Monclova;  founded  in  1690  with  Tlascaltecs  and  natives,  the  latter  dis 
appearing  later.  Tlascaltec  population  in  1786,  488;  in  1793,  448. 

San  Carlos,  villa,  adjoining  S.  Bernardino;  founded  in  1774,  or  possibly 
transferred  here  from  a  short  distance  where  it  had  been  established  a  little 
earlier.  Population  381  in  1786.  Served  by  padre  of  the  mission. 


608  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

an  exploration  of  the  Rio  Grande  from  San  Juan  up 
to  the  Conchos  junction.  Cavo  says  that  two  pre 
sidios  were  founded  in  1736,  thirty  and  fifty-five 
leagues  respectively  distant  from  Monclova.  One  of 
them  was  Sacramento,  or  Santa  Rosa;  but  I  know 
nothing  of  the  other.  The  historian  Villa-Seiior  y 
Sanchez  includes  in  his  work  much  information  about 
the  condition  of  Coahuila  in  1745.  In  1771-2  the 
Queretaro  Franciscans  gave  up  their  missions  to  the 
Jalisco  friars.  According  to  Arricivita  they  had  bap 
tized  in  Coahuila  and  Texas  10,244  natives,  burying 
6,434,  and  leaving  to  their  successors  1,064.  The 
reglarnento  of  1772  transferred  the  presidios  of  Mon 
clova  and  Santa  Rosa,  with  San  Luis  from  the  San 
Saba  in  Texas,  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Rio  Grande,  to 
form  with  San  Juan  and  with  the  garrisons  of  Texas 
and  Nueva  Vizcaya  a  line  of  frontier  defences  against 
the  savages.  In  1777-8  the  province  was  visited  by 
the  Caballero  de  Croix,  commander  of  the  Provincias 
Internas;  and  in  Padre  Morfi's  diary  of  the  expedi- 
tiort  we  have  an  excellent  description  of  all  the  estab 
lishments.  From  this  time  an  earnest  effort  seems 
to  have  been  made  to  render  the  military  service  more 
effective,  and  with  much  success,  especially  under  the 
direction  of  Colonel  Ugalde,  who  both  as  governor 
and  comandante  de  annas  made  many  successful  cam 
paigns  against  the  Apaches  in  both  provinces.  We 
have  no  definite  record  of  mission  affairs  while  the 
Jalisco  friars  were  in  exclusive  charge;  but  it  was 
clearly  a  period  of  rapid  decadence  and  not  of  prog 
ress.  In  1781,  however,  all  the  missions  were  turned 
over  to  the  barefooted  Franciscans  of  the  Pachuca 
college;  and  these  zealous  workers  in  the  face  of  great 
difficulties  seem  to  have  effected  a  marked  improve 
ment  as  is  shown  in  the  reports  of  1786-7  by  padres 
Arze  y  Porteria  and  Garcia.  The  viceroy  Revilla 
Gigedo  included  in  his  report  of  1793  a  full  account 
of  the  Coahuila  missions,  recommending  their  secular 
ization.  I  suppose  the  establishments  were  put  in 


ST  DENIS  IN  TEXAS.  609 

charge  of  curates  before  1800,  though  I  have  found 
no  record  of  the  change.  Indeed  there  is  practically 
no  information  extant  respecting  events  in  these  prov 
inces  during  the  last  decade  of  the  century.10 

The  Texas  missions  had  been  abandoned  in  1693. 
The  friars  were  always  eager  for  a  reoccupation,  but 
their  petitions  for  government  aid  were  without  effect. 
The  necessary  impulse  for  a  new  expedition,  as  for 
the  original  occupation,  was  to  Be  afforded  by  the 
French.  An  officer  from  Louisiana  is  said  to  have 
traversed  the  country  to  the  borders  of  Coahuila  and 
back  about  1705;  and  six  years  later  Padre  Hidalgo 
wrote  to  the  French  governor  requesting  his  inter 
vention  in  some  unexplained  manner  among  the 
Texan  tribes.11  We  have  only  a  bare  mention  of 
these  things,  and  know  not  what  influence,  if  any, 
they  had  on  later  developments.  In  1713,  however, 
Governor  Cadillac  authorized  the  same  French  offi 
cer,  Louis  de  St  Denis,  to  visit  the  old  Spanish  mis 
sions  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  live-stock.12  This 
was  mainly  but  a  pretext,  the  chief  object  being,  not 
political  encroachment  as  some  have  believed,  but 
the  opening  of  commercial  relations  with  the  Spanish 
settlements.  St  Denis  left  St  Jean,  near  Mobile,  in 
September  with  twenty-four  Canadians,  proceeding 
by  water  to  Natchitoches  on  Red  River,  where  he 

10 For  Coahuila  annals  of  1700-1800  see  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  94-7, 
216-22,  241-4,  439-49;  Espinosa,  Chrdn.,  445,  432-85,  528-34;  Villa-Senor  y 
Sanchez,  Theatre,  ii.  306-19,  347-8;  Revilla  Gigedo,  Carta  de  27  de  Die.  1793, 
444-7,  also  MS.;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Carlo,  Etnog.,  303-4;  Arze  y  Port«ria,  In 
fo  rme  dado  al  P.  Guardian  del  Coleaio  de  Pachuca,  del  Extado,  pasado  como 
actual  de  las  misiones  de  Coahuila,  1787,  MS.;  Garcia,  Informe  acerca  de  las 
Mitiones  del  Rio  Grande,  1786,  MS.;  Morfi, Diario,  420-50,  467-87;  Presidios, 
Rrglam.  e  Instruc.;  N.  Espana,  Breve  Resumen,  MS.,  ii.  312-13;  Altamira, 
Pantos,  MS.,  497-8;  Berrotaran,  Informe,  191;  Arlegui,  Crdn.  Zac.,  202-8; 
Cai-o,  TresSir/los,  ii.  137;  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  511.  514;  Soc.  Geo<j. 
Alex.,  Bol.,  2da  e"p.  i.  570-1;  Escndero,  Not.  Son.,  63-5;  Pinart,  Col.  Doc. 
Mex.,  MS.,  239-40;  Rivera,  Diario  y  Derrotero,  53;  Unalde,  Documentor,  MS., 
passim ;  Certification  de  Mercedes,  MS. ,  35-6. 

u  Tsxas,  Doc.  Hi«t.,  MS.,  160,  166,  242.  Hidalgo's  letter  was  dated  Jan. 
17,  1711.  According  to  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf,  221-2,  Hidalgo  was  blamed 
by  the  government  for  his  suggestion  of  French  intervention,  the  request 
having  been  merely  to  interfere  to  make  peace  between  the  tribes. 

12  Patent  dated  Sept.  12,  1713,  in  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  159-60. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    39 


610  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

left  a  large  amount  of  merchandise  and  part  of  his 
men.  In  the  spring  of  1714  he  went  on  to  the  coun 
try  of  the  Tejas,  where  cattle  were  found  in  great 
abundance.  The  natives  expressed  a  strong  desire 
for  the  return  of  Padre  Hidalgo  and  Captain  Urrutia, 
the  latter  being  perhaps  one  of  the  men  who  had  re 
turned  to  live  with  the  Indians  after  the  padres' 
departure.  Accordingly  a  force  of  Tejas  under  the 
chief  Bernardino  joined  St  Denis,  who  sent  back 
most  of  his  Canadians,  and  was  delighted  to  have  an 
additional  excuse  for  visiting  the  Spaniards.  On  the 
way  they  had  a  fight  with  the  Lipan  Apaches  on  the 
Rio  San  Marcos;13  but  they  were  victorious,  and  in 
August  arrived  at  the  presidio  of  San  Juan  Bautista 
on  the  Rio  Grande,  where  they  were  kindly  received 
by  Captain  Diego  Ramon. 

The  Frenchman  was  entertained  at  the  presidio 
while  the  news  of  his  arrival  was  sent  to  the  governor 
and  viceroy;  and  then  by  the  latter's  orders  he  was  sent 
to  Mexico,  where  he  arrived  in  June  1715,  and  made 
a  sworn  statement  respecting  his  journey  and  mo 
tives.14  The  authorities  were  somewhat  startled  at 
this  bold  entry  of  a  foreigner  into  Spanish  territory; 
and  began  to  realize  how  easily  that  territory  might 
be  lost.  St  Denis  himself  warmly  advocated  the 
occupation  of  Texas,  picturing  the  country  in  most 
glowing  colors;  and  he  even  offered  to  enter  the 
Spanish  service  in  person.  He  also  urged  the  advan 
tages  of  an  agreement  making  the  Mississippi  the 
boundary  between  the  Spanish  and  French  posses 
sions.15  The  Frenchman's  original  purpose  had  been 
to  lay  the  foundation  for  profitable  smuggling  opera 
tions;  but  during  his  stay  at  San  Juan  he  had  sur 
rendered  to  the  charms  of  Captain  Ramon's  daughter, 
whom  he  wished  to  marry;  hence  his  zeal  in  behalf 

13  No  longer  confounded  with  the  Colorado  as  before. 

liSt  Denis,  Deda ration,  1715,  MS.,  in  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  160-8;  repeated 
in  substance  in  the  following  dictdmen  fiscal.  Also  in  Mayer  MSS.t  no.  29. 

r°MorJi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  133-4;  Juntas  de  Gaerra,  MS.,  in  Texas, 
Doc.  Hist.,  266  et  seq. 


TEXAS  REOCCUPIED.  611 

of  the  Spanish  cause.  Two  juntas  were  held,  at 
which  it  was  decided  to  despatch  an  expedition  and 
accept  the  services  of  Don  Luis.  By  orders  issued 
in  October  the  command  was  given  to  Captain  Do 
mingo  Ramon,  St.  Denis  receiving  the  same  salary 
of  five  hundred  dollars. 

For  the  missions  were  sent  five  Queretaro  Francis 
cans  under  Padre  Isidro  Felix  Espinosa,  and  four  from 
Zacatecas  under  the  famous  Antonio  Margil  de  Jesus, 
besides  three  lay  brothers.16  Twenty-five  soldiers 
marched  with  the  commander  from  Saltillo  in  February 
171G ;  and  from  San  Juan  Bautista,  after  the  marriage 
of  St  Denis  with  the  commandant's  sister  or  niece  had 
been  celebrated,  the  whole  company  set  out  in  April 
for  the  promised  land.  The  march  was  uneventful; 
in  June  they  were  well  received  by  the  Tejas  and 
kindred  tribes;  and  in  July  they  established  four  mis 
sions  and  a  presidio  in  the  region  between  the  Trinity 
and  Red  rivers,  on  or  near  the  branches  of  the  Neches 
and  Sabinas.  Two  other  missions  were  added  this  year 
or  the  next.17  Captain  Ramon  went  to  Natchitoches 
on  Red  River,  where  the  French  had  now  a  fort  and 
garrison,  and  where  he  was  hospitably  entertained; 
while  St  Denis,  accompanied  by  Alferez  Ramon  and 
several  Spaniards,  went  to  Mobile  to  settle  his  affairs, 
returning  soon  with  a  considerable  amount  of  merchan- 

16 Espinosa,  Chrtfnica,  417,  the  author  being  the  prelate  named.  The  other 
Quer6taro  friars  were  Gabriel  de  Vergara,  Benito  Sanchez,  Francisco  Hidalgo, 
Manuel  Castellanos,  Pedro  Perez  de  Mezquia;  and  the  Zacatecanos  were 
Matias  Sanz  de  San  Antonio,  Pedro  de  Mendoza,  and  Agustin  Patron.  On  the 
life  of  P.  Margil,  see  Margil  de  Jesus,  Notizie,  74-82;  Arricivita,  Cron.  Serdf., 
1-157 ;  Espinosa,  Nuevas  Empresas,  1-46. 

17 Ramon,  Derrotero  para  las  Mtsiones,  1716,  MS.,  in  Texas,  Doc.  Hist., 
179-208;  also  in  Mayer  MSB.,  no.  22.  To  it  are  joined  reports  of  July  22d, 
by  Ramon  and  the  padres.  All  the  members  of  the  company  are  named.  Diego 
Ramon  was  alferez.  The  six  missions  were  as  follows — there  being  no  agree 
ment  respecting  their  exact  location:  S.  Francisco  (Tejas,  Neches,  or  Nacoches), 
4  1.  farther  inland  than  its  former  site;  Purisima  Concepcion  (Asinais),  8  or 
9  1.  E.  N.  E.  across  a  river;  Guadalupe  (Nacodoches),  8  or  9  1.  E.  s.  E.;  S.  Jose* 
(Xoachis  or  Nazones),  7  or  10  1.  N.  or  N.  E.;  Dolores  (Aes);  San  31iguel  de 
Cuellar  (Adaes).  The  northern  missions  were  given  to  the  Querdtaro  friars 
and  the  southern  to  those  of  Zacatecas,  or  rather  their  efforts  were  to  be  made 
in  those  directions  respectively.  The  founding  of  S.  Miguel  and  Dolores  is 
described  by  P.  Margil  in  a  letter  of  Feb.  13,  1718.  Texas,  Doc:  Hist.,  MS., 
284-G. 


612 


TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 


dise.18  Meanwhile  the  friars  continued  their  work 
with  some  success.  The  natives  were  friendly,  because 
it  was  now  for  their  interest  to  be  so;  but  were  fickle, 
resisting  all  efforts  to  reduce  them  to  regular  pueblo 


TEXAS. 

life.      The  missionaries  soon   became    clamorous  for 
additional  aid. 

On  December  2,  1716,  a  junta  de  guerra  was  held 

™Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  138;    Texas,  Diet.   Fiscal,   1716,  MS., 
passim. 


FATE  OF  ST  DENIS.  613 

in  Mexico  to  consider  Spanish  interests  in  Texas.  The 
records  of  this  meeting,  including  particularly  a  report 
of  the  fiscal  Velasco  dated  November  30th,  form  the 
best  narrative  extant  of  Texan  annals  from  1789,  giv 
ing  full  details  of  all  that  I  have  presented  in  outline. 
The  value  of  the  province,  the  danger  of  French  en 
croachment,  and  the  urgent  importance  of  putting  the 
occupation  on  a  secure  basis  were  set  forth  in  their 
strongest  light.  And  it  was  accordingly  decided  to 
strengthen  the  military  force,  to  send  a  better  class  of 
soldier-settlers,  to  adopt  strict  measures  of  precaution 
against  contraband  trade,  to  establish  a  new  mission 
nearer  Coahuila  than  those  already  existing,  and  to 
send  a  competent  governor  to  rule  over  Texas  and 
Coahuila.  As  to  the  fortification  of  Espiritu  Santo 
Bay  and  the  erection  of  a  fort  on  the  north-eastern 
frontier,  it  was  thought  that  there  was  no  urgent 
necessity  for  these  measures  at  present,  and  that  royal 
orders  might  be  awaited.19 

In  the  report  just  cited  St  Denis  figured  somewhat 
prominently,  and  his  actions  were  pronounced  sus 
picious  in  many  respects.  Several  statements  made 
by  him  in  Mexico  were  declared  to  have  been  proven 
false.  A  letter  from  him  to  the  French  authorities 
in  Louisiana  urging  the  occupation  of  Espiritu  Santo 
Bay  was  said  to  have  been  found.  The  Spanish 
comandante  at  Pensacola  made  some  charges  against 
him.  The  recent  founding  of  Natchitoches,  the  visit 
of  St  Denis  and  Ramon  to  that  fort  and  to  Mobile, 
and  the  amount  of  goods  brought  back  by  the  former, 
all  tended  to  put  the  Frenchman's  conduct  in  an  un 
favorable  light.  There  is  little  room  for  doubt  that 
the  original  purpose  of  St  Denis,  only  slightly  modi 
fied  by  his  love  affair,  was  to  open  the  way  for  exten 
sive  and  profitable  smuggling  operations.  Such  was 
the  purport  of  the  fiscal's  conclusions,  and  Don  Luis 
was  brought  to  Mexico  under  arrest.  Nothing  very 

19  Texas,  Junta  de  Guerra,  1716,  MS.,  in  Id.,  Doc.  Hist.,  266-84;  Texas, 
Dictdmen  Fiscal,  1716,  MS.,  in  Id.,  226-66. 


614  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

serious  was  proved  against  him  in  the  ensuing  inves 
tigation,  the  friars  and  all  others  in  Texas  warmly 
espousing  his  cause;  but  in  his  wrath  he  indulged  in 
some  violent  language  and  threats,  which  prolonged 
his  imprisonment.  In  January  1719  his  release  was 
ordered  by  the  king,  but  he  was  to  be  established  in 
Guatemala,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  northern 
frontier.  He  had  managed,  however,  to  escape,  and 
went  with  his  wife  to  Louisiana,  where  he  was  soon 
put  in  command  at  Natchitoches.20 

Martin  de  Alarcon  was  governor  of  Coahuila,  and 
his  authority  was  now  extended  over  Texas,  his  ap 
pointment  being  dated  February  9,  1716.  His  past 
services  had  given  all  classes  a  confidence  in  his  abili 
ties  not  justified  by  results.  He  was  to  introduce 
fifty  married  soldiers  of  good  character  into  the  prov 
ince;  and  with  a  somewhat  smaller  number  of  doubt 
ful  character  he  entered  Texas,  or  Nuevas  Filipinas, 
early  in  1718.  On  the  river  of  St  Anthony,  far  from 
the  coast,  he  founded  the  presidio  of  San  Antonio  de 
Bejar,  and  near  it  the  mission  of  San  Antonio  de 
Valero  under  Padre  Antonio  Olivares,  who  trans 
ferred  to  it  a  few  neophytes  from  his  abandoned 
mission  of  San  Francisco  Solano  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
Bejar  was  for  a  time  considered  the  capital;  but 
Alarcon  went  on  to  make  an  exploration  of  Espiritu 
Santo,  and  thence  to  the  old  missions,  where  he  left 
a  few  soldiers.  He  resigned  his  position  when  the 
viceroy  declined  to  furnish  the  aid  he  asked  for.  The 
friars  claimed  that  Alarcon  failed  to  carry  out  his  in 
structions,  and  accomplished  nothing  for  the  welfare 

20  Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  138-40.  On  St  Denis'  expedition  and  the 
reestablishment  of  the  Texas  missions  in  1716  see  also:  Id.,  12-13,  47-53; 
Texas,  Diet.  Fiscal,  1716,  MS.,  242-54;  Bonilla,  Compendia,  MS.;  Altamira, 
Puntos,  MS.;  La  J/arpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  in  Mayer  MSS.,  No.  29;  Hidalgo,  Carta, 
1718,  MS.,  in  Texas,  Doc.,  290;  Espinosa,  Chrdn.,  415-46,  467;  Arrh'^rlta, 
Cron.  Serof,  97-101,  221-5;  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  ii.  324-6,  333-4;  M»<a- 
Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  383-4;  Tornel,  Tejns,  17-21;  Alvares,  Estudios,  iii. 
353-64;  Revilla  Giyvlo,  Carta,  1797,  v.  448;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.,  i.  30-2; 
Soc.  Mex.  Geo(j.,  BoL,  2da  ep.,  i.  571;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  48-9,  65-6; 
Gayarre's  Hist.  La.,  i.  1G5-78,  191;  Kennedy's  Texas,  i.  218-19;  Mayer's  Mex. 
Aztec,  i.  226-7.  .^ 


FRENCH  INVASION.  G15 

of  the  province;  but  they  do  not  clearly  specify  the 
nature  of  his  misdeeds.  He  succeeded  in  obtaining 
high  praise  in  a  royal  order  of  1719.21 

War  having  been  declared  between  France  and 
Spain,  the  governor  of  Louisiana  not  only  attacked 
lYnsacola,  but  authorized  hostile  operations  against 
Texas.  In  June  1719  a  force  of  French  and  Indians 
from  Natchitoches  took  possession  of  San  Miguel  de 
los  Adaes,  capturing  the  friar  in  charge,  who  escaped, 
however,  to  carry  the  news  to  the  presidio  and  other 
missions.22  Governor  Alarcon  had,  apparently,  left  the 
country  just  before  this  invasion.23  The  friars  favored 
resistance,  or  at  least  afterward  claimed  to  have  done 
so,  but  the  soldiers  refused  to  follow  their  advice,  and 
retired  without  waiting  for  further  hostilities  to  Bejar, 
whither  the  missionaries  soon  followed  them.  The 
inland  presidio  and  its  mission  of  San  Antonio  for 
two  years  constituted  the  whole  of  Spanish  posses 
sions  in  Texas,  and  from  this  post  the  garrison  might 
easily  have  been  driven;  but  the  Frenchmen  made 
no  demonstrations,  and  do  not  appear  to  have  crossed 
the  Trinity  River.  Indeed,  French  policy  in  this 
affair  is  not  clear.  All  mission  and  presidio  property 

21  Alarcon,  Relation  de  los  Empleps,  etc.,  del  Sarywito  Mayor. .  .cabnllero 
del  (Jrden  de  Santiago,  MS.,  in  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  300-13;  Alarcon,  Direc- 
torio  6  I nstruc clones  para  el  Viage,  1717,  MS.,  in  Id.,  291-300;  Lop<z,  Misiones 
de  Texas,  MS.,  in  Id.,  413;  Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Texas,  MS.,  141-3;  Enpinosa, 
Chron.,  437-8,  440-56;   Arricivita,  Cr6n.    Sera/.,  343;   Bonilla,  Compendia, 
MS.;  Altimira,  Pantos,  MS.,  502-3;   Villa-Seuor,  Theatro,  ii.  320-1,  334.     I 
have  before  me  a  dozen  or  more  works  which  give  1698  as  the  date  of  found 
ing  B6jar,  and  a  few  which  favor  1692. 

22  The  Spanish  authorities  imply  that  St  Denis  was  in  command  of  the 
party,  composed  mainly  of  Natchitoches  and  Cadodachos  Indians;  but  such 
was  perhaps  not  the  case.     La  Harpe,  Historical  Journal,  72,  who  was  at 
Nassonite,  where  he  had  established  a  French  post  in  1718,  says  he  got  news 
on  Aug.  1st  that  M.  Blondel  at  Natchitoches  had  driven  away  and  pillaged 
the  Franciscans  at  Los  Adaes;  also  that  the  Spaniards  had  retired  across  the 
Trinity. 

23  It  appears  that  he  resigned  because  the  viceroy  refused  aid  to  prevent 
French  encroachments.     La  Harpe,  Hist.  Jour.,  70-1,  gives  some  correspond 
ence  of  May  1719  with  Alarcon  and  Padre  Marcillo  (Margil?),  in  which  the 
former  protests  against  the  French  occupation  of  Nassonite,  and  the  latter 
states  that  the  governor  will  soon  leave  the  country.     It  is  hardly  possible 
that  Alarcon  could  have  waited  until  the  attack  before  retiring,  for  such  an 
act  would  have  made  trouble  for  him  in  Mexico.     If  it  were  not  for  the  cor 
respondence  cited  1  should  suppose  that  he  left  the  country  considerably 
earlier  than  May  1719. 


616  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

was  destroyed,  chiefly  perhaps  by  the  natives;  but  no 
effort  was  made  to  take  permanent  possession  for 
France.  We  are  tempted  to  believe  either  that  the 
invasion  was  intended  by  St  Denis  as  a  temporary 
scare  for  the  Spaniards,  or  that  the  comandante  at 
Natchitoches  acted  without  orders  on  hearing  of  the 
war;  yet  a  party  was  sent  down  the  gulf  coast,  and  a 
weak  attempt  was  made  by  La  Harpe  in  1721  to 
occupy  Espiritu  Santo  Bay,  without  success  because 
of  opposition  from  the  natives.24  Meanwhile  the  Span 
iards  at  Bejar  did  nothing  but  wait  for  aid  from  Mex 
ico,  listen  to  rumors  of  what  the  Frenchmen  were 
doing,  and  finally  in  1720  establish  a  new  mission 
of  San  Jose  y  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo  near  the  pre 
sidio. 

The  French  invasion  naturally  caused  alarm  in 
Mexico,  where  the  viceroy  at  once  issued  orders  for 
an  expedition  to  reconquer  Texas.  An  army  of  about 
seven  hundred  men  was  raised  and  put  under  the 
command  of  the  Marques  de  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo 
as  governor  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  So  slowly,  how 
ever,  did  the  preparations  proceed  that  the  army  did 
not  leave  Monclova  until  November  1720;  and  before 
this  time  news  came  of  a  truce  in  Europe,  which 
caused  Aguayo's  instructions  to  be  somewhat  modi 
fied.  In  February  1721  the  camp  was  still  on  the 
Rio  Grande  near  the  presidio.  Then,  on  receipt  of 
some  disquieting  rumors  from  Captain  Garcia  in  com 
mand  at  Bejar,  a  detachment  was  sent  there  under 
Lieutenant-general  Fernando  Perez  de  Ahnazan,  in 
cluding  a  force  under  Diego  Ramon,  to  occupy  Es- 
pi'ritu  Santo  Bay.  In  April  the  marquis  arrived 
with  the  main  force,  and  in  May  started  for  the 
north,  having  sent  back  instructions  for  a  supply- 
vessel  to  run  between  Vera  Cruz  and  Espiritu  Santo. 
Meeting  no  obstacles  whatever  the  army  reached  the 

2*La  ffarpe's  Hist.  Jour.,  78,  86,  95  et  seq.  First  in  1720  Beranger  was 
3ent  to  explore  the  bay,  and  left  there  five  men,  four  of  whom  perished,  and 
one,  named  Belisle,  was  rescued  and  returned  before  La  Harpe  started  iu 
Aug.  1721. 


AGUAYO'S  EXPEDITION.  617 

region  of  the  abandoned  missions  late  in  July;  and 
on  the  Rio  Neches  had  an  interview  with  St  Denis, 
who  came  from  Natchitoches  and  made  no  objection 
to  the  Spanish  reoccupation.  The  natives  were  also 
found  to  be  as  friendly  as  ever,  with  an  undiminished 
capacity  for  receiving  gifts.  In  August  five  of  the 
old  missions  were  reestablished  at  or  very  near  their 
old  sites,  as  was  also  the  presidio  of  Texas  near  Con- 
cepcion,  where  Captain  Cortina  was  stationed  with 
twenty-five  men.  Later  the  marquis  crossed  the 
Sabinas  into  the  country  of  the  Adaes.  The  French 
commandant  at  Natchitoches,  in  the  absence  of  St 
Denis,  made  some  objections  but  no  resistance;  and 
not  only  was  the  mission  of  San  Miguel  rebuilt,  but 
adjoining  it  and  seven  leagues  from  the  French  fort 
was  founded  the  presidio  of  Pilar  garrisoned  by  one 
hundred  men. 

Then  Governor  Aguayo  returned  to  Bejar,  arriving 
in  January  1722  and  taking  steps  to  strengthen  that 
post.  Here  also  was  founded  the  new  mission  of  San 
Javier  de  Najera  under  Padre  Jose  Gonzalez.  Thence 
proceeding  to  the  bay  Aguayo  in  March  and  April 
superintended  the  erection  of  a  presidio  on  the  site 
of  La  Salle's  fort,  now  called  Santa  Maria  de  Loreto 
de  la  Bahfa  del  Espiritu  Santo,  or  Bahia  for  short; 
and  under  its  protection  was  founded  the  new  mission 
of  Espiritu  Santo  de  Zuniga,  with  Padre  Agustin 
Patron  as  minister.  Ninety  men  were  stationed  here 
at  first  under  Captain  Diego  Ramon.  The  sites  of 
these  bay  establishments  were  subsequently  changed 
to  the  San  Antonio  River.  In  May  the  governor 
returned  to  Coahuila,  leaving  Almazan  in  command 
as  lieutenant-governor;  and  after  making  full  reports 
on  the  value  of  Texas  and  the  measures  required  for 
the  welfare  of  that  province,  he  soon  resigned  his 
commission  in  favor  of  Almazan.25 

KPenn,  Dlario  del  Marques  de  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo,  escrito  por  el  B.  D. 
Juan  Antonio  de  la  Pefia,  capellan  Mayor  del  batallon  de  San  Miguel  de 
Aragon,  1720-2,  MS.  In  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  385-449;  and  Mayer  MSS., 


CIS  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

Governor  Perez  de  Alrnazan  ruled  in  Texas  from 
1722  to  1726.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  competent 
man,  yet  the  period  was  not  one  of  prosperity.  Aguayo 
with  his  large  military  force  and  ample  pecuniary  re 
sources  had  introduced  a  system  of  liberality  which 
his  successor  was  not  able  to  continue.  The  presidio 
commandants  showed  little  zeal  for  the  country's  wel 
fare  or  desire  to  cooperate  with  the  governor.  The 
Apaches  became  troublesome  and  Almazan  was  for 
bidden  by  the  viceroy's  orders  to  engage  in  active 
warfare  against  them.  The  Indians  of  the  bay  aban 
doned  the  mission  and  killed  Captain  Ramon  of  the 
presidio.  The  padre  therefore  founded  a  new  mission 
in  the  interior,  and  the  new  captain  soon  followed 
with  his  force.  Thus  the  sites  of  La  Bahia  and 
Espiritu  Santo  were  changed.  We  have  no  details 
of  mission  affairs  in  the  north-east,  but  evidently  the 
friars  made  little  progress  as  the  memory  of  Aguayo's 
gifts  faded  from  the  minds  of  the  natives.  Melchor 
de  Mediavilla  y  Ascona  succeeded  Almazan,  but  his 
rule  in  1727-30  was  marked  neither  by  reforms  nor 
disasters.  On  Aguayo's  recommendation  the  king 
had  ordered  the  establishment  of  four  hundred  families 
from  the  Canary  Islands  near  Bejar;  and  after  long 
delays  fifteen  such  families  arrived;  as  many  more 
were  collected  from  southern  provinces;  and  about 
1730  the  villa  of  San  Fernando  de  Bejar  was  founded. 
The  settlers  seem  to  have  accomplished  nothing,  how 
ever,  beyond  a  bare  existence. 

no.  19;  closely  followed  in  Morft,  Mem.  Hist.  Texas,  MS.,  143-93.  See  also 
on  matters  connected  with  the  French  invasion  and  Aguayo's  expedition: 
Espinosa,  Chr6n.,  452-8;  Altamira,  Puntos,  MS.,  504;  Bonilla,  Compendia, 
MS.;  Arricivita,  Cron.  Sera/.,  99-103,  225;  Vitta-Senor,  Theatro,  ii.  320-1, 
334-5;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  107-10;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  52-3;  Zama- 
cois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  540-5;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  109-10;  Alvarez,  E stud., 
iii.  364-6,  371;  Arispe,  Mem.,  i.  11;  Filisola,  Mem.  Hist.  Guerra,  i.  32;  La- 
cunza,  Discursos,  xxxv.  508-9;  Mexico,  Not.  Ciudad,  280-1 ;  Museo  Mex. ,  iv. 
508;  MonettSs  Hist.  Discov.,  i.  235-6;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  67-7(3;  Shea's 
Cath.  Miss.,  86;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  237-8;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  219-20; 
Oayarre's  Hist.  Louisiana,  257-8.  Domenech,  Maillard,  Holley,  Grattau, 
Falconer,  Hunt,  and  others — for  the  most  part  those  who  put  the  founding 
of  Bejar  in  1698 — tell  us  that  La  Bahia,  later  called  Goliad,  was  founded 
in  1716. 


TRANSFER  OF  MISSIONS.  619 

During  Mediavilla's  rule  General  Pedro  Rivera 
was  sent  as  visitador  to  make  an  inspection  of  Texas 
in  1727-8;  and  by  his  recommendation  an  order  was 
issued  in  1729,  suppressing  the  presidio  of  Texas,  and 
reducing  the  aggregate  force  of  the  other  three  pre 
sidios  from  two  hundred  and  forty  to  one  hundred 
and  forty  men.  The  friars  protested  against  the  re 
duction  of  military  force,  and  the  governor  favored 
their  view  of  the  matter,  which  policy  was  probably 
the  cause  of  his  removal  in  1730.  His  successor  was 
Captain  Juan  Bustillo  y  Cevallos,  comandante  of  the 
Bahia  presidio.  Deprived  of  the  garrison  the  Quere- 
taro  friars  appealed  to  their  college  and  obtained  per 
mission  to  transfer  their  three  missions,  San  Francisco, 
Concepcion,  and  San  Jose,  to  the  San  Antonio  near 
the  presidio  of  Bejar,  which  was  done  in  1731,  the 
name  of  San  Jose  being  changed  to  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano.  The  Zacatecan  friars  continued  their  labors 
at  the  old  missions  under  the  protection  of  the  Pilar 
presidio.  In  the  region  of  Bejar  the  Apaches  caused 
great  trouble  to  the  missions,  and  though  Governor 
Bustillos  killed  two  hundred  of  them  in  one  campaign 
their  ravages  did  not  cease.  Manuel  de  Sandoval 
became  governor  in  1734,  and  continued  the  warfare 
against  the  savages  without  any  permanent  success.26 

In  1735  the  French  transferred  their  fort  of  Natchi- 
toches  from  its  original  site  to  the  western  bank  of 
the  Red  River.  This  action  was  met  with  protests 
from  Gonzalez,  the  presidio  commandant,  and  from 
Governor  Sandoval,  who  claimed  Red  River  as  the 

26  For  details  of  events  during  the  rule  of  Almazan,  Ascona,  Bustillo,  and 
Sandoval,  see  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  11-17,453-7,  460,  572,  009-10,  C19-20; 
Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  26,  43,47,  52,  193-245;  Espino*a,  Chrdn.,  458- 
66;  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  SerAf.,  340-5;  Altamira,  Puntos,  MS.,  504-8;  Villa- 
Senor,  Tkentro,  ii.  321;  Cavo,  Tres  Stylo*,  ii.  130;  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N. 
Gal.,  319;  Viarjero,  Univ.,  xxvii.  117-18;  Mexico,  Inf.  Pesq.,  110;  Encudero, 
Not.  Son.,  62;  Fili*ola,  Mem.,  i.  32;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  230;  Yomkum's 
Hist.  Tex.,  i.  78-80;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  220-1;  Pinkerton's  Mod.  Geo;/.,  in. 
223;  McCabe's  Comprehensive  View,  756;  Crockett's  Life,  308.  From  JRirera, 
Diario  y  Derrotcro,  10,  60-7,  we  learn  that  Nuevas  Filipinas  was  in  June 
1726  added  to  the  bishopric  of  Guadalajara;  also  that  in  1725  maps  of  the 
province  were  made  by  Barreiro  for  the  viceroy.  Several  writers  say  that  a 
Spanish  post  at  Nacodoches  was  established  in  1732. 


620  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

boundary  between  Texas  and  Louisiana.  St  Denis, 
however,  maintained  that  the  boundary  was  rather 
the  line  between  the  Adaes  and  Natchitoches  tribes, 
pointed  to  the  fact  that  the  French  had  always  had 
some  buildings  and  corrals  midway  between  the  fort 
and  presidio,  and  refused,  under  orders  from  his 
superiors,  to  suspend  the  transfer.  The  Spaniards 
did  not  use  force,  but  were  content  to  supplement 
their  protests  with  orders  prohibiting  all  intercourse 
with  Natchitoches,  much  to  the  inconvenience  of  the 
Frenchmen.  Relations  soon  became  friendly  as 
before,  though  Sandoval  incurred  the  displeasure  of 
his  government  and  was  superseded;  but  for  many 
years  nothing  is  recorded  in  detail  of  events  in  this 
north-eastern  district.  Colonel  Carlos  de  Franquis 
came  as  governor  in  1736,  and  put  Sandoval  under 
arrest  on  several  charges,  including  that  of  having 
permitted  the  French  encroachment.  But  Franquis, 
by  his  arbitrary  conduct  in  other  matters,  soon  became 
involved  in  a  quarrel  with  the  missionaries,  who  ac 
cused  him  of  nearly  ruining  the  missions  by  illegally 
taking  the  neophytes  as  laborers  for  his  own  benefit 
and  that  of  certain  partisans  among  the  settlers. 
After  several  ineffectual  reprimands  the  viceroy  sent 
Governor  Jauregui  of  Nuevo  Leon  as  visitador  in 
1737,  who  sent  the  governor  south  under  arrest  and 
appointed  a  ruler  ad  interim.  Sandoval  was  sub 
mitted  to  a  residencia  in  1738,  and  Franquis  still  had 
influence  enough  to  prolong  for  several  years  the  legal 
proceedings  against  his  foe  m  connection  with  the 
charge  of  permitting  the  building  of  a  French  fort  on 
Spanish  soil.  Yet  Sandoval  was  substantially  ac 
quitted  of  all  blame,  and  the  investigations  favored 
the  conclusion  that  the  French  possessions  really  ex 
tended  westward  of  Red  River  to  a  place  known  as 
La  Gran  Montana.27 


27  Morfiy  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  245-53;  Altamira,  Puntos,  MS.,  508-12; 
Bonilla,  Compendia,  MS.;  Yoakum's  IJist.  Texas,  i.  81-G;  Onis,  Mem.  Nccjoc., 
pt.  ii,  51. 


NO  PROGRESS.  621 

The  governor  ad  interim  appointed  by  Yisitador 
Jauregui  was  Prudencio  de  Orobio  y  Basterra,  a 
merchant  from  Saltillo,  who  was  chiefly  interested  in 
the  profits  of  his  office  and  who  failed  to  agree  with 
the  presidio  comandantes.  He  ruled  in  1737-40,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Tomas  Felipe  Wintuisen,  whose 
term  was  in  1741—3.  Justo  Boneo  y  Morales  was 
sent  as  governor  in  1743,  with  orders  to  investigate 
the  French  boundary  and  Sandoval's  acts;  but  he 
died  soon  after  his  arrival  at  the  presidio  of  Adaes. 
Francisco  Garcia  Larios  ruled  ad  interim  in  1743-8, 
generally  opposed  to  the  views  of  the  friars;  and 
Pedro  del  Barrio  Junco  y  Espriella  in  1748-50,  prov 
ing  himself  a  still  more  bitter  foe  of  the  Franciscans 
and  of  mission  interests.  Jacinto  de  Barrios  y  Jau 
regui  was  governor  from  1751  to  1760,  and  he  also 
generally  favored  the  comandantes  and  settlers  in 
their  controversies  with  the  padres,  but  he  appears 
to  have  lived  at  the  Adaes  presidio,  interfering  but 
slightly  in  the  affairs  of  his  government,  and  exerting 
himself  less  in  preventing  contraband  trade  with  the 
French  than  in  a  fruitless  search  for  rich  mines. 

The  records  of  the  period,  though  somewhat  bulky 
in  respect  of  certain  local  and  topical  details,  afford 
but  slight  material  for  a  connected  historical  sketch. 
It  was  not  a  period  of  prosperity  for  any  Texan  inter 
est  except  so  far  as  the  officers,  soldiers,  and  settlers 
may  be  said  to  have  prospered  in  their  great  work  of 
living  with  the  least  possible  exertion.  Officials  as  a 
rule  kept  in  view  their  own  personal  profit  in  handling 
the  presidio  funds  rather  than  the  welfare  of  the 
province.  The  Franciscans  were  doubtless  faithful 
as  missionaries,  but  their  influence,  even  over  the 
natives,  was  much  less  than  in  other  mission  fields. 
The  Texans  never  became  neophytes  proper  in  regu 
lar  mission  communities;  and  between  the  incon 
stancy  of  their  converts  and  the  opposition  of  soldiers 
and  settlers  the  padres  could  accomplish  but  little. 
In  their  many  bitter  controversies  the  friars  seem 


C22  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

to  have  been  generally  in  the  right,  as  compared 
with  their  opponents.  It  is  true  the  evidence  conies 
mainly  from  Franciscan  sources,  but  it  is  confirmed 
by  the  results  of  occasional  investigations  by  the  gov 
ernment.  Of  local  details  and  statistics  of  mission 
progress  no  reports  are  extant,  if  any  were  made;  but 
it  is  evident  that  not  one  of  the  establishments  was 
at  any  time  prosperous  from  either  a  spiritual  or 
material  point  of  view.  At  each  missionary  work 
was  a  constant  struggle  to  prevent  excesses  and  out 
rages  by  the  escoltas,  to  protect  land  and  water  from 
encroachment  by  settlers,  to  guard  mission  live-stock 
from  Apache  raids,  to  keep  the  few  Indians  from  run 
ning  away,  and  to  watch  for  and  counteract  ruinous 
changes  projected  from  time  to  time  by  the  secular 
authorities.  A  few  general  topics  require  further 
notice. 

Depredations  by  one  or  another  tribe  of  the  wild 
Apaches  were  of  constant  occurrence,  but  involved  no 
serious  disaster.  At  first  campaigns  against  the  sav 
ages  were  made  from  time  to  time  by  the  presidiai 
forces,  much  like  the  expeditions  in  other  parts  of  my 
territory,  and  requiring  no  description,  with  results 
often  exaggerated  for  effect  in  Mexico,  but  of  no  real 
advantage  except  to  settlers  who  had  horses  to  sell. 
After  1741,  however,  the  comandantes  were  ordered 
to  act  on  the  defensive,  though  one  expedition  is  re 
corded  in  1745  resulting  in  many  captives.  Then  the 
Lipan  Apaches,  formerly  the  most  troublesome,  being 
hard  pressed  by  their  foes  the  Comanches  and  desiring 
to  recover  the  captive  women  and  children,  became 
friendly,  made  peace,  and  even  begged  to  be  settled 
in  a  mission.  Their  good  faith  was  naturally  sus 
pected  even  by  the  padres,  and  through  a  neglect  of 
their  warnings  Padre  Silva  was  killed  with  several 
companions  by  the  Matages  or  Mescaleros  on  the 
Coahuila  road  in  1749.  The  Lipan s  remained  at  peace 
and  the  friars  favored  an  experimental  mission  for  them 
on  the  Guaclalupe  River.  Captain  Urrutia  of  San 


APACHE  MISSION.  C23 

Antonio  also  favored  the  project  and  it  was  approved 
in  Mexico  as  early  as  1750 ;  but  after  long  delay  it  was . 
decided  in  1756  to  establish  the  Apache  mission  on 
the  San  Sabd,  River  and  to  protect  it  with  a  garrison 
of  one  hundred  men.  The  results  of  this  experiment 
will  appear  later. 

There  was  constant  trouble  between  the  friars  and 
the  captains  about  the  mission  escoltas.  Vicious  and 
unmanageable  soldiers  were  often  detailed  for  the 
service,  and  remonstrances  were  met  with  threats  to 
remove  the  guards  altogether.  Captain  Costales  and 
later  Basterra  of  Bahia  gave  most  trouble  in  this  re 
spect;  but  the  viceroy's  orders  were  uniformly  favor 
able  to  the  missionaries.  The  vecinos  of  San  Fernando 
were  always  trying  to  obtain  the  services  of  mission 
Indians  as  laborers.  They  sent  an  agent  to  Mexico 
on  the  subject  about  1740,  without  immediate  results; 
but  a  few  years  later  by  a  new  effort  they  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  decree  in  their  favor,  which  also  for 
bade  the  padres  from  selling  mission  produce  or  rais 
ing  more  than  was  required  for  their  neophytes.  This 
led  to  a  controversy  in  Mexico  with  the  result  that 
the  decree  was  annulled  in  1745  as  having  been  based 
on  false  representations.  In  connection  with  the  in 
vestigation  of  the  French  boundary  and  of  Ex-governor 
Sandoval's  acts  in  1744  the  Marques  deAltamira  made 
a  report  containing  a  good  resume  of  Texan  annals 
which  I  have  cited  often  in  my  notes. 

About  1744  the  friars  obtained  permission  to  estab 
lish  missions  on  the  San  Javier  River,28  though  bitterly 
opposed  by  the  governor  and  Captain  Basterra  from 
the  first.  San  Javier,  Candelaria,  and  San  Ildefonso 
were  the  new  establishments;  and  they  were  in  con 
stant  trouble  from  the  first,  through  adverse  reports 
from  the  military  officials.  The  friars  successfully 
defended  their  policy  and  conduct  against  bitter  at 
tacks,  but  accomplished  little  else.  The  Indians  often 

28  It  is  not  clear  what  river  this  was,  but  there  are  indications  that  it  may 
have  been  a  branch  of  the  Brazos  do  Dios,  or  of  the  Colorado. 


624  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

ran  away  and  the  three  missions  never  had  more  than 
three  hundred  neophytes,  the  total  of  baptisms  being 
444.  The  guard  was  at  first  twenty-two  men,  and 
was  soon  increased  to  a  regular  presidio  of  fifty  men 
on  the  recommendation  of  the  auditor  Altarnira,  and 
of  Captain  Eca  y  Muzquiz  sent  as  visitador  to  investi 
gate  the  matter;  but  the  soldiers  behaved  badly  under 
the  influence  and  example  of  their  officers,  who  were 
determined  to  thwart  all  missionary  effort.  In  1751 
Felipe  de  Rabago  y  Teran  was  made  captain  of  the 
San  Javier  presidio,  continued  the  controversy  with 
increased  virulence,  and  was  at  one  time  excommu 
nicated  by  one  of  the  padres.  In  1752  the  missionary 
president  urged  a  radical  change  in  the  whole  system, 
abolishing  presidios  in  favor  of  mission  guards  of  vol 
unteer  soldiers  to  become  settlers,  and  putting  the 
mission  temporalities  in  charge  of  an  intendente  ap 
pointed  by  the  government.  This  was  to  accomplish 
great  results  at  a  greatly  reduced  cost;  but  the  plan 
was  not  adopted.  Meanwhile  Rabago  went  on  from 
bad  to  worse,  and  at  last  caused  the  assassination  of 
Padre  Ceballos,  for  which  crime  he  was  sent  to  Mexico 
for  trial.  His  successor  in  1753  was  his  brother  Pedro 
who  was  a  friend  of  the  friars;  but  the  stream  'had 
dried  up,  epidemics  had  resulted,  most  of  the  Indians 
had  run  away,  and  the  few  remaining  \vere  transferred 
to  the  Rio  San  Marcos.  Later  when  the  Apache 
mission  was  planned  it  \vas  decided  to  attach  these 
natives  to  San  Antonio,  whereupon  they  ran  away, 
and  thus  the  San  Javier  missions  came  to  an  end. 
Meanwhile  in  1749  the  presidio  of  La  Bahia  and  its 
mission  of  Espiritu  Santo  were  again  moved  farther 
inland  and  ten  leagues  nearer  San  Antonio;  and  the 
padres  of  this  mission  are  said  to  have  established  a 
new  one  of  coast  Indians  called  apparently  Rosario, 
whose  exact  site  is  not  recorded.  Of  the  north-eastern 
district  under  the  Zacatecanos  during  this  period  noth 
ing  is  known.29 

29  For  details  of  the  annals  of  this  period  outlined  in  my  text  see :  Morfi, 


BOUNDARY  QUESTION.  625 

The  boundary  question  was  not  a  very  exciting  or 
important  one,  the  Spaniards  showing  a  tendency  to 
admit  the  accuracy  of  the  French  view.  The  matter 
came  up  from  time  to  time  in  Mexico  and  Spain;  but 
the  decision  was  always  against  offensive  measures,  or 
even  such  defensive  policy  as  might  lead  to  hostilities. 
Even  a  survey  and  settlement  of  the  boundary  were 
not  regarded  as  urgent  necessities.  Yet  further  en 
croachments  must  not -be  permitted,  and  especially 
must  trade  be  prevented  at  all  "hazards.  There  is 
much  reason,  however,  to  believe  that  the  trade  was 
never  interfered  with,  but  rather  encouraged  by  Texan 
officials.  Indeed,  contraband  trade  with  the  French 
seems  to  have  been  the  chief  occupation  of  all  classes 
on  the  frontier,  including  the  governor,  and  perhaps 
even  the  friars.  Before  1750  a  fewFrenchmen  settled 
among  the  Spaniards,  and  became  practically  agents 
of  the  governor  in  the  fur- trade.  But  later  Governor 
Barrios,  deeming  his  term  of  office  nearly  at  an  end, 
and  fearing  his  residencia,  arrested  these  foreigners 
who  were  sent  to  Mexico  and,  as  is  stated,  to  Spain. 
Barrios  represented  the  province  as  in  danger,  recom 
mending  new  forts;  and  finally  in  1755  at  a  junta  in 
Mexico  it  was  decided  to  establish  a  new  presidio  with 
fifty  Tlascaltec  families.  The  site  was  Los  Horcon- 
citos,  or  Horcaquisac,  on  the  Trinidad  River,  and  the 
presidio  was  named  San  Agustin  de  Ahurnada. 

Angel  de  Martos  y  Navarrete  came  to  Mexico  from 
Spain  in  1756  with  a  commission  as  governor  of 
Texas;  but  as  it  was  desired  that  Barrios  should  at 
tend  to  the  founding  of  San  Agustin,  it  was  arranged 
that  Martos  should  go  to  Coahuila  instead,  where  he 
remained  until  1760,  and  then  the  two  changed  places. 
The  governor  of  Louisiana  protested  against  the  es 
tablishment  on  the  Trinity,  but  the  viceroy  paid  no 

Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  20-4,  253-328;  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  224,  365-84, 
463-91,  512-52,  585-6,  621;  Bonilta,  Compendia,  MS.;  Altamira;  Puntos,  MS., 
505-7;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  no.  1;  Arricioita,  Cron.  Serdf.,  323-65; 
Espinosa,  Chr6n.,  467;  Villa-Seiior,  Theatro,  ii.  320-1;  Virrcyes,  Instruc., 
29-30,  97;  Mosaico  Mex.,  vi.  163. 

HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    40 


626  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

attention  to  the  protest,  no  quarrel  ensued,  more 
Frenchmen  settled  in  the  country,  and  contraband 
trade  went  on  much  as  before.  In  1762  all  ground 
of  dispute  respecting  boundaries  was  removed,  France 
ceding  to  Spain  that  part  of  Louisiana  west  of  the 
Mississippi.30 

In  the  mean  time  it  had  been  decided,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  establish  a  presidio  with  one  hundred  men  on 
the  Rio  San  Saba.  The  cause  of  Apache  conversion 
found  an  enthusiastic  and  powerful  promoter  in  the 
person  of  Pedro  Romero  de  Terreros,  conde  de  Regla, 
who  in  1756  offered  to  pay  the  whole  cost  for  three 
years,  not  including  that  of  the  military  establishment 
already  ordered,  of  as  many  missions  not  exceeding 
twenty  as  could  be  ^advantageously  founded  under  the 
general  supervision  of  Padre  Alonso  Giraldo  Terreros 
of  the  Queretaro  College.  The  offer  was  accepted,  the 
colleges  of  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Fernando  were  to  fur 
nish  each  half  the  needed  friars,  and  Colonel  Diego  Ortiz 
Parrilla  was  appointed  to  the  military  command.  The 
expedition,  including  five  padres,  reached  Bejar  at  the 
end  of  1756,  and  proceeded  in  April  1757  to  the  new 
field.  The  presidio  was  called  in  the  viceroy's  honor 
San  Luis  de  las  Amarrillas;  and  the  mission  of  San 
Saba  was  located  a  league  and  a  half  distant  on  the 
river.  The  Apaches  were  pleased  and  friendly,  but 
declined  under  one  pretext  or  another  to  congregate 
permanently  at  the  mission.  Padre  Terreros  was 
soon  forced  to  admit  in  letters  to  his  superiors  that 
he  had  been  grievously  disappointed  in  the  character 
of  the  natives,  and  that  the  prospects  for  successful 
mission  work  were  far  from  encouraging;  yet  with 
two  companions  he  remained  and  undertook  the  task. 

The  real  motive  of  the  Lipanes  in  favoring  the 
founding  of  a  presidio  and  mission  was  to  utilize  the 

so  Virreyes,  Instruction?.?,  96-7;  Instruc.,  Virreyes,  MS.,  i.  No.  4;  Texas, 
Doc.  Hint.,  595;  Castro,  Diario,  iv.  29-30,  207;  N.  Alex.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  352-3; 
Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  344-7;  Bonllla,  Compendia,  MS.;  Kennedy's  Texas, 
i.  215-16;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Texas,  i.  90-100. 


MASSACRE  AT  SAN  SABA.  627 

Spaniards  as  allies  against  the  Comanches  and  other 
hostile  tribes,  by  whom  they  were  hard  pressed.  The 
northern  inland  bands,  crediting  the  Apache  boasts 
of  their  new  alliance,  became  bitterly  hostile  to  the 
Spaniards,  and  formed  a  league  to  defeat  their  new 
foes.  The  Apaches,  well  pleased  with  the  course  of 
events,  gave  warning  of  the  approaching  danger,  a 
warning  that  caused  so  much  terror  at  the  different 

O 

forts,  that  but  little  attention  was  given  to  the  pro 
tection  of  San  Saba".  Yet  Parrilla  sent  a  force  of 
seventeen  men  to  reenforce  the  guard;  and  the  next 
day,  March  16,  1758,  the  savages  appeared  some 
thousands  strong  under  the  command  of  a  Comanche 
chief  at  the  mission.  Too  late  to  effect  a  surprise, 
they  obtained  admittance  by  pretending  friendship 
and  soon  began  their  work  of  destruction.  The 
buildings  were  plundered  and  burned.  The  only  sur 
vivors  were  Padre  Molina  and  two  or  three  soldiers, 
who  managed  to  conceal  themselves  and  escaped  at 
midnight.  Padre  Terreros  was  killed  with  a  bullet, 
and  Padre  Santistevan  was  beheaded.  The  number 
of  victims  is  not  known,  but  they  included  a  party 
sent  from  the  presidio  and  drawn  into  an  ambush. 
Only  a  few  Apaches  were  present  to  share  the  disas 
ter. 

In  his  report  of  this  affair  Parrilla  recommended  a 
removal  of  the  presidio,  an  increase  of  the  force  to 
one  hundred  and  forty  men,  and  an  expedition  to 
chastise  the  savages.  Only  the  last  suggestion  was 
approved  in  a  junta  held  at  Mexico  in  June;  and  a 
conference  of  officers  at  Bejar  in  January  1759  made 
plans  for  the  campaign.  At  the  same  meeting  Padre 
Morales  presented  a  defence  of  the  friars,  who  it 
seems  had  been  blamed  for  the  late  disaster,  and  even 
offered  in  behalf  of  the  college  to  give  up  the  missions ; 
but  his  proposal  wasdeclined.  The  army  of  five  hundred 
soldiers  and  volunteers,  with  a  large  force  of  Apache 
auxiliaries  in  the  best  of  spirits,  started  in  August 
under  the  command  of  Parrilla.  After  marching 


628  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

some  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  they  surprised  a  ran- 
cheria,  killing  fifty-five  of  the  foe  and  taking  many- 
captives.  Then  they  advanced  against  the  towns  of 
the  Taovayases,  and  in  the  region  of  what  was  later 
called  San  Teodoro  found  six  thousand  Indians  of 
different  tribes  in  a  strongly  fortified  position,  many 
of  them  armed  with  muskets,  and  displaying  a  French 
flag,  though  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  they 
were  in  any  way  aided  by  the  foreigners.  The  sav 
ages  did  not  wait  to  be  attacked,  but  made  a  sortie  in 
force,  and  the  Spaniards  fled  in  a  panic,  only  the 
Apaches  making  a  slight  resistance.  Thus  an  expe 
dition  which  had  cost  $60,000  accomplished  nothing. 
Emboldened  by  their  victory  the  Indians  now  ex 
tended  their  raids  in  every  direction.  No  serious 
disasters  are  recorded,  but  the  Spaniards  for  several 
years  were  barely  able  to  protect  their  posts  without 
thinking  of  vengeance  or  of  new  establishments.  Gov 
ernor  Martos  arrived  in  1760,  but  we  are  told  by 
Morfi  that  he  neglected  his  duties  and  lived  among 
the  Adaes  rather  as  an  Indian  than  a  Spaniard,  in 
spiring  no  fear  or  respect.  At  the  same  time  Parrilla 
went  to  Mexico  for  an  investigation  of  his  conduct, 
and  was  succeeded  in  the  command  at  San  Luis  in 
October  1760  by  Felipe  de  Rabago,  of  old  the  bitter 
foe  of  the  missionaries,  but  now  their  friend.  Mean 
while  Padre  Calahorra  ventured  alone  to  San  Teodoro, 
scene  of  the  Spanish  defeat,  and  succeeded  in  making 
peace  with  the  northern  tribes.  He  wished  to  trans 
fer  the  presidio  thither  and  to  establish  missions ;  but 
naturally  his  enthusiasm  was  not  shared  in  Mexico; 
and  the  Apaches  set  about  the  task  of  averting  this 
new  clanger  to  their  own  interests.  Plundering  and 
murdering  in  the  north  they  left  Spanish  articles  along 
their  way  as  evidence  against  their  supposed  allies; 
then  they  attacked  different  Spanish  posts,  retreating 
towards  the  north  and  taking  care  to  leave  the  proper 
proofs  of  their  identity.  This  policy  was  entirely 
successful,  and  soon  the  northern  tribes  were  as  hostile 


OCONOR,  RUBf,  AND  RIPPERDA.  629 

as  ever.  The  Apaches  had  manifested  an  ever  in 
creasing  desire  for  missions,  and  were  rewarded  in 
1761-2  by  the  founding  of  San  Lorenzo  and  Cande- 
laria,  perhaps  on  the  upper  San  Antonio,  where  some 
four  hundred  natives  were  congregated.  The  pros 
pects  seemed  brighter  than  before,  and  preparations 
were  made  to  reoccupy  San  Sabd;  but  the  result  did 
not  equal  expectations,  and  while  no  details  are  re 
corded  we  are  told  that  in  1767  the  missions  were 
abandoned  by  order  of  the  viceroy.31 

Governor  Martos  had  a  personal  quarrel  with  Cap 
tain  Pacheco  of  San  Agustin,  in  an  attempt  to  arrest 
whom  the  presidio  was  assaulted  and  set  on  fire,  the 
captain  escaping;  but  this  caused  the  governor's  re 
moval,  and  in  1765  Hugo  Oconor  was  appointed  ad 
interim.  Raids  of  the  savages  continued,  and  Oconor 
himself  was  once  defeated  in  an  expedition  against 
the  Comanches.  In  1767  the  Marques  de  Rubi  made 
a  visita,  found  all  the  establishments  in  a  bad  condi 
tion,  and  rendered  a  long  report.  Baron  de  Riperda 
came  as  governor  in  1770;  and  it  required  not  only 
assurances  and  entreaties  on  his  part  but  positive 
orders  and  threats  to  prevent  all  the  settlers  from 
abandoning  the  province,  as  many  had  already  done. 
The  Queretaro  friars  also  desired  to  give  up  the 
missions,  but  the  viceroy  would  not  permit  it.  The 
governor  worked  with  much  energy  and  skill,  but  by 
reason  of  his  attempted  reforms  made  many  enemies, 
especially  among  the  vecinos  of  San  Fernando,  who 

zlMorfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  328-87;  Bonilla,  Breve  Comp.,  MS.;  Arri- 
civlta,  Cr6n.  Serdf.>  368-93;  Ripperdd,  Be^res.,  MS.,  621-3;  Texas,  Informe 
de  MisioHcros,  MS.,  586-90;  Castro,  Diario,  vi.  47;  Molina,  Relacion,  MS., 
555-66;  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  590-6,  602-9;  Palou,  Vida,  40-3;  Yoal'<n,t,3* 
Hist.  Tex.,  i.  88-9;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  222.  PP.  Junipero  Serra  and  Fran 
cisco  Palou,  afterwards  famous  in  California,  were  assigned  to  Texas  about  the 
time  of  the  San  Sab£  massacre,  but  the  plans  were  subsequently  changed. 
According  to  Alcivia,  Carfas,  MS.,  in  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  611-2,  the  Indians 
of  Espiritu  Santo  Bay  rose  in  1759  and  killed  from  30  to  80  persons.  Accord 
ing  to  Certification  de  Mercedes,  MS.,  35-8,  the  expense  of  the  four  presidios 
in  1758— S.  Agustin,  Pilar,  Bahia,  and  S.  Antonio— was  $69,470. 


630  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

are  said  to  have  gone  so  far  as  to  instigate  the  Apaches 
against  him. 

In  accordance  with  the  recommendations  of  Bubi, 
and  in  connection  with  general  changes  affecting  the 
frontier  defences  of  the  Provincias  Internas,  an  order 
was  issued  in  1772  to  suppress  the  northern  presidios 
of  Los  Adaes  and  Horcaquisac,  that  is  Pilar  and  San 
Agustin,  to  transfer  San  Luis  to  the  Bio  Grande  in 
Coahuila,  to  maintain  La  Bahia  with  fifty-three  men, 
and  to  increase  the  garrison  of  San  Antonio  to  eighty 
men  under  the  governor's  command.  Useless  and 
unprotected  missions  were  to  be  abandoned.  These 
orders  were  carried  out  immediately  by  Bipperda,  and 
the  few  families  of  northern  settlers  were  transferred 
to  the  south,  soon  followed  by  the  Zacatecan  friars. 
Thus  the  northern  district,  the  original  Texas  proper, 
was  practically  given  up  to  the  savages.  The  gov 
ernor  urged  for  that  region  the  enlistment  of  three 
hundred  French  scouts,  arid  a  presidio  of  two  hundred 
men  at  Los  Almagres;  but  his  proposals  met  with  no 
favor  in  Mexico,  partly  because  of  opposition  from 
Ex-governor  Oconor,  who  presently  came  to  Texas  as 
inspector  to  cause  more  trouble  to  Bipperda.  The 
northern  families  transferred  to  Bejar  were  not  con 
tent,  however,  and  within  four  or  live  years  a  new 
settlement  called  Bucareli  was  established  on  the 
Trinidad  Biver  under  Antonio  Gil  y  Barbo  as  alcalde 
and  comandante.  Some  natives  were  attached  to  the 
town,  and  a  Zacatecan  friar  took  charge  of  spiritual 
interests.  But  the  site  was  not  a  good  one,  Bucareli 
did  not  prosper,  and  before  1779  it  was  transferred 
northward  toNacodoches  at  or  near  the  old  mission  site. 

In  1774 — or  possibly,  I  think,  in  1772 — the  Quere- 
taro  friars  gave  up  all  their  missions  in  Texas  to  the 
Zacatecans.  In  1778  Comandante  General  Croix  of 
the  Brovincias  Internas  extended  his  tour  of  inspec 
tion  to  this  province;  and  with  him  came  a  new  gov 
ernor,  Domingo  Cabello.32  At  a  junta  held  at  Bejar 

32  In  Soberanes,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  8-19,  I  have  an  original  letter  of 


MORFI'S  MEMOIRS.  631 

by  the  general's  order  Lieutenant  Athanase  de  Me- 
zieres  was  present.  He  was  in  command  at  Natchi- 
toches  under  the  Spanish  governor  of  Louisiana;  and 
in  all  these  years  he  was  very  active  and  successful  in 
efforts  to  control  the  northern  Indians,  extending  his 
tours  to  the  rancherias  of  the  Taovayases  which  he 
named  San  Teodoro  and  San  Bernardo,  on  the  upper 
Red  River.  He  made  peace  with  many  tribes,  and 
advocated  trade  and  alliance  with  the  friendlv  natives 
against  the  Comanches,  whose  ravages  like  those  of 
the  Apaches  were  now  constant.  Some  of  Mezieres' 
letters  and  reports  are  extant.  Meanwhile  the  Eng 
lish  made  some  encroachments  both  in  the  northern 
interior  and  on  the  coast.  One  party  is  said  to  have 
landed  near  the  mouth  of  the  Neches,  beginning  the 
work  of  erecting  buildings  and  cultivating  the  soil; 
besides  attempting  to  conciliate  the  natives,  perhaps 
in  anticipation  of  a  war  between  Spain  and  England; 
but  for  some  unknown  reason  they  suddenly  departed, 
leaving  one  ship  wrecked.33 

In  1783  occurred  the  death  of  Padre  Juan  Agus- 
tin  Morfi,  bringing  to  a  close  his  historical  memoirs, 
the  standard  authority  for  Texan  history  down  to  this 
date,  though  never  published.  The  same  period  is 
covered  by  the  original  documents  consulted  and 
closely  followed  by  Morfi,  which  have  been  frequently 
cited  by  me,  and  which  contain  material  that  cannot 
be  fully  utilized  in  the  space  at  my  disposal.34  In 

Gov.  Cabello  dated  Jan.  8,  1 783,  which  was  sent  to  the  viceroy  with  a  gift  of 
some  live  buffaloes,  or  cibolos. 

33  On  events  of  1763-83  see  Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  1-3,  23-33,  56, 
130,  391-462;  Bonilla,  Breve  Comp.,  MS.;  Ripperdd,  Reprcs.,  MS.,  617-34; 
Id.,  Cartas,  MS.,  634-9;  Meziercs,  Cartas,  MS.;  /(/.,  Expedition,  MS.;  Arri- 
civita,  Cr6n.  Serdf,  437-49;  Presidios,  Reylamento  e  Instr.;  Re  villa  Gif/edo, 
Carta,  1793,  v.  448-51;  Arrillai/a,  Recop.,  1834,  182-4;  Razon  de  Doctrinas, 
in  Soc.  Mex.  Geofj.,  BoL,  2da  ep.,  i.  571;  Croix,  Carta,  in  Uyalde,  Doc.,  MS., 
4;  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Ckih.,  MS.,  i.   17-20;  Pagt,  Voyage,  in  Berenyer,  Col. 
Voy.,  vi.  31;  Filisola,  Mem.,  i.  33;  Tornel,   Tejas,  17;  Escudero,  Not.  Son., 
63-5;  Kennedy's  Tex.,  i.  222;  Baker's  Hint.  Tex.,  64. 

34  Morfi,  Memorias  para  la  Historia  de  Texas,  MS.,  462  folios.     Copy  of 
1792  made  by  P.  Manuel  de  Vega  from  the  original  in  the  archives  of  the 
convent  hi  Mexico.     Morfi  had  visited  Texas  in  1778,  writing  the  diary  of 


632  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

1785  Padre  Josd  Francisco  Lopez,  president  of  the 
Texas  missions,  made  an  elaborate  report  to  the  bishop 
of  Nuevo  Leon  on  their  condition  and  prospects.  I 
append  in  a  note  a  list  of  the  establishments,  with 
some  statistical  information  derived  from  this  report 
and  supplemented  to  a  certain  extent  by  other  similar 
reports  of  earlier  and  later  date.35  From  the  frag- 


1852  for  the  Andrade  collection.  Many  of  the  documents  I  have  cited  by 
their  special  titles.  The  first  in  the  volume  is  the  Breve  Compendio  de  los 
Sucesos  ocurridos  en  laProvincia  de  Texas  desde  su  conquista  6  reduction  haxta 
lafecha  por  el  teniente  de  infunteria  D.  Antonio  Bonilla.  Mexico,  10  de  Nori<-m- 
bre  de  1772.  Extractados  de  reales  cedulas  y  ordenes  que  he  visto  en  la  secre.taria 
de  cste  Vireynato,  y  de  los  cumulosos  cuadernos  de  autos  que  existen  en  el  oficio 
de  f/obierno  de  D.  Joseph  Gorraez  que  tambien  he  recorrido  prolijamento,  MS., 
42  folios.  Bonilla's  work  was  somewhat  unfavorable  to  the  friars,  and  in  sev 
eral  parts  is  sharply  criticised  by  Morfi.  This  document  and  many  others  of 
this  collection  are  copied  in  the  collection  cited  by  me  as  Mayer  MSS. 

35  .Lopez,  Condition  de  las  Misiones  de  Texas,  1185,  MS.  In  Pinart,  Col. 
Doc.  Mex.  Misiones,  409-54.  This  is  a  certified  copy  of  1789,  and  is  accom- 

Restimen,  1767 1 
MS. ;  Revilla,  Giyedo,  Carta  1793. 

San  Antonio  Bejar,  presidio,  founded  1718;  and  San  Fernando,  villa, 
founded  about  1730;  the  two  forming  one  settlement  on  the  S.  Antonio  River 
at  the  site  of  the  modern  S.  Antonio.  Capital  and  residence  of  governor; 
garrisoned  by  60  men;  about  140  houses,  nearly  half  of  stone,  of  one  story 
and  generally  of  only  one  room.  Public  buildings  of  stone,  in  a  ruinous  con 
dition;  cost  $80,000,  and  would  not  sell  for  $80  according  to  Morfi.  Has  a 
curate  who  is  also  chaplain.  No  statistics  of  population. 

Santa  Cruz,  stockade  fort  on  the  Arroyo  del  Cibolo,  with  20  men  from 
Bejar.  Founded  1772  for  protection  of  ranch os.  The  ranches  in  1782  were 
six  in  number  with  a  population  of  85.  Some  25  ranches  had  been  abandoned. 

San  Antonio  de  Valero,  mission,  on  the  river  opposite  Be"jar;  later  called 
the  Alamo:  founded  1718.  One  thousand  nine  hundred  and  seventy-two  bap 
tisms  down  to  1762,  when  the  population  was  275,  with  1,200  cattle,  300 
horses,  1,300  sheep.  In  1785  the  population  was  52,  of  mixed  blood;  build 
ings — including  half-built  church — and  other  church  property  valued  at 
$28,000.  In  1793  the  population  was  only  43. 

Purisima  Concepcion  de  Acuila,  on  the  S.  Antonio  about  a  league  from 
Bejar.  Originally  founded  in  the  s.  E.  among  the  Asinais  in  1716;  abandoned 
from  1719  to  1721  during  the  French  invasion;  and  in  1731  transferred  to  the 
south.  Population  in  1762,  207;  the  number  of  baptisms  having  been  792; 
600  cattle,  300  horses,  2,200  sheep.  Population  in  1785  only  71;  best  church 
in  the  province  valued,  with  other  property,  at  $35,000.  Population  51  in 
1793. 

San  Jos6  y  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo,  near  the  river,  about  a  league  below 
Concepcion.  Founded  in  1720.  Long  considered  the  most  flourishing  mis 
sion  in  the  province.  One  thousand  and  fifty-four  baptisms  down  to  1762; 
350  Indians  in  that  year;  1,500  yoke  of  oxen;  106  Indians  in  1785.  Church 
property  worth  $40,000.  Population  114  in  1793.  P.  Pedro  Ramirez  de 
Arrellano  had  been  the  most  noted  missionary  of  S.  Jose". 

San  Juan  Capistrano,  1.51.  below  S.  Jose.     Founded  in  the  N.  E.  among 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  G33 

mentary  statistics  presented  it  appears  that  Texas 
had  a  population  of  about  460  mission  Indians  in 
eight  establishments;  and  according  to  Morfi's  state 
ment  the  gente  de  razon,  that  is  the  families  of 
soldiers  and  settlers,  numbered  in  1782  about  2, GOO, 
though  this  would  seem  an  exaggeration.  The  whole 

the  Xazones  under  the  name  of  San  Jos<5  in  1716;  abandoned  1719-21;  and 
in  1731  transferred  to  the  south  and  its  name  changed  to  San  Juan.  Popula 
tion  in  1762,  203;  baptisms  to  date,  847;  1,000  cattle,  500  horses,  3,500  sheep. 
Fifty-eight  Indians  in  1785;  church  property  worth  $4,500,  church  half  built. 
In  1793  only  34  Indians. 

San  Francisco  de  la  Espada,  2.5  1.  below  Concepcion.  Founded  among 
the  Tejas  in  1690;  abandoned  in  1693;  reestablished  in  1716  a  few  leagues 
from  the  original  site,  near  the  modern  Mound  Prairie;  abandoned  1719-21; 
and  transferred  to  the  S.  Antonio  in  1731.  Eight  hundred  and  fifteen  bap 
tisms  to  1762;  population  207;  1,200  cattle,  4,000  sheep.  Population  57  in 
1785;  church  property  worth  $4,000.  Only  46  in  1793.  The  Tejas  Indians 
where  the  mission  was  at  first  numbered  in  1782  only  about  80  men,  living  at 
a  rancheria  and  stream  called  S.  Pedro. 

La  Bahia,  presidio — full  name,  Sta  Maria  de  Loreto  de  la  Bahia  del  Espi- 
ritu  Santo.  Founded  in  1722  on  the  site  of  La  Salle's  Fort  St.  Louis  on  La 
Vaca  River;  transferred  to  the  San  Antonio  River  about  1724;  and  again 
moved  up  the  river  to  its  final  site — the  modern  Goliad — in  1749.  Garrison 
of  53  men  after  1772;  population  515  in  1782. 

Espiritu  Santo  de  Ziiiiiga,  mission;  founded  near  the  presidio  in  1722,  and 
transferred  with  the  presidio  as  above  (Solis  puts  the  founding  in  1717  and 
Revilla  Gigedo  in  1720).  Baptisms  to  1762  were  623;  population  300,  1,500 
cattle,  100  horses.  Is  said  once  to  have  had  15,000  cattle.  Population  in 
1785,  116;  church  property  §12,000;  cattle  3,000.  In  1793  there  were  33 
Indians. 

Rosario,  about  a  league  from  S.  Juan;  founded  in  1754.  Two  hundred 
baptisms  down  to  1768,  when  there  were  5,000  cattle.  From  1781  to  1785 
the  mission  was  abandoned,  the  ornaments,  etc.,  being  removed  to  S.  Juan; 
but  in  1793  Revilla  Gigedo  says  there  were  33  Indians. 

Nacodoches.  Mission  of  Guadalupe  founded  in  1716;  abandoned  tempo 
rarily  in  1719-21;  and  abandoned  finally  about  1773.  Meanwhile  the  settle 
ment  of  Bucareli  was  founded  about  1776  on  the  Trinulud,  and  two  or  three 
years  later  was  transferred  to  Nacodoches.  Here  in  1785  were  two  friars 
and  a  few  Spanish  settlers.  There  were  two  rancherias  on  opposite  banks  of 
the  Atoyac  River,  each  of  300  Indians,  Nacodochitos  and  Ahijitos  (the  ancient 
Aijaos?). 

Refugio,  a  mission  founded  in  1791,  south  of  La  Bahia  and  near  the  coast. 
It  had  67  Indians  in  1793. 

The  abandoned  establishments  of  Texas  in  addition  to  those  transferred  as 
above  were:  Santa  Maria,  in  the  Neches  district,  founded  1690,  abandoned 
1693.  Dolores,  among  the  Acs,  1716;  temporarily  abandoned  1719-21;  only 
11  baptisms  to  1768;  abandoned  in  1773.  Tejas  presidio,  near  Ooncepcion 
mission,  1716;  suppressed  in  1729.  Pilar  presitlio,  on  the  N.  E.  frontier, 
founded  1721;  suppressed  1772.  San  Miguel  de  Cuellar,  Adaes,  founded 
1716;  abandoned  1773;  103  baptisms  to  1768.  San  Agustin  de  Ahumada 
presidio,  or  Horcaquisac,  on  the  Trinidad  River,  1756-72.  Missions  of  San 
Javier,  Candelaria,  and  San  Ildefonso,  on  the  San  Javier  River,  1744-58;  444 
baptisms;  and  San  Javier  presidio,  for  the  protection  of  the  missions  named, 
1750-8.  San  Saba,  Apache  mission,  1757-8.  San  Luis  de  los  Amarrillas 
presidio,  on  the  San  Saba  River,  1757-72.  San  Javier  de  Najera,  mission 
near  Bujar,  1722;  nothing  more  known  of  it. 


634  TEXAS,  COAHUILA,  AND  NEW  MEXICO. 

number  of  natives  baptized  since  1690  was  less  than 
10,000;  and  at  no  time  had  the  neophytes  exceeded 
2,000.  The  few  still  under  the  padres'  care  were 
vicious,  lazy,  tainted  with  syphilitic  diseases,  and  were 
with  great  difficulty  induced  to  gain  a  precarious  liv 
ing  by  cultivating  their  maize-patches  and  tending 
their  reduced  herds.  Nowhere  in  America  had  mis 
sionary  work  been  so  complete  a  failure.  Stone  build 
ings  and  church  decorations,  provided  in  the  early 
years  of  each  establishment,  mainly  with  funds  from 
abroad,  were  the  only  indications  of  apparent  pros 
perity  in  the  past.  The  settlers  were  hardly  more 
energetic  than  the  neophytes,  supplementing  their 
limited  agricultural  operations  by  hunting  wild  stock 
still  very  abundant,  or  by  the  easier  method  of  steal 
ing  from  the  missions.  The  soldiers  lived  on  the  sup 
plies  furnished  by  the  government  with  the  slightest 
possible  exertion,  meanwhile  protecting  villa,  ranchos, 
and  missions  from  destruction  at  the  hands  of  Apaches 
and  Comanches  whose  raids  never  entirely  ceased. 
The  north-eastern  district  about  Nacodoches  was  held 
meanwhile  by  a  system  of  treaties  with  friendly  tribes, 
French  traders  living  at  many  of  the  rancherias  and 
reporting  to  the  comandante  at  Natchitoches. 

There  is  little  to  be  recorded  of  Texas  during  the 
last  two  decades  of  the  century.  General  Croix  in 
1781  recommended  the  consolidation  of  all  the  estab 
lishments  in  one  at  San  Antonio;  and  Governor 
Cabello  favored  the  project,  except  that  he  would 
maintain  and  strengthen  Nacodoches.  These  two 

o 

officers  were,  however,  soon  promoted  to  positions  in 
Peru  and  Cuba;  and  there  wTas  no  action  on  their 
propositions.  Rafael  Martinez  Pacheco  is  mentioned 
as  governor  in  1789-90,  and  I  find  no  record  of  a 
change  in  rulers  before  1800.  The  military  authority, 
however,  after  1786  was  in  the  hands  of  Colonel  Juan 
de  Ugalde  as  comandante  de  annas;  and  he  is  ac 
credited  with  a  great  victory  over  the  Apaches  and 
Comanches  in  1790.  At  the  same  time  the  old  projects 


END  OF  THE  CENTURY.  635 

were  again  brought  up  by  royal  orders  concerning  the 
proposition  of  the  governor  of  Louisiana  to  extend 
that  province  to  the  Rio  Sabinas,  and  other  propo 
sitions  to  open  trade  between  the  two  provinces,  and 
to  favor  commerce  with  Habana  and  Vera  Cruz  by 
opening  some  Texan  port.  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo 
deemed  it  necessary  in  order  to  treat  these  matters 
intelligently  to  send  a  competent  officer  to  make  a 
complete  investigation;  some  years  passed  before 
complicated  routine  preliminaries  could  be  completed; 
and  in  1793  came  an  order  from  the  king  that  no 
immediate  changes  should  be  made.  Then  the  viceroy 
turned  over  the  matter  to  the  commander  of  the  Pro- 
vincias  Internas,  of  whose  measures  we  only  know 
that  he  is  said  to  have  secularized  the  Texas  missions 
in  1794,  except  San  Antonio,  which  had  been  given 
up  by  the  Franciscans  in  the  preceding  year.36  The 
subject  of  American  aggressions  beginning  with  No 
lan's  expedition  in  1800,  and  also  that  of  diplomatic 
controversies  respecting  Louisiana,  and  indirectly  af 
fecting  Texas,  may  be  more  conveniently  noticed  in 
the  history  of  a  later  period.37 

36 Revilla  Gigedo ,  Carta de 27 Die.  1793,  v.  447-51;  also  MS.;  Revista  Mex. , 
no.  5,  534-8;   Mexico,  Inf.  Com.  Pesq.,  121;  Yoakum's  Hist.  Tex.,  i.  108-9; 
nicfa  y  Ontiveros,  Col.  Man.,  86. 
37<See  Hist.  North  Alex.  St.,  ii.,  this  series. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

NUEVA  VIZCAYA,    PROVINCIAS  INTERNAS,    INTENDENCIA 
OF  DURANGO. 

1768-1800. 

GOVERNMENT  —  ORGANIZATION  OF  PROVINCIAS  INTERN  AS  —  CABALLERO  DE 
CROIX — NEVE,  RENGEL,  AND  UGARTE  IN  COMMAND — VICEREGAL  JURIS 
DICTION — DIVISION  OF  THE  PROVINCIAS— THE  EAST  AND  WEST — GENERAL 
PEDRO  DE  NAVA — REUNION  AND  INDEPENDENCE — GOVERNORS  OF  NUEVA 
VIZCAYA — INTENDENCIA  OF  DURANGO — RULE  OF  INTENDENTES  AND  SUB- 
DELEGADOS— INDIAN  AFFAIRS — REGLAMENTO  DE  PRESIDIOS — CHANGES  IN 
SITES — INSTRUCTIONS  OF  GALVEZ— A  NEW  POLICY — RESULTS — SEE  OF 
DURANGO— LIST  OF  BISHOPS — DIVISION  OF  THE  DIOCESE— CONTROVER 
SIES— BISHOP  VERSUS  GENERAL — MISSIONS— UNDER  FRANCISCANS  AND 
SECULAR  CLERGY — CONDITION  OF  THE  ESTABLISHMENTS — LOCAL  ITEMS — 
REPORTS  OF  GUARDIAN,  PROVINCIAL,  AND  VICEROY — ANNALS  OF  CHI 
HUAHUA — ANNALS  OF  DURANGO— PESTILENCE— WAR  ON  THE  SCORPIONS. 

NUEVA  VIZCAYA  was  ruled  as  before  by  a  governor 
and  captain-general  under  the  viceroy  of  Mexico  and 
audiencia  of  Guadalajara  down  to  1777.  Meanwhile 
the  visitador  general,  Jose  de  Galvez,  in  accord  with 
Viceroy  Croix,  had  prepared  plans  for  a  reorganiza 
tion  of  the  government,  including  a  separation  of  the 
northern  provinces  from  the  viceregal  jurisdiction. 
The  change  was  effected  by  a  royal  order  of  August 
22,  1776,1  which  formed  into  a  new  government  the 
northern  provinces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Coahuila,  Texas, 
New  Mexico,  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  and  the  Californias. 
It  had  long  been  a  somewhat  prevalent  usage  to  speak 
and  write  of  these  countries  as  the  Provincias  In- 
ternas,  or  interior  provinces,  because  they  were  in 
the  interior  as  regarded  from  the  city  of  Mexico  ;2  and 

l£elena,  fiecop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  290-1. 

2The  name  was  used  in  official  documents  as  early  as  1712-13.  N.  Mexico^ 
Cedulas,  MS.,  322-4. 

(636) 


CABALLERO  DE  CBOIX.  637 

now  the  name  was  officially  bestowed  on  the  new  gov 
ernment,  which  was  put  under  the  authority  of  a 
governor  and  commandant-general  entirely  independ 
ent  of  the  viceroy  and  responsible  directly  to  the 
king,  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara  retaining  its  judi 
cial  authority  as  before.  Practically  the  change  was 
the  setting-off  of  a  new  viceroyalty.  The  man  chosen 
to  fill  the  new  and  responsible  position  was  General 
Teodoro  de  Croix,  .generally  known  as  the  Caballero 
de  Croix,3  who  arrived  from  Spain  in  December  1776,4 
and  started  for  Nueva  Vizcaya  in  August  1777.  He 
was  required  later  to  take  the  oath  of  office  before 
the  audiencia,5  but  did  not  visit  Guadalajara  in  this 
journey,  arriving  on  September  22d  at  Durango, 
where  he  was  received  by  the  bishop  with  all  the 
ceremony  due  to  so  exalted  a  personage.  The  capital 
of  the  Provincias  Internas  was  not  fixed  at  Arizpe  in 
Sonora  for  several  years.6  Croix  continued  his  journey 
as  a  tour  of  inspection  by  way  of  Mapimi  to  Coahuila 
and  Texas;  and  returning  crossed  the  line  between 
Coahuila  and  Nueva  Vizcaya  on  February  24,  1778. 
Here  terminates  abruptly  the  published  fragment  of 
the  diary  kept  by  the  chaplain,  Padre  Morfi,  which 
however  deals  chiefly  with  local  descriptions,  and  con 
tains  very  little  of  the  general's  official  acts.  It  is 
stated  that  he  refused  all  offers  of  local  authorities  to 
give  him  formal  receptions.7 

While  the  comandante  general  was  made  independ 
ent  of  the  viceroy,  with  authority  over  the  political 
governors,  judicial  authorities,  and  treasury  officials, 
and  invested  with  the  prerogatives  of  the  royal  patro- 

3  He  signs  a  decree:  'Teodoro  de  Croix,  caballero  de  Croix,  del  orden 
Teut6nico,   Brigadier  de  los  Reales  Ej^rcitos,   Gobernador  y  Comandante 
Militar  de  las  Provincias  Internas  de  Nueva  Espafia,  Superintendente  Gen 
eral  de  Real  Hacienda,  etc.'  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  13;  iv.  55. 
He  was  a  native  of  Flanders,  nephew  of  the  late  viceroy  Marque's  de  Croix, 
and  senior  lieutenant  of  the  Flemish  coiripany  of  royal  guards. 

4  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej. ,  v.  022. 

6  Oct.  15,  1778.  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  9-10. 

6  Arizpe  selected  in  1780.     Confirmed  by  royal  order  of  Feb.  12,  1782  (or 
1783).  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  89;  iii.  182. 
£,  Diario,  passim. 


633  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

nato  in  the  appointment  of  curates;  yet  his  command 
was  to  be  preeminently  a  military  one.  His  chief 
duty  was  to  systematize  the  frontier  defences,  and  to 
wage  war  on  savage  foes.  That  there  might  be  no 
obstacles  or  controversies  to  interfere  with  his  military 
power  he  was  invested  with  authority  in  the  other 
branches;  but  with  the  recommendation  to  adopt  a 
conciliatory  policy  with  non-military  officials,  by  freely 
delegating  his  powers  in  civil  matters,  by  friendly  con 
sultations  with  bishop  and  governors,  and  by  accept 
ing  all  appeals  to  the  audiencia.8  During  his  rule 
there  was  no  clashing  of  authority;  but  his  successors 
had  some  difficulty  with  both  bishop  and  governors  in 
the  matters  of  ceremonial  honors  due  to  the  command 
ant-general  and  of  the  patronato.  Don  Pedro  Ga- 
lindo  Navarro  came  from  Spain  in  1777  to  take  the 
place  of  auditor  de  guerra  and  asesor,  that  is  military 
judge  and  legal  adviser  in  the  Provincias  Internas.9 

The  immense  extent  of  the  northern  provinces,  ren 
dering  it  impossible  for  them  to  be  wisely  governed 
by  a  viceroy  residing  so  far  away,  and  burdened  with 
the  complicated  duties  of  a  broad  realm  in  the  south, 
had  been  the  motive  for  the  division  of  New  Spain. 
Croix  soon  learned  that  the  north  alone  was  too  broad 
for  the  jurisdiction  of  one  man.  At  first  he  advised 
the  appointment  of  a  comandante  inspector;  but  in  a 
communication  to  Don  Jose  de  Galvez,  dated  at  Chi 
huahua  June  29,  1778,  he  urged  the  division  of  the 
Provincias  Internas  into  two  distinct  and  independent 
governments,  the  eastern  division,  including  Coahuila, 
Texas,  and  the  districts  of  Parras  and  Saltillo,  to  be 
augmented  by  the  addition  of  Nuevo  Leon  and  San- 
tander,  and  to  be  put  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Bernardo  de  Galvez.  It  was  represented  to  be  nearly 
as  impracticable  to  direct  the  affairs  of  Texas  from 
Sonora  as  from  Mexico;  and  it  was  believed  that  each 
of  the  subdivisions  proposed  would  afford  ample  scope 

8Croix's  letters,  in  Ugalde,  Documentos,  MS.,  15-16. 
9Morfi,  Diario,  311. 


PROVIXCIAS  INTERNAS.  639 

for  the  talents  and  efforts  of  the  ablest  commander. 
The  general,  having  now  surveyed  the  field,  was  con 
fident  as  to  the  future,  but  affirmed  that  the  complete 
establishment  of  the  government  on  a  basis  affording 
adequate  protection  to  a  country  so  vast  and  so  criti 
cally  situated  must  be  a  work  of  time,  involving  many 
radical  reforms.10 

Croix's  recommendation,  so  far  as  the  division  of 
the  provinces  was  concerned,  was  not  followed;  .and 
in  1782  Felipe  de  Neve,  governor  of  the  Californias, 
came  from  Monterey  to  Sonora  to  become  coman- 
dante  inspector  of  the  Provincias  Internas.11  The 
next  year  Croix  was  promoted  to  be  viceroy  of  Peru;12 
and  General  Neve  succeeded  to  the  command,  but 
died  in  November  1784.13  His  successor  ad  interim 
was  Jose  Rengel,  who  exercised  the  command  until 
1785,  under  instructions  from  the  audiencia  of  Gua 
dalajara.14 

In  1785  Brigadier-general  Jacobo  Ugarte  y  Loy 
ola,  governor  of  Puebla,  was  named  as  comandante 
general  ad  interim,  being  regularly  commissioned  en 
propiedad  a  few  years  later.  This  same  year  the 
conde  de  Galvez  became  viceroy,  and  by  reason  of  his 
supposed  intimate  acquaintance  with  northern  affairs 
his  authority  over  the  Provincias  Internas  was  re 
stored,  and  Ugarte  was  made,  to  a  certain  limited 
extent  not  very  clearly  explained,  subordinate  to  the 
viceroy.  At  the  same  time  the  provinces  were 
divided  into  three  separate  military  commands.  The 
first  included  Texas,  Coahuila — with  the  Parras  and 
Saltillo  districts  added — Nuevo  Leon,  and  Nuevo 

10 Croix  to  Galvez,  June  29,  1778,  in  Ugalde,  Doc.,  MS.,  3-9. 

11  Appointed  July  12,  1782.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  179;  ii.  48; 
Hist.  CaL,  i.  383,  this  series. 

12  Croix  arrived  in  Mexico  Sept.  26,  1783,  and  started  for  Peru  by  way  of 
Acapulco  on  Dec.  3d.  Gomez,  Dlario,  vii.  167,  172. 

13  Appointed  by  royal  order  of  Feb.  15, 1783.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
166,  188;  iii.  182;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  iv.  62-4;  St.   Pap.,  Sac.,  xv.  18;  Instruc. 
Virreyes,   124;   Flores,  Instruc.,   MS.,   18-19.     His  salary  was  $8,000.     On 
Neve's  life  and  death,  see  Hist.  CaL,  i.  447,  this  series. 

"Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  154-5;  v.  63-4;  Prov.  Rec.,  i.  201; 
Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  xi.  382-4;  Flores,  Instruc.,  MS.,  19. 


640  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Santander,  under  Colonel  Juan  de  Ugalde  as  coman- 
dante  de  armas;  the  second,  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  New 
Mexico,  under  General  Jose  Rengel,  the  comandante 
inspector;  and  the  third,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  the 
Californias,  under  Ugarte  as  comandante  general, 
with  a  limited  authority  over  Ugalde  and  Rengel. 
The  somewhat  complicated  relations  between  the 
three  officials  named  and  the  viceroy  were  fully  ex 
plained  in  the  latter's  elaborate  instructions  of  August 
1786,  in  which  were  also  given  minute  directions  for 
the  prosecution  of  warfare  against  the  savages.15 

The  death  of  Viceroy  Galvez  late  in  1786  gave  to 
Ugarte  for  a  brief  period  the  independence  that  had 
been  enjoyed  by  Croix  and  Neve;  but  presently  a 
royal  order  of  March  1787  gave  to  Viceroy  Flores 
the  same  authority  that  Galvez  had  possessed.  Mean 
while  there  had  been  some  slight  difficulty  between 
Ugarte  and  Ugalde;  the  system  was  found  to  be  too 
complicated  for  practical  success;  and  by  decree  of 
December  3,  1787,  Flores  adopted  the  original  plan 
of  the  Caballero  de  Croix,  consolidating  the  three 
commands  into  two.  The  eastern  division  remained 
as  before  in  respect  of  territory,  was  called  Provincias 
Internas  del  Oriente,  and  was  still  under  the  com 
mand  of  Ugalde,  who  now  became  comandante  gen 
eral.  The  other  two  divisions  were  united  to  form  the 
Provincias  Internas  del  Poniente,  or  Occidente,  the 
command  being  still  held  by  General  Ugarte.  The 
two  generals  were  independent  of  each  other,  and 
both  to  a  limited  degree  subordinate  to  the  viceroy. 
Moreover,  by  a  cedula  of  March  11,  1788,  the  limited 
authority  of  the  viceroy  was  made  absolute;  and 

15  Instruction  Formada  en  virlud  de  Real  Orden  de  S.  M.,  que  se  diriye  al 
Senor  Comandante  General  de  Provincias  Internas  Don  Jacobo  Ugarte  y  Loy 
ola  para  gobiemo  y  puntual  observancia  de  este  Superior  Gefe  y  de  sits  inmedi- 
atos  Subalternos  (Mexico,  26  de  Agosto  de  1786).  fol.,  56  pages;  also  MS.  In 
216  articles.  See  also  on  Ugarte 's  appointment — dated  Oct.  6,  1785 — and 
matters  connected  therewith :  Duranfjo,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  255;  Flores,  Instruc., 
MS.,  19-20;  InsL  Virreyes,  124-5;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  v.  39;  Arch. 
CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  1-2;  vi.  106,  120-1;  vii.  66;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
xii.  29. 


PROTINCIAS  INTERNAS.  641 

thereafter  the  northern  generals  carried  on  their  cam 
paigns  under  viceregal  orders,  their  positions  being 
substantially  like  those  of  the  captain-generals  of 
earlier  times.  The  capitals,  or  head-quarters,  were 
to  be  wherever  circumstances  might  require;  and 
the  office  of  comandante  inspector  was  abolished.  It 
seems,  however,  that  before  the  end  of  1788  there  was 
a  cedula  granting  independent  authority  in  certain 
matters  to  the  generals.16' 

In  1790  Ugarte  was  made  intendente  of  Guada 
lajara,  and  his  place  as  comandante  general  of  the 
Provincias  del  Poniente  was  taken  by  Brigadier- 
general  Pedro  de  Nava,  whose  appointment  was  dated 
the  7th  of  March.  At  the  same  time  Ugalde,  weighed 
down  with  vears  and  hard  service,  was  ordered  to 

^/ 

Spain,  as  was  also  Rengel  the  comandante  inspector. 
It  appears  that  no  regular  successor  to  Ugalde  was 
ever  appointed  by  the  king,  but  that  Nava  assumed 
the  command  ad  interim  of  the  eastern  provinces.17 
The  final  change  of  the  century  was  made  by  the 
king's  order  of  November  23—4, 1792,  and  carried  into 
effect  in  1793.  This  was  the  reuniting  of  the  eastern 
and  western  provinces  in  one  new  command  inde 
pendent  again  of  the  viceroyalty.  The  Californias, 
Nuevo  Leon,  and  Nuevo  Santander  were  detached 
and  left  subject  to  the  viceroy;  and  the  Provincias 
Internas  now  included  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Texas,  Coa- 
huila,  New  Mexico,  and  Sonora  and  Sinaloa.  There 
was  no  modification  of  the  system  until  1804,  though 
Viceroy  Re  villa  Gigedo  made  a  strong  opposition  to 

lGBelena,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  370-1;  Flores,  Instruc.,  MS.,  20-2;  Instruc. 
rirreye*,  175,  187-9,  201;  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  108-9;  Ordenes  de  la 
Corona,  MS.,  vi.,  62-3;  Mayer  MSS. ,  no.  1;  San  Miyuel,  Rep.  Mex.,  13; 
Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  45-6;  Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  31,  44; 
viii.  5-6,  40-1;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col,  i.  64-5;  Mayer  MSS.,  no.  1,  2. 

17  Royal  order  of  Mar.  7,  1790,  in  Mayer  MSS.,  no.  2.  Nov.  28,  1790, 
Nava  to  Romeu,  has  taken  possession  of  the  command  of  'all  the  provincias 
internas,  in  the  valley  of  Saltillo.'  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  415.  In  1794, 
Ugalde  was  trying  to  effect  an  adjustment  of  his  salary  preparatory  to  sailing 
for  Spain.  N.  Espana,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  21.  See  also  on  Ugarte's  appoint 
ment  to  Guadalajara.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  BoL,  2da  ep.  iii.  307-14.  Nava's 
salary  was  §10,000. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    41 


642  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

the  now  system ;   and  Nava  remained  in  command 
until  after'1800.18 

It  has  been  stated  on  vague  authority  that  Jos6 
Carlos  de  Agiiero  was  governor  and  captain-general 
of  Nueva  Vizcaya  until  1768,  and  it  is  implied  in  later 
missionary  reports  that  Lope  de  Cuellar  as  governor 
had  charge  of  the  Jesuit  expulsion  in  1767;  but  I 
have  found  no  record  of  successors  for  fifteen  years. 
The  ruler  lost  his  military  power  on  the  formation  of 
the  Provincias  Interims  in  1777,  but  his  civil  juris 
diction  was  unchanged,  though  he  became  subject  to 
the  comandante  general  instead  of  the  viceroy.  In 
1783,  and  probably  earlier,  perhaps  from  1774,  Felipe 
de  Barri,  formerly  ruler  of  the  Californias,  was  gov 
ernor  at  Durango,  but  died  in  1784,  and  was  succeeded 
by  Juan  Velasquez.19 

In  1786  another  measure  recommended  since  1768 
by  Jose  de  Galvez  and  Viceroy  Croix  was  carried  into 
effect,  and  the  whole  country  was  divided  into  inten- 
dencias.  This  measure  and  the  system  involved  are 
explained  in  another  volume  of  this  work,  being  of 
uniform  operation  in  all  parts  of  New  Spain.20  Each 
intendency  was  under  a  gobernador  intendente  who 
united  in  himself  the  civil,  military,  judicial,  and 
financial  authority  under  viceroy,  comandante  general, 
or  audiencia.  His  position  did  not  differ  materially 
from  that  of  the  former  governors  and  captain-gen 
erals.  He  appointed  subdelegados  to  rule  over  the 
districts  and  take  the  place  of  the  former  alcaldes 
mayores,  there  being  also  ayuntamientos  in  the  chief 
towns.  The  Intendencia  of  Durango  corresponded  to 

™Rcvilla  Gigedo,  Instruc.,  MS.,  542-52;  Id.,  Bandos,  no.  63;  Durango  Doc., 
MS.,  255;  Instruc.  Virreyes,  201;  Mayer  MS8.,  no.  3;  Soc.,Mex.  Gcog.,Bol, 
ii.  5.  Feb.  23,  1790,  Jose  Menendez  Vald6s  appointed  asesor  and  auditor  de 
guerra  in  place  of  Galindo  Navarre  promoted  to  the  asesoria  general  of 
Mexico.  Arch.  CaL,  MS.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  ix.  350.  Nov.  24,  1791,  Nava 
issues  a  series  of  regulations  for  presidio  service.  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Chih., 
MS.,  No.  10. 

19 Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  255-6;  Subsidio  Ecksidstico,  MS.,  165;  N. 
Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv.  91. 

20  See  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  this  series. 


MAP  OF  DUBANGO  AND  CHIHUAHUA. 


643 


NUEVA   VlZCAYA,    1800. 


644  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  including  the  modern  Durango  and 
Chihuahua.  The  first  governor-intendent,  appointed 
May  21,  1785,  and  succeeding  Velazquez  in  1786, 
was  Felipe  Diaz  de  Ortega,  a  knight  of  the  order  of 
San  Cdrlos  who  had  been  lieutenant-colonel  of  militia 
at  Burgos.  Ortega  indulged  in  controversies  with 
General  Ugarte  respecting  the  patronato ;  and  in  1792 
or  a  little  earlier  was  succeeded  by  Francisco  Javier 
(or  Antonio)  Potau  de  Portugal.  In  1796  Bernardo 
Bonavia  y  Zapata,  knight  of  Alcantara  and  corregidor 
of  Mexico,  took  the  office  which  he  still  held  in  1798, 
and  apparently  until  after  1800.21 

Respecting  the  practical  working  of  this  system  of 
intendentes  and  subdelegados,  so  far  as  Nueva  Yicaya 
is  particularly  concerned,  we  have  but  little  informa 
tion.  Throughout  the  whole  country  the  system  was 
generally  regarded  as  an  improvement;  but  in  the 
north  there  is  little  or  nothing  to  show  that  the  con 
dition  of  the  people  was  either  better  or  worse  under 
the  subdelegados  than  it  had  been  under  the  alcaldes 
mayores.  Escudero  and  Garcia  Conde,  referring  to 
the  whole  period  down  to  the  war  of  independence, 
and  particularly  to  the  province  of  Chihuahua,  have 
nothing  to  say  in  favor  of  the  system.  According  to 
these  authors  the  offices  were  given  to  Spaniards  with- 

21  Expediente  on  the  controversy  between  Ortega  and  Ugarte,  in  Durango, 
Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  110-11,  255-6;  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  33-4,  136;  Gaceta  de 
Mex.,  viii.  77;  Gomez,  Diario,  vii.  431,  446.  In  Zunigct  y  Ontiveros,  Calen- 
dario  Manual  y  Guia  de  Forasteros  de  Mexico,  1789,  p.  111-13,  is  given  a  full 
list  of  officials  for  that  year,  which,  as  showing  the  division  into  districts, 
etc.,  is  worth  preserving,  as  follows:  Durango,  capital  of  N.  Vizcaya,  gober- 
nador  intendente,  Felipe  Diaz  de  Ortega;  teniente  letrado  y  asesor  ordinario, 
Lie.  Francisco  Urrutia.  Treasury  officials:  real  caja  principal,  Contador  Pedro 
Pio  y  Alduan;  treasurer,  Ramiro  Bagues  y  Marco;  real  caja  of  Chihuahua, 
treasurer,  Domingo  Beregana,  contador,  -  — .  Subdelgados;  Batopilas, 
Jos6  Gutierrez  de  la  Riva;  Sta  Barbara,  Jos6  Moreno;  Cuencame",  Capt.  Fran 
cisco  Jose"  Boninfant  de  Perea;  S.  Bartolome",  Capt.  Pedro  Manuel  Aceve  de 
Armendariz;  Guanacevi,  Francisco  Martinez  Escudero;  Guarizame,  Juan  Zam- 
brano;  Chihuahua,  Francisco  Javier  del  Campo,  corregidor;  S.  Juan  del  Rio, 
Jose  Sanchez;  Mapimi,  Mariano  de  Medina;  Cosiguriachi,  Capt.  Juan  Ser- 
vando  Ramirez;  Nombre  de  Dios,  Francisco  Javier  de  Escobar;  Real  del  Oro, 
Juan  Sanchez  Ruiz  de  Leon;  Papasquiaro,  Capt.  Juan  de  la  Vega  y  Canseco; 
Parral,  Manuel  Rodriguez;  Cerro  Gordo,  Juan  de  Soto;  Sianori,  Juan  Fer 
nandez  Rodriguez.  Escudero,  Not.  Chih. ,  23,  says  that  there  were  subdele- 
fados  at  S.  Andre's  de  la  Sierra,  Ci^negas  de  los  Olivos,  Boboroya,  Sta  Isabel, 
ulimes,  Conchos,  and  Sta  Catalina,  not  mentioned  in  the  list  of  1789. 


INTENDENCIA.  645 

out  qualifications  or  experience,  whose  only  aim  was  to 
better  their  own  condition.  In  the  different  branches 
of  their  authority  they  were  but  the  blind  tools  of 
their  superiors,  the  intendente,  comandante  general, 
or  audiencia.  Friends  of  the  rich  and  strong  who 
alone  could  bring  their  causes  before  the  superior 
authorities,  they  were  oppressors  of  the  poor  and  weak, 
neglecting  official  duties,  and  attending  to  their  own 
private  interests.  The  ayuntamientos  exerted  a  ben 
eficial  influence,  but  they  were  few  and  of  limited 
powers.  These  strictures,  however,  arise  largely  from 
republican  opposition  to  the  Spanish  monarchical  rule 
as  a  whole,  and  are  not  specially  applicable  to  the  later 
as  compared  with  the  earlier  period  of  Spanish  dom 
ination.22 

In  the  southern  part  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  the  savages 
seem  not  to  have  committed  any  serious  depredations ; 
but  in  Chihuahua,  as  all  along  the  northern  frontier 
from  Sonora  to  Texas,  the  Apaches  were  increasingly 
hostile.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  in  this  as  in  every  other 
period,  these  savages  lived  mainly  by  their  raids  on  the 
Spanish  establishments,  their  chief  aim  being  to  obtain 
live-stock;  but  opportunities  for  murder,  torture,  and 
destruction  of  all  property  were  always  sought  rather 
than  avoided.  Their  methods  of  warfare  have  been 
sufficiently  described;  and  their  special  depredations 
for  the  most  part  have  left  no  record;  but  they  kept 
the  frontier  in  constant  terror,  not  only  barring  all 
progress  northward,  but  at  times  threatening  absolute 
ruin  and  abandonment  of  all  that  had  been  gained. 
Missionary  influence,  so  potent  a  factor  in  the  advance 
up  to  this  point,  was  utterly  powerless  against  these 
brutal  rovers ;  treaties  were  of  no  avail,  for  they  were 
never  kept  by  the  Indians  except  so  long  as  it  seemed 
for  their  interests  to  keep  them,  as  a  means  of  putting 
the  Spaniards  off  their  guard  in  preparation  for  re- 

^Escudero,  Not.  Chili.,  20-3;  Garcia  Conde,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  Bol,  v. 
182-3,  267-9;  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  686-7. 


646  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

newed  hostilities ;  extermination  was  the  only  remedy, 
a  slow  operation  not  yet  fully  carried  out  after  more 
than  a  century  of  effort. 

In  1773  the  presidial  system  was  reorganized  in 
accordance  with  the  recommendations  of  the  Marques 
de  Rubi,  and  under  the  superintendence  of  Hugo 
Oconor  as  comandante  inspector.  In  most  respects 
the  reglamento  of  1772  remained  in  force  to  the  end 
of  the  Spanish  domination,  and  was  even  closely  fol 
lowed  in  later  times.23  This  reglamento  provided  for 
six  presidios  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  in  the  line  of  fifteen 
extending  from  Sonora  to  Texas,  each  garrisoned  by 
forty-three  soldiers,  with  captain,  lieutenant,  alferez, 
chaplain,  and  ten  native  scouts,  at  an  annual  cost  of 
$18,998  for  each  establishment.  The  presidios  were 
placed  along  the  northern  frontier  at  intervals  of  about 
forty  leagues.  Janos  was  left  on  its  former  site.  San 
Buenaventura  was  moved  to  the  Valle  de  Ruiz,  near 
the  Laguna  de  Guzman.  Paso  del  Norte  was  moved 
from  the  town  of  that  name  in  the  borders  of  New 
Mexico  to  the  pueblo  of  Carrizal.  Huajuquilla  was 
moved  to  the  Valle  de  San  Elceario;  Julimes  restored 
to  its  former  position  at  the  Junta  de  los  Rios;  and 
Cerro  Gordo  was  to  be  placed  on  the  Rio  Grande, 
about  forty  leagues  below  the  junction.  Five  '  flying 
companies '  were  also  organized  a  little  later,  one  of 
which  in  later  years  became  a  presidial  garrison  at  El 
Principe.24 

23  Presidios,  Reglamento  6  Instruction  para  los  Presidios  que  se  han  deformar 
en  la  linea  de  front-era  de  la  Nueva  Espana.     Remelto  por  d  rey  N.  S.  en  c6dula 
de  10  de  Septiembre  de!772.     Madrid,  1772;  other  editions;  also  in  Arrillaqa, 
Recop.,  1834,  142-89. 

24  It  will  be  remembered  that  there  was  no  presidio  at  S.  Buenaventura  in 
1763,  only  a  guard  of  30  men  from  Huajuquilla;  and  it  does  not  appear  at 
what  date  the  presidio  had  been  established.    Neither  was  there  any  presidio 
of  Cerro  Gordo  for  years  before  1767;  but  perhaps  the  garrison  of  Pasage,  not 
mentioned  in  the  reglamento,  had  been  recently  transferred  to  the  old  site  of 
Cerro  Gordo.    In  1814  Simon  Elias,  in  a  report  on  the  presidios,  Pinart,  Doc. 
Hist.   Chih.,  MS.,    15-23,   states  that   S.   Buenaventura  was  restored  from 
Velarde — probably  the  site  in  Ruiz  Valley — to  the  S.  Buenaventura  Valley 
25  or  30  1.  from  Janos.     Huajuquilla  was  moved  from  S.  Elceario  to  Tilnacio 
.(Tiburcio?),  farther  up  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  about  40  1.   from  Carrizal. 
Julimes  and  Janos  remained  as  located  by  the  reglamento.     Cerro  Gordo, 
from  the  site  called  San  Carlos,  was  moved  first  to  Chorreras,  and  then  to  S. 


MILITARY  MEASURES.  647 

The  Caballero  de  Croix  on  taking  command  of  the 
Provincias  Internas  in  1777  sent  back  to  Mexico  the 
most  urgent  appeals  for  reeriforcements,  regarding  the 
condition  of  the  country  as  most  critical.  He  an 
nexed  to  his  appeal  a  table  showing  that  in  Nueva 
Vizcaya  from  1771  to  1776  the  number  killed  by 
Indians,  not  including  soldiers  or  travellers,  had  been 
1,674,  with  154  captives,  while  116  haciendas  and 
ranches  had  been  plundered  and  66,155  head  of  cattle 
stolen.25  By  royal  order  of  March  10,  1782,  a  corps 
of  provincial  dragoons  was  organized  to  aid  in  the 
defence  of  the  frontier;26  but  nothing  appears  respect 
ing  the,  actual  service  of  these  troops.  In  1784  it 
was  estimated  that  property  to  the  value  of  16,000,- 
000  of  pesos  had  been  destroyed  within  twenty  years 
in  Chihuahua;  arid  General  Neve  went  to  the  villa 
to  protect  the  inhabitants  and  investigate  charges  of 
a  conspiracy  between  the  Christian  Indians  and 
Apaches.  In  two  months  twenty-four  of  the  accused 
were  hanged  and  quartered,  and  a  general  rising  was 
prevented.27  But  it  would  seem  that  while  under 
Croix,  Neve,  and  Rengel  much  was  accomplished  in 
the  improvement  of  system  and  discipline;  and  by 
the  constant  campaigning  along  the  line  a  degree  of 
temporary  security  was  afforded  the  surviving  estab 
lishments;  yet  no  real  progress  was  made  in  the 
work  of  permanently  subjecting  or  exterminating  the 
savages. 

Geronimo,  7  1.  from  Chihuahua  and  55  1.  from  the  Junta.  One  of  the  flying 
companies  was  located  between  S.  Elceario  and  Las  Juntas  at  Pilares,  but 
moved  to  El  Principe,  30  1.  from  S.  Geronimo  and  25  1.  from  Las  Juntas. 

Garcia  Conde,  in  Album  Alex.,  i.  223-4,  tells  us  that  the  Apaches  about 
1772  attacked  a  party  of  40,  killing  all  but  three  or  four,  who  were  captured. 
One  was  the  son  of  Capt.  Peru,  of  Janos,  who  became  a  violent  hater  of  all 
Indians,  and  by  a  treacherous  plot  caused  the  massacre  and  torture  of  about 
60  Apaches.  For  this  he  was  suspended  by  the  comandante  general,  but 
reinstated  by  the  king.  See  also  on  the  changes  of  1772:  Rcvilla  Giyedo,  Inf., 
13  Abril  1793,  116;  Id.,  Carta,  27  Die.  1793,  467-8;  Velasco,  Sonora,  245-6; 
Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  63-8;  Panes,  Virreyes,  MS.,  121;  Bmtamante,  in  Cam, 
Trcs  Siglos,  iii.  26;  Zamora,  Bib.  Legis.  Ult.,  284;  Soc.  Mex.  Geon.,  Bol.,  v. 
269-70. 

25 N.  Vizcaya,  Doc.  Hist.,  iv.  89-91.  The  table  is  signed  by  Felipe  de 
Barri,  perhaps  governor  at  the  time. 

26  Colon,  Juzgados  Militares,  ii.  525-8;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mcj.,  v.  664. 

27  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  115-17,  147. 


648  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

When  Viceroy  Galvez  assumed  control  over  the 
Provincias  Internas,  he  introduced  some  important 
changes  of  policy,  as  fully  set  forth  in  his  elaborate 
instructions  of  August  26,  1786,  to  General  Ugarte 
y  Loyola.23  Warfare  alone,  in  the  opinion  of  Galvez, 
must  fail  in  the  future  as  it  had  failed  in  the  past. 
The  Apaches  were  skilful  warriors  and  horsemen,  they 
had  no  homes  or  towns  to  be  defended,  and  no  large 
armies  to  be  defeated;  if  driven  entirely  from  their 
present  line  of  mountain  strongholds  they  would 
simply  retire  to  another  similar  line  farther  north, 
increasing  their  force  by  the  addition  of  northern 
bands.  Yet  war  must  be  waged  without  cessation  on 
all  hostile  tribes,  and  minute  instructions  were  given 
as  to  methods  of  making  it  effective.  Each  tribe  must 
be  forced  to  sue  for  peace,  when  a  treaty  was  to  be 
made  and  strictly  kept,  slight  faults  being  overlooked 
but  grave  infractions  severely  punished.  No  reliance 
was  to  be  placed  in  the  good  faith  of  the  savages,  but 
it  was  to  be  made  their  interest  to  keep  the  peace. 
It  was  declared  that  "a  bad  peace  was  better  than  a 
good  war."  Warfare  was  the  Apaches'  business,  to 
gether  with  hunting;  and  only .  by  war  could  they 
hitherto  obtain  the  live-stock  and  other  things  they 
desired.  Hunting  was  in  comparison  hard  and  un 
profitable  work.  But  now  with  tribes  at  peace  trade 
was  to  be  encouraged,  and  even  gifts  were  to  be  made 
at  cost  of  the  government.  Thus  old  wants  and 
weaknesses,  such  as  the  fondness  for  personal  adorn 
ment,  would  be  increased,  and  new  needs  created  for 

28  Instruction  formada  en  virtue!  de  real  tfrden,  passim.  The  author  had  had 
much  personal  experience  as  an  Indian-fighter  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  Sonora, 
and  he  consulted  many  other  officers.  He  had  nothing  but  praise  for  what 
had  been  done  in  the  recent  past;  but  believed  that  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
success  were  now  greater  than  ever,  and  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
experiment  with  a  new  policy.  The  document  of  216  articles  goes  very 
minutely  into  details  and  shows  that  the  viceroy  fully  understood  his  subject. 
He  declared  that  only  in  Alta  California  was  any  progress  being  made;  else 
where  'hemos  perdido  mucha  parte  de  imestros  antiguos  establecimientos. ' 
On  the  lack  of  good  faith  among  the  Apaches  he  says:  'Nadie  ignora  las 
veleidades  de  todos  los  Indios  y  su  mala  fe,  pero  no  siempre  la  han  encontrado 
buena  en  miestros  procedimientos:  hay  mil  exemplares  antiguos  ymuy  mo- 
dernos  de  esta  verdad  que  jamas  debeii  refirirse.' 


A  NEW  POLICY.  649 

articles  of  which  the  supply  would  cease  on  the  re 
sumption  of  hostilities.  Intoxicating  liquors  should 
be  freely  dealt  out  in  particular,  if  the  Apaches  could 
be  induced  to  form  an  appetite  for  them.  Moreover 
fire-arms  and  powder,  always  of  inferior  quality,  should 
be  sold  without  fear;  for  it  was  an  error  to  suppose 
a  gun  in  the  hands  of  an  Indian  to  be  a  more  deadly 
weapon  than  the  bow  and  arrows.  The  change  in 
weapons  if  widely  effected  would  be  an  advantage  to 
the  Spaniards  in  actual  battle,  and  it  would  force  the 
foe  to  make  peace  for  repairs  to  arms  and  new  supplies 
of  powder.  Meanwhile  the  different  tribes  were  to  be 
incited  in  every  possible  way  to  a  warfare  of  extermi 
nation  between  themselves;  and  extermination  alone 
was  the  policy  to  be  favored.  After  a  long  time  God 
might  miraculously  show  some  way  to  conversion  and 
civilization;  but  at  present  it  was  folly  to  think  of 
such  things.29 

As  to  the  practical  workings  of  this  new  policy  in 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  the  records  contain  no  detailed  infor 
mation.  As  early  as  1788  Viceroy  Flores  in  a  report 
to  the  king  expressed  strong  opposition  to  Galvez' 
plan  of  making  treaties  with  any  Apache  tribes,  at 
the  same  time  declaring  trade  with  the  savages  to  be 
impracticable;30  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  policy 
was  materially  modified,  but  rather  that  to  a  large 
extent  it  was  successful  during  the  last  decade  of  the 
century.  That  is,  the  frontier  wras  efficiently  pro 
tected  by  the  skilful  management  and  constant  pre 
cautions  of  the  presidio  commanders;  and  most  of  the 
Apaches  were  kept  nominally  at  peace  by  a  system  of 
gifts  and  free  rations,  many  rancherias  being  sup 
ported  in  idleness  at  government  expense.  We  hear 
of  no  serious  depredations  in  these  years  or  in  the 
beginning  of  the  next  century.  Neither  does  it  ap- 

29  See  also  on  the  new  policy  Escudero,  Not.  CJtih.,  236-49;  Id.,  Observa- 
clones,  15-17. 

30  Flores'  report  of  1788  in  Bustamante,  Svplemento,  iii.  77-81.    In  Id.,  83, 
Flores  is  said  to  have  stationed  a  regiment  of  dragoons  in  Durango  in  1788 
with  excellent  effects. 


650  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

pear,  however,  that  the  Apaches  were  making  very 
rapid  progress  in  the  great  work  of  being  extermi 
nated,  of  becoming  drunkards,  or  in  forming  an  in 
eradicable  taste  for  Spanish  luxuries.  They  were 
rather  biding  their  time  and  awaiting  the  accumula 
tion  of  plunder.  Meanwhile  the  expense  of  the  royal 
treasury  was  heavy,  being  about  one  million  dollars 
per  year  for  the  military  establishment  of  about  four 
thousand  men  in  the  Provincias  Internas,  twelve  hun 
dred  and  sixty-eight  being  the  force  in  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
besides  the  amount  expended  in  gifts  and  rations  for 
the  savages.31 

Jose  Vicente  Diaz  Bravo,  a  native  of  Tudela,  Na 
varre,  who  had  been  a  professor  in  the  University  of 
Huesca,  a  counsellor  of  the  inquisition,  and  a  bare 
footed  Carmelite,  being  the  author  also  of  several 
published  works,  was  presented  to  the  diocese  of  Du- 
rango,  succeeding  Bishop  Tamaron,  in  1769.  He  was 
consecrated  at  Puebla  in  1770;  but  it  is  not  clear  that 
he  ever  took  possession  of  his  office,  since  he  is  said 
to  have  died  in  1771  or  1772  at  sea  on  his  way  to 
Spain.  The  next  bishop  was  Antonio  Macarulla 
Minguilla  de  Aguilanin,  from  Aragon,  who  was  pro 
moted  from  the  see  of  Comayagua,  Honduras.  He 
ruled  from  February  16,  1774,  to  June  12,  1781,  at 
which  date  he  died  at  Laguna  near  Durango.  He 
spent  his  income  freely  for  the  completion  and  endow 
ment  of  the  collegiate  seminary  begun  by  the  Jesuits 
and  since  1767  in  charge  of  the  governor.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Estevan  Lorenzo  de  Tristan,  a  native  of 
Jaen,  Toledo,  educated  at  the  university  of  Granada, 
and  bishop  of  Leon,  Nicaragua,  since  1776.  He  was 

31  July  2,  1790,  police  regulations  issued  by  the  comandante  general  for 
Indian  residents,  12  articles.  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Chih.,  i.  2-5.  Nov.  24,  1791, 
code  of  regulations,  in  17  articles  for  presidio  officers.  Id.,  i.  10-13.  In  Du- 
rancjOy  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  207-25,  I  have  a  valuable  descriptive  report  on  the 


Apaches,  their  haunts,  and  their  methods  of  warfare,  written  by  Lieut.  Col. 
Antonio  Cordero  in  1796  for  the  comandante  general.  Cordero,  Noticias  rela- 
tivas  d  la  Nation  Apache,  1796,  MS. 


BISHOPS  OF  DURANGO.  651 

promoted  to  Durango  in  1782,  but  did  not  assume  the 
office  until  1786.  In  1794  he  was  made  bishop  of 
Guadalajara,  but  died  on  the  way  thither  at  Lagos. 
In  the  same  year  Jose  Joaquin  Granados,  a  Francis 
can  of  Queretaro,  bishop  of  Sonora,  author  of  the 
Tardes  Americanos  and  other  works  in  defence  of  the 
native  races,  was  appointed  to  this  see.  He  arrived 
in  May;  but  in  the  absence  of  certain  documents  the 
cabildo  objected  to  his  taking  possession;  and  the 
bishop  died  the  day  after  the  papers  came,  on  the 
20th  of  August.  Gabriel  de  Olivares  y  Benito  was 
the  next  incumbent  of  the  episcopal  office,  taking  pos 
session  on  May  29,  1796.  He  was  a  native  of  Xaloira 
Spain;  had  been  dean  of  Durango  down  to  1788,  when 
he  was  made  bishop  of  Ciudad  Real,  Chiapas;  from 
which  see  he  was  promoted  to  that  of  Durango.  He 
ruled  until  the  date  of  his  death,  February  26,  1812; 
and  distinguished  himself  by  completing  the  fine 
church  of  Santa  Ana  at  the  cost  of  a  devout  lady  who 
gave  all  her  estate  for  the  purpose.32 

By  .a  royal  order  of  February  4,  1781,  the  bishop 
ric  of  Guadiana,  or  Durango,  was  divided.  The  coast 
provinces  of  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  the  Californias  were 
formed  into  the  new  bishopric  of  Sonora,  with  capital 
at  Arizpe,  under  Fray  Antonio  de  los  Reyes  as  first 
bishop.  This  left  in  the  diocese  of  Durango  the  prov 
inces  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  New  Mexico.  Two 
years  earlier  the  new  bishopric  of  Nuevo  Leon  had 
been  created,  but  this  took  nothing  from  that  of  Du 
rango,  the  districts  of  Parras  and  Saltillo,  though 
parts  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  down  to  1785,  having  be 
longed  to  the  bishopric  of  Guadalajara.33 

There  were  several  controversies  to  vary  the  mo- 

82 On  the  succession  of  bishops  see:  Ifjlesias  y  Conventos,  Relation,  318-19; 
Escudero,  Not.  Dur.,  22-3;  fiamirez,  Not.  Dur.,  23-4,  51;  Gaceta  de  Mcx.y 
hi.  305-6 ;  vi.  377,  533-4;  vii.  29 ;  viii.  101  ;  Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  144-5;  Alcedo, 
Dice.,  ii.  56;  Gomez,  Diario,  vii.  243-4,  389. 

Tithes  of  the  diocese  1770-9,  $943,280;  1780-9,  $1,080,313.  Soc.  Mex.  Geoff., 
Sol.,  ii.  19;  Hnmboldt,  EssaiPol,  474.  Tithes  of  1777,  $20,483.  Morf,  Dia- 
rio,  344-51.  Royal  decree  respecting  tithes,  1796.  GaceladeAIex.,  xi.  78-80. 
Recopilation,  i.  pt.  ii.  291. 


652  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

notony  of  ecclesiastical  routine  during  this  period, 
none  being  fully  recorded,  and  none  apparently  of 
vital  importance.  Curates  were  in  the  habit  of  mar 
rying  their  parishioners  without  attending  to  the  for 
mality  of  application  to  the  bishop,  on  the  plea  of 
long  distances  and  the  prevalent  poverty.  The  latter 
in  alarm  appealed  to  the  archbishop,  and  the  matter 
was  referred  to  the  king  and  by  him  to  the  ecclesias 
tical  court.  The  decision  in  1768  was  in  favor  of  the 
curates.34 

The  principal  controversies,  however,  were  between 
the  bishop  and  the  comandante  general  of  Provincias 
Interims.  The  latter  as  we  have  seen  was  at  times 
independent  of  the  viceroy,  and  invested  with  the  real 
patronato  in  the  matter  of  appointing  curates.  So 
great  were  the  difficulties  of  obtaining  clergymen  or 
friars  for  the  parishes  that  formalities  were  often  dis 
regarded  on  both  sides;  and  it  is  not  strange  that  as 
these  vexations  multiplied  misunderstandings  arose. 
The  correspondence  though  somewhat  bulky  is  far 
from  complete,  and  the  details  are  not  worth  record 
ing.  The  ceremonial  reception  due  to  General  Nava 
at  the  cathedral  was  another  topic  added  to  the  quar 
rel  in  1791;  Galindo  Navarro,  the  asesor,  engaged 
ardently  in  the  war  on  paper,  being  accused  by  Bishop 
Tristan  of  maliciously  and  needlessly  provoking  dis 
sension  on  questions  long  since  decided;  and  some  very 
severe  and  sarcastic  expressions  were  drawn  out  on 
both  sides.  The  bishop  argued  that  the  general's 
plenary  powers  were  merely  honorary  and  not  in 
tended  to  be  practically  exercised;  and  declared  that 
by  his  arbitrary  intervention  the  old  missions  would 
soon  be  entirely  ruined,  "  because  the  religion  that  is 
now  being  planted  is  not  the  ancient  faith  of  Jesus 
Christ,  but  the  modern  one  with  an  ugly  and  bad  odor 
of  independence.  God  grant  it  may  not  come  to  be 
French!"  He  could. see  no  other  way  to  secure  peace 

3iDiiraii(jo,  Sobre  oposicion  del  Dean,  etc.,  MS.  A  collection  of  original 
papers  on  the  subject.  257  pages,  from  the  archives  of  the  bishopric. 


MISSION  REPORTS.  653 

and  an  end  of  the  asesor's  intermeddling  but  that "  all 
the  missions  should  be  formed  into  one  simple  bene 
fice,  or  caballerato,  to  which  His  Majesty  should  ap 
point  the  Licentiate  Pedro  Galindo  y  Navarro !  "  In 
the  matter  of  ceremonials  the  royal  decision  was  favor 
able  in  certain  respects  to  the  bishop;  on  the  other 
topics  trouble  ceased  perhaps  with  the  departure  of 
Galindo;  for  we  hear  nothing  of  the  controversy  in 
the  last  years.35 

There  is  extant  a  series  of  reports  made  by  provin 
cial,  guardian,  bishop,  and  viceroy,  from  which  a  sat 
isfactory  idea  may  be  formed  respecting  the  condition 
of  the  old  missions  of  the  country  during  the  last 
quarter  of  the  century,  of  which  establishments  there 
were  forty-two,  receiving  sinodos  from  the  royal  treas 
ury,  all  being  still  called  missions  though  many  were 
nominally  under  the  care  of  secular  clergymen.36 

The  Jesuits  left  twenty-seven  missions,  if  we  add 
those  of  the  Chinipas  district — as  was  done  in  the 
official  reports,  and  is  most  convenient  for  present 

85 Correspondence  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Son.,  MS.,  6-14.  In  1796  the 
ecclesiastical  authorities  under  a  royal  order  attempted  to  collect  tithes  from 
soldiers  and  others  at  the  military  posts ;  but  after  some  trouble  and  a  pro 
test  from  the  comandante  general,  such  citizens  were  declared  exempt  from 
tithes  in  1800.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xi.  78-80. 

36  Description  Topoyrdfica  de  las  Misiones  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  Nuestra, 
Senora  de  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas  en  la  Sierra  Madre.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. , 
4th  ser.  torn.  iv.  91-131.  The  author  was  a  Franciscan  friar  not  named,  and 
the  report  was  written  at  the  request  of  Gen.  Croix  about  1780.  It  contains 


Appc°-  de  Nra  Sra  de  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas;  hecho  por  parle  de  dicho 
Colcgo.  d  3  de  Marzo  del  afio  de  1786,  de  6rden  del  Ex™°-  Sr.  Virrey  Conde  de 
Galvez,  y  conforme  d  el  que  el  Rey  nro.  Sor.,  Dios  le  qfi-e,  se  sirvio  expedir  en 
el  Pardo,  d  31  de  En°  de  1784,  que  sirve  de  instruction,  y  es  como  se  siyue,  MS. 
This  is  an  original  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Hex.,  171-98,  with  original  corre 
spondence  about  the  report  in  Id.,  165-9,  285-9,  519-20.  The  author,  Fr 
Ignacio  Maria  Laba,  was  guardian  of  the  Guadalupe  college. 

Tristan,  Informe  del  Obispo  de  Durango  sobre  las  Misiones  de  su  Didcesis 
ano  de  1789.  Original  MS.  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  89-100.  Martinez, 
Estado  Actual  de  las  Misiones  que  tiene  d  su  cargo  esta  Provincia  de  N.  P.  8. 
Francisco  de  los  Zacatecas,  1789.  Original  MS.  in  Id.,  357.  The  author, 
Antonio  Fernando  Martinez,  was  provincial.  And  finally— Revilla  Gigedo, 
Carta  de  27  de  Diciembre  de  1793,  v.  436-41.  He  follows  Laba  and  the  oth 
ers  in  most  respects. 


654  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

purposes,  though  the  district  has  formerly  been  in 
cluded  in  Sonora — to  the  fifteen  of  Tarahumara  proper. 
At  the  expulsion  of  1767  the  comandante,  Lope  de 
Cuellar,  took  possession  of  and  removed  so  far  as  pos 
sible  the  property  of  the  establishments.  By  the 
viceroy's  orders  fifteen  friars  were  sent  from  the 
Franciscan  college  of  Guadalupe  in  Zacatecas  to  be 
put  in  charge  by  the  bishop  of  that  number  of  mis 
sions;  though  by  a  later  order  the  distribution  was 
made  by  the  comandante  of  Chihuahua.  The  next 
year  a  new  mission  was  added.  The  Franciscans  had 
at  first  nothing  to  do  with  the  temporalities,  though 
entitled  to  a  limited  amount  of  personal  service  from 
the  neophytes;  but  in  1770-1,  by  the  order  of  Visi 
tor-general  Galvez,  the  missionaries  were  obliged, 
against  their  wishes  as  they  state,  to  resume  control 
of  the  mission  estates,  and  the  property  removed  was 
restored.  That  is,  the  padres  were  allowed  to  send 
to  Chihuahua  for  herds  of  cattle,  which  being  native 
to  the  plains  soon  died  in  the  mountains,  and  left  the 
missions  as  before  with  a  very  small  supply  of  live 
stock.  So  says  the  padre  guardian;  but  the  viceroy 
tells  us  that  the  confiscated  property  was  not  ordered 
to  be  restored  until  1789,  when  it  was  valued  at 
$61,417.  But  there  was  generally  a  small  surplus 
of  grain ;  a  little  sugar-cane  was  raised  at  the  Chini- 
pas  establishments;  and  the  friars  had  their  annual 
stipend  of  $300  or  $350.  In  twenty  years  they  built 
several  new  churches,  repairing  and  decorating  many 
others  at  a  cost  of  about  $90,000,  besides  supporting 
themselves  and  their  communities.  In  1763  the  neo 
phyte  population  of  these  missions  had  been  15,000; 
in  1767,  by  a  census  taken  by  the  Franciscans,  it  was 
12,800;  according  to  the  provincial's  report  it  had 
increased  to  13,300  in  1786,  though  the  total  of  items 
given  is  only  12,200;  and  in  1793  the  number  is  given 
by  Bevilla  Gigedo  as  12,800/~ 


37 


37  In  the  alcaldia  de  Cuziguariachic,  or  Cosiguriachi:  Tomochic  and  Arisi- 
achic,  P.  Angel  Patron;  772  Indians  in  1763,  499  in  1786.     Cajurichic,  or 


CONDITION  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  655 

Respecting  the  condition  of  the  mission  Indians 
many  particulars  are  given.  Though  addicted  to 
drunkenness,  licentiousness,  and  superstition,  they 
were  harmless,  peaceable,  jovial,  and  fond  of  the 
padres,  submitting  to  be  "paternally  flogged"  for 
various  offences.  Very  few  actually  resided  in  the 
communities,  but  most  wandered  in  the  mountains 
free  from  all  control.  Native  officials  ten  or  fifteen 
in  number  were  formally  appointed  for  each  establish 
ment,  but  they  had  no  real  power;  police  regulations 
of  the  government  respecting  passports  arid  licenses 
were  not  enforced;  and  the  friars  could  not  prevent 
grave  abuses  in  the  employment  of  native  laborers. 
The  harvest  was  great  but  the  laborers  few.  "  The 
great  Shepherd,"  writes  one  of  the  friars,  "can  per 
haps  leave  his  ninety-nine  sheep  to  search  for  one 
that  is  lost;  but  we  cannot  do  it,  else  we  should  lose 
both."  Yet  the  Indians  were  induced  to  cultivate 

Capirichi,  and  Paqueachi,  formerly  visitas  of  Tomochic,  made  a  mission  in 
1791;  508  Indians  in  1763,  515  in  1786.  Tutuaca  and  Tepachi,  or  Tepeacbi, 
P.  Miguel  Santa  Maria;  611  Indians  in  1763,  606  in  1786.  Moris  and  Mai- 
coba,  P.  Miguel  Rada;  646  Indians  in  1763,  325  in  1786.  Batopilillas,  Bar- 
baroco  or  Baboroc,  and  Jicamorachi  or  Xicamorac,  P.  Juan  Lanuza,  599 
Indians  in  1763,  700  in  1786.  Santa  Ana  and  Loreto,  with  Real  de  S.  Agus- 
tin,  P.  Mateo  Amador;  879  Indians  in  1763,  819  in  1786,  919  (?)  in  1793. 

In  the  alcaldia  of  Batopilas:  Chinipas  and  Guadalupe,  with  reales  Topago 
and  Sta  Gertrudis,  P.  Antonio  Soldrzano;  32?  Indians  in  1763,  125  in  1786. 
Guazapares,  Temoris,  and  Tepochic,  P.  Joaquin  Gallardo;  580  Indians  in 
1763,  365  in  1786,  705  in  1793.  Serocahui,  or  Serrocoachi,  with  Cuiteco,  or 
Guitex,  and  Churo,  or  Churuc,  or  Rechurro,  P.  Antonio  Urbina;  781  Indians 
in  1763,  453  in  1786,  653  (?)  in  1793.  Hueguachi,  or  Gueguachic,  with  Same- 
chi,  Pamachi,  and  Guagusivo,  or  Guagueigo,  orCuajuibo,  P.  RafaelJimenez; 
1,518  Indians  in  1763,  1,115  in  1786.  Tubares  (Concepcion),  with  S.  Ignacio, 
P.  Jos<§  Amillano;  437  Indians  in  1763,  189  in  1786.  Tubares  (S.  Miguel), 
with  Sta  Ana  and  S.  Andres,  P.  Jose"  Francisco  Moreno;  451  Indians  in  1763, 
351  in  1786,  364  in  1793.  Baborigame,  Cinco  Llagas,  Basanopa,  or  Banuapa, 
Toahahayana,  or  Tobollana,  Tenoriba,  Sta  Rosa,  or  Sta  Ana,  and  Sonoriba, 
Suerachi,  or  Hueachi,  Guerachi,  P.  Juan  B.  Larrondo;  1,431  Indians  in  1763, 
1,243  in  1786,  1,395  in  1793.  Nabogame,  with  Dolores  and  Chinatu,  P.  Luis 
Aldrete;  793  Indians  in  1763,  925  in  1786,  227  in  1793. 

In  the  alcaldia  of  Cie"nega  de  los  Olivos:  Norogachic,  with  Papaichic,  or 
Papaguichi,  and  Tetaguichic,  P.  Juan  de  Dios  Larrondo;  3,864  Indians  in 
1763,  2171  in  1786.  Tonachic,  with  Oboriachi,  Sta  Ana,  Guacochi  and  Teca- 
borachi,  P.  Francisco  Rouset;  678  Indians  in  1763,  1,119  in  1786,  1,200  in 
1793.  Baquiachic,  with  Pahuichic,  or  Panchi,  Navarachic,  and  Teguerichic, 
P.  Jose"  Justo  Gomez;  apparently  the  new  mission  founded  in  1768;  744  Ind 
ians  in  1786,  914  in  1793.  Guaicabo,  with  Guizarari;  founded  in  1791;  pop 
ulation  included  in  the  914  of  the  preceding.  Chinarras,  a  Jesuit  mission  in 
1763,  is  not  mentioned.  It  was  probably  merged  in  San  Ger6nimo. 


656  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

little  patches  of  maize  and  beans,  to  attend  religious 
exercises  on  many  feast  days,  and  to  receive  the  sacra 
ment  annually.  This  was  the  sum  and  substance  of 
their  Christianity  and  civilization.  At  each  establish 
ment  a  few  had  a  smattering  of  Spanish;  but  most 
spoke  their  native  dialects,  or  a  prevalent  jargon 
called  Guarigfa.  The  padres  preached  in  the  vernacu 
lar  and  used  it  for  the  sacraments.  Children,  every 
day  at  the  cabeceras  and  often  at  the  visitas,  attended 
the  doctrina;  and  an  effort  was  made  in  compliance 
with  government  orders,  to  teach  them  Spanish;  but 
on  growing  up  they  adopted  the  habits  of  their  parents 
and  forgot  for  the  most  part  what  they  had  learned. 
Yet  the  Franciscans  flattered  themselves  they  could 
see  a  slight  improvement  in  all  respects  under  their 
management.  In  their  comparisons,  however,  they 
were  disposed  to  consider  the  state  of  the  missions 
during  the  confusion  immediately  and  inevitably  re 
sulting  from  the  loss  of  the  former  missionaries  rather 
than  that  before  the  Jesuits  were  disturbed. 

Eleven  of  the  ex-Jesuit  establishments  with  a  regis 
tered  population  of  ten  or  eleven  thousand  souls  were 
nominally  turned  over  to  the  bishop  in  1767.  The 
property  taken  away  at  the  expulsion  was  never  re 
turned,  or  at  least  not  until  after  1790;  ministers 
could  be  found  for  but  few  of  the  communities;  and 
their  progress  toward  destruction  was  rapid.  Says 
Viceroy  Eevilla  Gigedo  in  1793:  "Pitiable  is  the 
stat'e  of  those  which  were  put  in  charge  of  secular 
priests,  since  most  of  them  are  without  ministers,  and 
those  serving  are  doing  so  ad  interim  against  their 
will,  repeatedly  offering  their  resignations,  which  are 
not  accepted  because  there  is  nobody  to  take  their 
places.  The  reverend  bishop  of  Durango  intrusted 
these  missions  to  the  curate  of  the  real  de  minas  of 
Cosiguriachi ;  but  great  as  may  be  his  efforts  they  can 
not  suffice  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  commission, 
because  it  is  prevented  by  distances,  the  roughness 
of  the  roads  in  the  Sierra  Madre,  and  the  condition 


STATISTICS.  657 

of  the  Indians  abandoned  since  the  departure  of  the 
extinguished  regulars."  And  this  is  confirmed  by  the 
bishop's  own  statements.33  Nine  establishments  still 
remained  in  charge  of  the  Franciscans  of  the  Provin- 
cia  of  Zacatecas,  by  whom  they  had  been  founded. 
They  had  a  population  of  1,525  in  1789  and  of  2,024 
in  1793.  Here  the  padres  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  temporalities.  Their  stipends  were  from  $225  to 
§300  each;  but  we  have  no  record  of  their  names  nor 
of  details  respecting  the  condition  of  the  missions. 
Doubtless  the  change  was  very  slight  during  this 
period.39  Of  the  missions  at  the  Junta  de  los  Bios 
nothing  is  recorded.  They  had  probably  been  aban 
doned  by  the  friars,  and  the  Indians  intrusted  to  the 
care  of  the  presidio  chaplain.  There  were,  however, 
five  missions  in  the  region  of  El  Paso,  but  within  the 
limits  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  in  charge  of  Franciscans  of 
the  Provincia  del  Santo  Evangelio  in  Mexico,  as 
were  the  missions  of  New  Mexico.40  *  These  had  been 
secularized  in  1756,  but  restored  to  the  friars  in  1771, 
being  unable  to  support  curates. 

The  population  of  the  intendencia  of  Durango  dur 
ing  the  last  decade  of  the  century,  including  all 
classes  except  gentile  Indians,  was  estimated  at  about 
120, 000. 41  Of  Chihuahua  annals  beyond  the  topics 
of  government,  Indian  and  military  affairs,  and  mis 
sions,  already  treated,  there  is  nothing  to  be  recorded, 

38  These  secularized  missions,  with  the  population  in  1763  and  1793 — the 
latter,  I  suppose,  being  from  registers  much  earlier  than  the  date  of  the 
viceroy's  report — were  as  follows:    Coyachic,  783,  462;  San  Borja,  1280,  860; 
Temeichic,  992,  588;  Papigochic,  642,  569;  Nonoava,  1,170,  1,001;  Carichic, 
1,794,  1,312;  Sto  Tomtis,  1,770,  405;  Sisoguichic,  1,091,  2,808;  Matachic,  343, 
458;   Temosachic,  721,  500;   Satevo  (secularized  before  1767  and  added  to 
curacy  of  Batopilas,  but  again  separated  and  given  a  stipend),  548,  1,052. 

39  Martinez,  Estado.     The  missions  were:    San  Cristobal  de  Noinbre  de 
Dios,  194  Ind.  in  1789,  262  in  1793;  San  Ger6nimo,  189;  Natividad  de  Bachi- 
niva,   166,  200;   San  Andres,   118,  170;  Sta  Isabel,  425,  657;   Santiago  de 
Babonoyaba,  142,  192;  San  Antonio  de  Julimes,  76,  112;  Sta  Cruz  de  Tepa- 
culmes,  76,  100;  San  Buenaventura  de  Atotonilco,  227,  331. 

40  These  were  El  Paso,  San  Lorenzo,  Senecu,  Isleta,  and  Socorro.    Tristan, 
Liforme.     See  also  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy.,  Bol,  2da  ep.,  i.  572. 

"Revilla  Gi'/edo,  Carta  de  27 'Die.  1793,  p.  437;  Humboldt,  Tobias  Estad. , 
MS.,  17,  25;  Escudero,  Not.  Dnr.,  28;  Soc.  Mex.  Geocj.,  BoL,  ix.  207. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  SIAIES.  VOL.  I.    42 


C58  NUEVA  VIZCAYA. 

even  in  the  form  of  local  items  or  statistics.  It  may 
be  presumed  that,  as  military  protection  was  some 
what  effective  and  the  mines  were  productive,  towns 
and  haciendas  were  fairly  prosperous;  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  Indian  communities  under 
curates  from  the  beginning  of  the  period  were  more 
fortunate  than  those  that  have  been  mentioned  as  ex- 
missions.42 

Durango  annals  outside  of  the  general  topics  al 
luded  to — ecclesiastical  affairs  being  substituted  for 
that  of  missions — are  as  meagre  as  in  the  north.  The 
capital  city  of  Durango  had  about  1780  a  population 
of  about  6,000,  or  13,000  including  the  pueblos  and 
ranchos  of  its  jurisdiction,  numbers  which  were  doubt 
less  increased  slowly  during  the  following  twenty 
years.43  Commercially  the  town  is  described  by 
Morfi  as  stagnant  and  without  enterprise.  The  lands, 
though  fertile,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  few 
owners  too  poor*  to  cultivate  them  properly.  There 
were  many  churches  and  convents,  and  ecclesiastical 
revenues  were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  producing 

),000  in  1774. 


42  In  1784-5  a  terrible  epidemic  is  noted  as  having  raged  in  Chihuahua, 
900  persons  dying  in  three  months  in  the  city  alone,  and  1,200  in  the  El  Paso 
region.  It  extended  to  animals  and  birds  as  well  as  men.  In  1787  there  was 
a  serious  drought.  The  members  of  the  city  ayuntamiento  for  several  years 
are  named.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  233,  276,  284;  ii.  225-6,  437-8;  iii,  65-6;  vii. 
30.  According  to  Conde  in  Soc.  Max.  Geoy.,  Bol,  v.  282,  the  assays  at  Chi 
huahua  and  Parral  from  1777  to  1793  show  a  silver  production  of  $82,000  per 
year,  or  a  total  of  $1,400,000.  A  document  quoted  in  Sta  Eulalia  Mines, 
Statement,  9,  represents  the  yield  in  1738-90  as  $45,219,821;  and  the  total 
yield  1703-90 as  $100,000,000.  According  to  Payno  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geoff.,  Bol, 
2da  ep.  i.  415-18,  the  excise  revenue  of  Chihuahua  was  $32,000  in  1791,  and 
$28,600  in  1792.  In  1791  the  vecinos  and  workmen  of  the  town  contributed 
$9,081  for  the  war  against  France.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  vi.  238-40.  Mascara 
(Manuel),  Dlario  del  Ingeniero  desde  la  villa  de  Chihuahua  al  pueblo  de 
Arizpe  en  la  Pimeria  Alta,  1779,  MS.,  is  sufficiently  described  by  the  title. 
It  contains  some  slight  local  descriptions. 

43 6,590  and  12,774  are  the  figures  given  in  Morfi,  D'tario,  344-51,  for 
1777;  while  an  undated  table  (probably  of  1790)  in  Durango,  Doc.  Ifi^t.,  MS., 
254;  Ilustracion  Mex.,  i.  38-9,  makes  the  numbers  5,952  and  13,169  respec 
tively.  Of  the  total  population  4,511  were  women  and  3,917  men,  the  latter 
divided  as  follows:  Treasury  employe's  42,  judiciary  id.  18,  '  ministerios  de 
pluma'  13,  commerce  80,  owners  of  mines  2,  mining  18,  hacendados  and 
administrators  31,  farmers  2,011,  liberal  arts  74,  mechanics  859,  servants 
308,  no  occupation  455.  In  Viagero  Universal,  xxvii.  122,  the  population 
is  given  as  5,000  families  in  1790,  probably  an  exaggeration. 


ANNALS  OF  DURANGO.  659 

In  1784  there  was  a  drought  followed  in  1785-6  by 
a  terrible  epidemic  which  killed  two  thirds  of  the  live 
stock,  by  excessively  high  prices,  and  by  a  famine 
among  the  poor,  affording  to  the  rich  and  to  the 
churches  a  fine  field  for  charity,  prayers,  religious 
ceremonials,  and  resort  to  sacred  relics.44  In  1785—7 
a  war  was  waged  on  the  scorpions  which  infested  the 
town.  A  bounty  of  half  a  real  for  eight  alacranes 
was  paid  by  the  government  or  by  a  tax  on  the  peo 
ple,  and  the  boys  engaged  with  much  zeal  in  the  good 
work,  killing  56,644  of  the  venomous  insects.45  In 
1798  there  was  a  pestilence  of  small-pox,  as  we  learn 
from  a  sermon  preached  on  the  subject.46 

Of  other  Durango  districts  with  few  and  slight  ex 
ceptions  nothing  is  known ;  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  there  was  any  important  change  in  the 
different  settlements  from  the  condition  in  1763-6  as 
recorded  in  a  preceding  chapter.47 

"Dnranrjo,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  167;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  314,  356.  In  1784 
the  project  of  a  woollen  factory  was  agitated,  a  citizen  giving  $50,000  for  the 
purpose,  and  a  company  being  organized.  Id.,  i.  146.  Grand  celebration  Dec. 
29,  1789,  of  accession  of  Carlos  IV.  Id.,  iv.  41-3.  Similar  ceremonies  on  suc 
cess  of  Spanish  arms  Aug.  21,  1793.  Id.,  v.  525-6. 

^Alzate,  Gaccta*,  iii.  147-57;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  282;  ii.  445. 

46  Esquivel,  Sermon  Eucaristico.  Of  478  cases  of  natural  small-pox  63  died; 
of  3,824  inoculated  cases  39  died.  Don  Diego  Borica,  governor  of  California, 
was  buried  with  military  honors  in  1800.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  x.  177.  Births 
1796-1800,  2201;  deaths,  1233;  marriages,  449.  Id.,  viii.  254;  ix.  17,  201;  x. 
73,  242. 

47 In  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  767,  is  a  list  of  curacies,  of  which  there  were  19  or 
20  in  Durango,  and  46  in  the  whole  intendencia.  In  Duranyo,  Doc.  Hist., 
MS.,  105-13  is  a  description  of  Papasquiaro  by  Antonio  de  Antoneli.  It  was 
made  a  villa  in  1787,  but  suffered  from  savage  raids  as  late  as  1794.  About 
2,300  fanegas  of  maize  were  harvested  each  year;  2,725  pack  animals  were 
employed,  earning  $40,875.  At  the  mines  of  El  Oro  a  severe  earthquake  was 
felt  March  26,  1787.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  ii.  349.  Morfi,  Diarlo,  357-8,  365-6, 
371-6,  406-10,  gives  a  brief  notice  of  Mapimi  and  Avinito  mining  towns,  and 
also  of  the  ex -presidio  of  Gallo  with  800  inhabitants,  and  the  villa  and  Tlas- 
caltec  town  of  Saltillo  in  1777. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

SONORA    AND    SINALOA. 

1768-1800. 

ELIZONDO'S  MILITARY  EXPEDITION — NUEVA  ANDALUCIA — NOTICIA  BREVE — 
ORIGINAL  CORRESPONDENCE— UNSUCCESSFUL  MOVEMENTS  ON  THE  CERRO 
PRIETO — DEPREDATIONS  OF  THE  SAVAGES — ARRIVAL  OF  GALVEZ— PAR 
DON  OFFERED — REVOLT  ON  THE  Rio  FUERTE— NEW  ADVANCE  ON  THE 
REBEL  SERIS — CHANGE  OF  POLICY — FINAL  SUCCESS  OF  NEGOTIATIONS — 
THE  COUNTRY  AT  PEACE — DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD  MINES— NEW  PRESIDIO 
REGULATIONS — MISSION  ANNALS— SECULARIZATION — FRANCISCANS'  OF 
QUERETARO  AND  JALISCO — FATE  OF  THE  ESTABLISHMENTS — GARCES  ON 
THE  GILA — MURDER  OF  PRESIDENT  GIL— REYES'  REPORT  OF  1772 — LIST 
OF  GOVERNORS — PROVINCIAS  INTERNAS — ARIZPE  THE  CAPITAL — BISHOP 
RIC — LIST  OF  BISHOPS — APACHE  WARFARE —PEACE  AT  LAST — MORE 
REVOLT — DESTRUCTION  OF  MAGDALENA — ANZA'S  EXPEDITIONS  TO  CALI 
FORNIA — THE  COLORADO  RIVER  MISSIONS — TRANSFER  OF  SONORA  MIS 
SIONS — CUSTODIA  DE  SAN  CARLOS — ARRICIVITA'S  CHRONICLE — LOCAL 
ITEMS,  LIST  OF  PADRES,  AND  STATISTICS. 

WE  left  the  Sonora  provinces  at  the  end  of  1767  in 
a  state  of  suspense,  all  classes  anxiously  awaiting  the 
coming  of  the  grand  military  expedition  that  was  to 
save  them  from  destruction  at  the  hands  of  savages, 
the  chief  fear  being  of  the  coast  tribes  known  as 
Seris,  Piatos,  and  Sibubapas,  whose  strongholds  were 
in  the  Cerro  Prieto,  north  of  Guaymas.  In  1764  the 
king  had  ordered  relief  to  be  sent  to  the  afflicted 
northern  provinces,  but  for  several  years,  complaints 
multiplying  in  the  mean  time,  lack  of  funds  in  the 
treasury  prevented  execution  of  the  royal  orders. 
Finally  in  1767,  the  visitador  general  Jose  de  Galvez 
introducing  new  zeal  into  the  administration  of  affairs, 
a  company  of  one  hundred  Catalan  volunteers  being 
sent  from  Spain,  and  contributions  of  about  $200,000 

(G60J 


ELIZONDO'S  EXPEDITION.  661 

being  obtained  from  the  Spanish  merchants  at  the 
Jala-pa  fair  and  from  the  Real  Consulado  of  Mexico, 
an  expedition  was  fitted  out,  consisting  of  about  three 
hundred  men.  Colonel  Domingo  Elizondo  was  put 
in  command,  and  the  enterprise  was  under  the  general 
supervision  of  Galvez  himself.  The  latter  crossed 
over  to  California  to  carry  out  measures  fully  recorded 
in  other  chapters  of  this  volume;  while  Elizondo  and 
his  troops  proceeded  to  Sonora^  at  the  beginning  of 
1768.  The  campaign  lasted  until  1771,  when  the 
army  returned  to  Mexico,  and  the  government  pub 
lished  a  brief  and  summary  account  of  the  expedition, 
which  was  represented  as  having  been  entirely  suc 
cessful  not  only  in  reducing  the  savages  to  submission, 
but  in  discovering  rich  gold  mines,  and  putting  the 
country  generally  on  the  road  to  great  prosperity. 
The  province  was  called  Nueva  Andalucia  in  this 
document.1  No  details  of  military  operations  are 
given;  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  Galvez's  report 
of  1771,  and  of  other  printed  works  treating  of  the 
subject.  By  the  latter  a  six  years'  war  is  recorded, 
ending  in  1771,  and  resulting  in  victory  over  the 
savage  foe.2  Fortunately,  however,  there  is  enough 
of  the  original  correspondence  in  these  years  extant  to 
furnish  a  generally  satisfactory  record.  Captain  Can- 
cio  continued  his  letters  so  often  cited  in  an  earlier 
chapter;  and  we  have  important  official  reports  to 
Governor  Bineda  from  Colonel  Elizondo  and  the  pre- 
sidial  captains. 

Elizondo  with  one  hundred  and  eighty  men  reached 
Sinaloa  in  February  1768,  and  marched  to  Alamos 
and  Guaymas,  being  attacked  somewhere  on  the  way 

1  Noticia  Breve  de  la  Expedicion  Militar  de  Sonora  y  Cinaloa,  su  exitofeliz, 
y  ventajoso  estado  en  que  por  consecuencia  de  ella  se  hanpuesto  ambas  Provincial. 
Mexico,  17  de  Junio  de  1771,  folio,  12  p.     It  is  announced  that  full  reports 
will  be  printed  later,  but  I  have  found  no  such  reports. 

2  Galvez,  Informe  General  del  Marques  de  Sonora,  31  Die.  1771,  p.  138-52; 
Alcedo,  Dice.,  iv.  57;   Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  59;  Hernandez,  Geog.Son.,  22-3; 
Museo  Mex.,  iii.  28-31;   Velasco,  Sonora,  252.     In  Sonora  Resumen  de  Not., 
223-4,  it  is  said  that  Elizondo  after  a  vigorous  warfare  failed  to  reduce  the  sav 
ages  ;  but  finally  a  policy  of  negotiation  and  gifts  was  more  successful,  and 
the  Seris  lived  for  many  years  at  expense  of  the  treasury. 


662  SONORA  AND  SIXALOA. 

by  the  Seris,  who  captured  thirty  of  his  horses  on 
the  1st  of  May.  Before  the  middle  of  May  three 
vessels  arrived  with  the  remaining  forces,  and  a  plan 
of  action  had  been  agreed  upon  by  the  governor  and 
colonel.  Elizondo,  though  willing  to  take  advice 
from  the  captains  experienced  in  Indian  warfare,  was 
impatient  to  begin  operations;  the  more  so  as  Kubi 
in  Mexico  had  declared  the  scheme  to  be  impracti 
cable.  In  the  last  days  of  May,  when  all  was  ready, 
the  army  marched  toward  the  Cerro  Prieto  in  three 
divisions,  under  Elizondo,  Captain  Bernardo  Urrea, 
and  Captain  Cancio,  from  Guaymas,  Pitic,  and  Buena- 
vista,  respectively.  By  this  movement  the  Indians 
were  to  have  been  forced  to  concentrate  at  one  point 
for  subsequent  annihilation;  but  each  division  simply 
marched  out  into  the  desert  until  the  horses  were  worn 
out  and  then  returned;  and  on  June  6th  the  com 
mander  frankly  admitted  that  the  reconnoissance  had 
been  a  complete  failure,  and  that  largely  through  his 
own  ignorance,  though  he  hoped  he  had  gained  expe 
rience  that  would  be  useful  in  the  future.  After  con 
sultation  further  operations  were  postponed  until 
autumn.3  In  November  after  preparations  that  were 
deemed  sufficient  Elizondo  resumed  hostilities.  At 
first  he  met  with  some  slight  success;  but  in  the 
grand  attack  on  the  Canon  de  la  Palma  on  the  25th 
a  party  of  soldiers  fired  by  mistake  on  their  com 
panions,  a  hail-storm  came  most  inopportunely  upon 
them,  and  a  new  failure  had  to  be  reported.4 

3Elizondo's  letters  of  Feb.  2,  May  11,  June  6,  1768,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Hex., 
4th  ser.  ii.  143-9.  'He  hecho  lo  de  Cauca,'  he  writes,  'hizo  lo  que  pudo  y  no 
hizo  nada.'  Cancio's  letters  May  20,  June  11,  July  6,  18,  in  Cancio,  Cartels, 
255-78,  including  a  full  account  of  the  author's  part  in  the  campaign.  He 
thought  one  Indian  was  killed,  but  the  horses  were  too  tired  to  go  after  the 
body.  Two  native  women  from  the  Cerro  Prieto  testified  at  Belen  that  the 
foe,  about  400  strong,  were  in  four  intercommunicating  caj ones  accessible  only 
by  ladders;  and  that  they  were  well  armed  and  supplied,  knowing  that 
troops  had  arrived  from  abroad. 

4  Viceroy  Croix's  letters  of  Jan.  Feb.  1769,  in  reply  to  reports  from 
Elizondo  and  Pineda.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  8-13.  Croix  acquits  Eli 
zondo  of  all  blame,  and  thinks  it  must  have  been  God's  will  that  the 
Indians  should  not  be  exterminated  at  that  time.  Pineda  had  reported  a  raid 
of  the  Sibubapas  in  Ostimuri  resulting  in  the  death  of  2  Spaniards  and  7  Ind- 


REBELS  OF  CERRO  PRIETO.  6G3 

Correspondence  of  the  time  is  naturally  filled  with 
routine  details  of  no  special  importance  or  interest; 
but  it  also  contains  proof  that  in  1768-9,  notwith 
standing  the  presence  of  the  army  and  the  efforts 
made  to  strike  a  crushing  blow,  the  province  was  still 
a  prey  to  the  marauders,  who  attacked  exposed  points 
with  alarming  frequency  and  deadly  results.5  The 
military  could  do  nothing  to  resist  these  raids  by  de 
tached  parties,  but  the,  preparations  of  Elizondo  were 
much  hindered  by  them.  There"  were  also  some  tri 
fling  misunderstandings  between  the  different  officers, 
requiring  frequent  explanations  and  apologies.  During 
the  spring  of  1769  there  were  several  minor  expedi 
tions  by  different  officers,  made  with  a  view  to  con 
centrate  the  enemy,  and  to  reconnoitre  his  position; 
and  apparently  one  or  two  movements  in  force  were 

ians,  with  15  wounded  and  2  captives.     The  alfdrez  of  Tubac  had  also  been 
repulsed  by  the  Apaches. 

5Feb.  18,  17(58,  Capt.  Antonio  E.  Esparza  from  Trinidad  reports  an  attack 
by  34  rebel  Pimas  commanded  by  a  Spaniard  with  a  Tarahumara  guide,  who 
penetrated  to  Yecora,  killing  13-20  persons  at  different  places,  and  robbing  as 
usual.  Great  efforts  made  by  Capt.  E.,  who  could  catch  none  of  the  foe. 
Another  hostile  party  of  46  reported.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  128-34. 
March  8th,  complaints  of  dissatisfaction  on  the  Rio  Mayo.  Id.,  ii.  251-3. 
June  23d,  Capt.  Esparza  from  Arivechi,  alludes  vaguely  to  Apache  hostilities 
of  the  month.  Id.,  ii.  139-41.  Sept.  29th,  P.  Reyes  apprehends  trouble  at 
Cucurpe.  Id.,  ii.  357-8.  Oct.  26th,  P.  Reyes  at  Tuape  writes  of  7  lives  lost 
since  he  came.  Id.,  ii.  359-60.  Nov.  19th,  Apaches  attacked  Suamca,  burn 
ing  the  houses.  Padre  and  families  went  to  Cocospera.  Five  men  were 
wounded.  Id.,  ii.  10-11,  393-8.  Dec.  1st,  cattle  of  Cucurpe  carried  off.  Id., 
ii.  361-2.  Capt.  Gallo  to  patrol  Ostimuri;  needs  more  men.  Id.,  ii.  288-90. 
Hostilities  reported  by  Gov.  Pineda,  as  per  acknowledgments  of  viceroy. 
Dec.  1768,  20  Indians  attacked  Nuri,  5  or  6  killed  on  both  sides.  Jan., 
Apaches  on  Sonora  River  killed  10.  Attacked  Tumacacori  at  midday.  Feb. , 
Indians  of  Charay  revolted  and  burned  the  stocks.  March,  curate  of  Bayo- 
reca  killed.  April,  Bac  attacked  and  cattle  driven  off;  Suamca  burned  (as 
above).  Indian  governor  of  Sobia  resisted  arrest  of  3  rebels  by  Alf.  Padilla. 
Hacienda  of  Tobaca  sacked,  3  killed;  also  attack  on  Mochicagui.  Croix, 
Cartas,  1-27.  Twenty-eight  persons  killed  from  Oct.  21st  to  June  30th. 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  298-301.  Troubles  at  Bac.  Id.,  ii.  370-7.  Some 
details  of  murder  of  curate  of  Bayoreca.  Id.,  ii.  301-4,  307-9.  List  of 
38  killed  from  Oct.  19th  to  March  23d.  Id.,  ii.  316-17.  March  25th, 
a  long  account  of  a  raid  by  hostile  Pimas  in  the  Alamos  district,  and  of  the 
steps  taken  to  punish  them,  reported  by  Beleiia.  Nothing  was  effected;  but 
every  petty  detail  is  described  at  great  length  as,  if  a  great  victory  had  been 
won.  Id.,  ii.  96-103.  April  4th,  hostilities  in  a  dozen  places  in  Ostimuri  with 
details  of  protective  measures.  Id.,  ii.  309-13.  April  9th,  particulars  of  the 
trouble  at  Sobia,  by  Beleua.  Id.,  ii.  105-8.  May  5,  1769,  Capt.  Vildosola 
learns  from  a  captive  that  the  Apaches  are  preparing  for  a  great  raid  on  the 
northern  presidio  horses.  Id.,  ii.  339-40. 


664  SONORA  AND  SIXALOA. 

made  by  Pineda  and  Elizondo  on  the  Cerro  Prieto 
strongholds;  but  the  records  are  very  vague,  and  only 
show  that  the  main  force  of  the  Indians  could  not  be 
reached,  much  less  defeated.6  Yet  there  were  indi 
cations  that  some  portions  of  the  hostile  Indians  were 
becoming  alarmed  at  the  preparations  being  made, 
and  were  disposed  to  parley.  So  little  had  been  ac 
complished  by  force  of  arms  that  the  Spaniards  also 
began  to  think  favorably  of  negotiations.  Therefore, 
when  Galvez  arrived  in  person  from  California  in  May 
he  at  once  forwarded  a  bando  to  be  published  at 
Guaymas,  and  ordered  all  hostilities  to  be  suspended 
until  the  result  could  be  known.  The  bando  contained 
an  offer  of  pardon  for  all  past  offences,  with  kind 
treatment  and  material  aid  in  the  future,  on  condition 
that  the  Indians  would  come  immediately  with  their 
families  to  the  Spanish  ports  and  surrender;  but  also 
a  threat  of  terrible  vengeance  and  utter  annihilation 
if  the  offered  terms  were  not  accepted.7 

The  rebels  when  made  acquainted  with  the  terms 
offered  seem  to  have  shown  a  willingness  to  accept, 
mingled  with  want  of  confidence  in  the  good  faith  of 
the  Spaniards.  No  sooner  were  they  satisfied  on  one 
point  than  some  rumor  caused  new  difficulties  respect 
ing  another.  Each  band  on  the  point  of  surrender 
managed  to  hear  a  report  that  they  were  not  to  be 
included  in  the  pardon  extended  to  their  brothers, 
but  were  all  to  be  killed  or  enslaved.  It  is  probable 

6  Croix,  Cartels,  1-27;  Galvez's  letters,   in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii. 
29-31.     In  Jan.  Pineda  reported  that  the  enemy  had  abandoned  Cerro  Prieto. 
but  that  seems  to  have  been  an  error.     After  a  fruitless  campaign  another  was 
planned  for  Feb.  25th;  and  in  May  Anza  made  an  entrada,  capturing  a  few 
boys. 

7  'Al  disembarcarme  a  principios  de  Mayo  de  1769,  se  hallava  en  todo  su 
calor  la  gucrra  contra  los  Indios  reveldes  Seris,  Pimas,  y  Sibubapas.     Por  las 
insuperables  dificultades  de  que  las  tropas  llegasen  a  una  accion  decisiva,  y 
como  repetidas  vezes  habian  dado  esperanzas  de  rendirse  luego  que  yo  pasara 
de  Californias  y  les  asegurara  el  perdon,  publique"  un  Edicto  concediendolo 
a  los  sublevados  si  se  entregavan  en  el  te"rmino  de  quarenta  dias,  y  que  de  lo 
contrario  serian  tratados  con  el  tiltimo  rigor  de  las  armas. '  Galvez,  Informe 
General,  148.     May  8th.   Galvez  to  Pineda  and  Elizondo,  announces  his  arri 
val  at  Sta  Cruz  de  Mayo,  and  incloses  the  bando.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. ,  4th  ser.  ii. 

,32-4. 


GALVEZ  IX  SONORA.  6G5 

that  a  few  leading  spirits  were  mainly  responsible  for 
these  obstacles.  The  original  period  of  forty  days 
from  May  8th  was  extended  at  the  pretended  in 
tercession  of  a  friar,  expiring  June  27th.  Before  this 
date  the  Sibubapas  surrendered,  and  as  they  repre 
sented  the  Seris  and  Pirnas  to  be  willing  to  yield  as 
soon  as  they  knew  that  the  others  had  been  well 
treated,  a  new  extension  of  the  truce  for  twenty-five 
days  was  granted.8  , 

Another  reason  for  extending  the  time  was  that  the 
forces  were  required  in  another  direction  to  quell  a 
revolt  of  the  towns  on  the  Rio  Fuerte.  This  trouble 
began  among  the  Charayes,  and  soon  spread  to  many 
other  pueblos,  being  aggravated  by  Beleiia's  policy  in 
certain  matters  not  specified.  The  rebels  pretended 
to  have  acted  under  promise  of  support  from  the  Ya- 
quis  and  Mayos,  though  this  claim  proved  to  be 
unfounded;  and  they  repulsed  the  first  forces  sent 
against  them.  By  the  middle  of  July,  however,  this 
revolt  was  quelled,  largely  through  the  efforts  of  Gov 
ernor  Armona  from  California.  Now  the  visitador 
fell  ill  at  Alamos  from  overwork  and  a  severe  cold; 
and  meanwhile  the  term  of  the  truce  with  the  gulf 
coast  foes  expired  on  the  22d  of  July.  Not  only  had 
the  Seris  and  Pimas  failed  to  surrender,  but  the  Sibu 
bapas  had  changed  their  minds  and  again  joined  the 
enemy.  Orders  were  given  to  resume  the  war,  and 
several  minor  raids  were  made  by  Captain  Anza  and 
others.  Early  in  September  Galvez  was  able  to  visit 
Pitic  and  superintend  the  planning  of  a  general  attack, 
in  which  a  large  force  of  militia  was  to  aid  the  regular 
troops;  but  he  was  soon  obliged  to  retire  to  Ures, 
where  he  was  confined  with  fever  for  several  months. 
In  the  last  half  of  October  the  general  campaign  was 
undertaken,  the  advance  on  the  Cerro  Prieto  being 
in  three  divisions  under  Elizondo,  Cancio,  and  Anza. 
As  before  nothing  important  was  accomplished,  though 

8  Galvez,  CartasGrdenes,  1769,  36-49;  Cancio,  Cartas,  317-20. 


668  SONORA  AND  SIXALOA. 

Anza  captured  a  band  of  horses,  and  Elizondo  killed 
a  few  Indians.  The  mountain  strongholds  could  not 
be  reached;  yet  there  were  reports  that  the  rebels 
were  again  repentant,  believing  the  Spaniards  to  be 
muy  enojados.  At  a  junta  of  November  9th  Captain 
Vildosola  declared  it  useless  to  attack  the  Cerro 
Prieto,  favoring  a  policy  of  guarding  the  frontiers  and 
confining  the  foe  within  their  sterile  defences,  where 
they  could  not  long  hold  out  against  hunger.  Neither 
the  views  of  the  other  officers  nor  the  decision  are  re 
corded;  but  it  would  appear  that  there  were  no  more 
general  attacks.  In  May  1770  negotiations  similar  to 
those  of  the  preceding  year  were  in  progress  with 
prospects  of  success.9 

The  record  furnished  by  the  documents  cited  in  the 
preceding  pages  ends  in  May  1770,  about  which  time 
Galvez  recovered  his  health  sufficiently  to  depart  for 
Nueva  Viscaya.  Arricivita  tells  us  that  in  May  the 
rebels  of  the  Cerro  Prieto  came  to  Pitic  and  surren 
dered.10  Yet  Elizondo  and  his  troops  remained  in  the 
country  another  year;  and  it  is  implied  in  the  official 
reports,  which  contain  no  particulars,  that  military- 
operations  were  continued  until  the  last  of  the  rebels 
were  forced  to  submit.11  It  is  probable  that  these 

9  On  the  revolt  of  the  Fuertenos,  see  Galvez,  Cartas,  49-62;  Id.,  Informs 
General,  150.     On  the  visitador's  illness,  and  preparations  for  the  campaign, 
Id.,  Cartas,  65-9.     Oct.  29,  1769,  Elizondo's  report  of  his  expedition  of  Oct. 
12-28.  Doc.  Hist.  J\fax.,  4th  ser.  ii.  151-3.     Oct.  31st,  Cancio  sends  diary 
of  his  campaign  of  Oct.  25-31.  Cancio,  Cartas,  320-8.     Nov.  10th,  Anza's 
report  of  his  branch  of  the  campaign.  Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  110-17. 
Nov.  9th,  Junta  at  Pitic  and  Vildosola's  advice.  Id.,  341-3.     Nov.  25th,  Ar- 
mona  on  the  health  of  Galvez,  and  the  intention  to  remove  him  as  soon  as 
possible.  Id,,  154-5.     May  9,  10,  1770,  letters  of  Br.  Francisco  Joaquin  Val- 
de"s  on  his  efforts  to  induce  the  rebels  to  go  to  Guaymas  and  give  themselves 
up.  Id.,  343-8.     The  officers  named  in  connection  with  the  military  move 
ments  are  Lieut.  Col.  Padilla;  captains  Cancio,  Vildosola,  Esparza,  Urrea, 
Gallo,  Peyran,  Bergosa,  and  Armona;  lieutenants  Azuela  and  Oliva. 

10  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  415.     The  party  consisted  of  41  men  and  142 
women  and  children — all  of  the  surviving  rebel  Seris  except  1 1  under  a  mu 
latto. 

11  *  Some  of  the  Seris  and  Sibubapas  surrendered,  including  two  chiefs  of 
both  nations,  but  against  the  rest  it  was  necessary  to  prosecute  the  war,  until, 
convinced  that  neither  the  inaccessible  ruggedness  of  the  Cerro  Prieto  and 
other  siei-ras,    nor  their   continual    flight  could   protect   them   against  the 
superior  force  and  constancy  of  our  troops,  they  went  011  submitting  and 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD.  667 

operations  were  chiefly  confined  to  protective  measures, 
and  to  petty  expeditions  in  pursuit  of  detached  parties 
of  the  rebels,  who  were  induced  one  by  one,  by  the 
representations  of  their  friends,  to  surrender.  At  any 
rate  all  agree  that  by  May  1771  all  had  submitted  and 
been  settled  in  different  pueblos.  Then  Elizondo's 
force  returned  to  Mexico  except  the  Catalan  volun 
teers,  part  of  whom  had  gone  to  California  under 
Lieutenant  Fages  in  1769,  and  the  rest  remained  to 
aid  the  presidial  troops.12 

A  detachment  of  Elizondo's  army  in  1771,  while  in 
pursuit  of  a  band  of  Piato  rebels  in  the  region  of  Altar, 
discovered  the  rich  gold  placers  of  Cieneguilla.  Over 
a  large  extent  of  country  gold  was  found  in  nuggets 
and  coarse  grains  near  the  surface.  One  of  the  nug 
gets  weighed  four  pounds  and  a  half.  Within  a  few 
months  over  two  thousand  men  were  at  work  with 
much  success.  More  than  a  thousand  marks  of  gold 
were  obtained  before  May;  and  the  coming  of  the 
rains  was  confidently  expected  to  vastly  increase  the 
golden  harvest.13  Not  much  is  known  in  detail  of  the 
results;  but  the  Cieneguilla  placers  yielded  richly  for 
eight  or  ten  years;  and  others  in  the  same  region 
throughout  the  century,  and  later.14 

giving  themselves  up  successively  in  the  last  months  of  last  year  (1770)  and 
the  first  of  this  (1771);  so  that  finally  we  succeeded  in  reestablishing  com 
pletely  the  tranquillity  of  those  rich  provinces  by  the  submission  of  domestic 
foes,  who  kept  them  for  many  years  desolated,  and  threatened  with  total 
extermination.'  Galvez,  Informe  General,  178. 

12  '  Three  years  the  expedition  has  lasted,  for  the  foe  in  view  of  the  irre 
sistible  force  of  our  arms  depended  for  defence  on  flight,  favored  by  the  vast 
extent  and  extraordinary  ruggedness  of  the  country  in  which  they  were  pur 
sued.  But  as  constancy  and  time  conquer  the  greatest  difficulties,  and  nothing 
can  resist  the  valor  of  troops  well  commanded,  they  penetrated  even  to  the 
farthest  strongholds  which  the  rebels  had  deemed  inaccessible,  and  the  latter 
finally  knew  that  their  only  hope  was  to  surrender,  taking  advantage  of  the 
pardon  offered  in  the  august  name  of  his  Majesty. .  .Many  of  them  have  given 
repeated  proofs  of  their  good  faith  in  the  last  campaigns,  going  with  our  detach 
ments  to  pursue  their  own  relations,  still  fugitives  and  doubtful;  so  that  all 
having  surrendered  who  had  not  perished  in  war,  and  being  settled  in  formal 
pueblos,  the  calamities  of  Nueva  Andalucia  are  fortunately  at  an  end.'  Noti- 
cia  Breve,  4-5. 

13Noticia  Breve,  6-9,  on  reports  to  May  1st.  Robertson's  Hist.  Amer.,  ii. 
328-9;  Viagero,  Univ.,  xxvii.  134-5;  Alc.edo,  Dice.,  iv.  575. 

14  Weekly  yield  in  1776,  60  to  65  marks  ($8,000).  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  228-9. 
Yield  Jan.  1,1773,  to  Nov.  17, 1774, 4,832  marks.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  614; 


CG8  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

The  revolting  tribes  having  been  reduced  to  sub 
mission  the  presidial  troops  were  free  to  defend  the 
frontier  against  the  never  ending  Apache  raids.  In 
the  reglamento  of  1772  four  presidios,  of  the  fifteen 
which  were  to  form  a  line  of  defence  across  the  conti 
nent,  were  assigned  to  Sonora;  Altar,  Tubac,  Terre- 
nate,  and  Fronteras ;  each  with  a  force  of  forty-seven- 
men,  including  captain,  lieutenant,  alferez,  chaplain, 
sergeant,  and  two  corporals;  and  in  addition  ten 
Indian  scouts;  all  at  an  annual  cost  to  the  treasury 
of  $18,998.75.  Each  of  the  four  was  to  be  changed 
in  site  so  as  to  leave  as  nearly  as  possible  a  distance 
of  forty  leagues  from  one  to  another,  and  the  better 
to  protect  exposed  points.  There  is  no  record  to  show 
exactly  how  or  when  these  changes  were  carried  out; 
but  it  would  appear  that  some  of  the  sites  were 
changed  more  than  once  in  the  following  years.  By 
the  same  regulations  military  discipline  and  Indian 
policy  were  established  on  a  more  satisfactory  basis 
than  before;  and  service  against  the  Apaches  was 
rendered  much  more  effective.15  Meanwhile  the  gar 
risons  at  San  Carlos  de  Buenavista  and  San  Miguel 
de  Horcasitas  appear  to  have  been  kept  up  to  preserve 
order  in  the  south  and  prevent  the  outbreak  of  a 
new  rebellion. 

Having  thus  chronicled  the  military  expedition  and 

Mayer's  Hex.  Aztec.,  i.  278-9.  Velasco,  Sonora,  194etseq.,  puts  the  discovery 
in  1779,  and  says  the  mines  yielded  rich  results  for  8  years,  to  1787,  the 
Yaquis  obtaining  much  gold  down  to  1803.  The  largest  nugget  weighed  27 
marks,  and  one  man  got  over  $100,000.  In  1800  only  very  slight  yield,  and 
few  men  employed  at  S.  Teodoro,  Sta  Gertrudis,  Carmen,  and  JDolores  in  this 
district.  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Son.,  i.  16. 

13  Presidios,  Reglamento  e  Instruction.  Also  in  Arrillaga,  Eecop. ,  1834, 139 
et  seq.  Altar  was  to  be  moved  nearer  the  gulf  coast;  but  the  change  seems 
not  to  have  been  made.  Tubac  was  to  be  moved  to  a  convenient  site  in  the 
same  region,  but  farther  west  if  possible.  It  was  moved  to  the  vicinity  of 
Tucson.  Terrenate  to  one  of  the  valleys  of  S.  Pedro,  Nutrias,  Guachuca, 
Terrenate,  etc. ,  and  nearer  to  Fronteras.  It  was  first  located  at  Sta  Cruz, 
40  1.  from  Tucson;  then  at  Nutrias;  and  finally  before  1814  at  the  abandoned 
mission  of  Sta  Maria.  Fronteras  was  transferred,  as  ordered,  to  the  valley 
of  San  Bernardino,  nearer  Janos;  but  was  later  restored  to  the  former  site, 
35 1.  from  Terrennte.  The  changes,  before  1814,  are  from  a  report  by  Elias,  in 
Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Chih.,  17-19. 


MAP  OF  SONORA. 


SONORA  IN   THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 


G70  SONORA  AND  SESTALOA. 

its  results  down  to  the  year  1772,  it  is  necessary  to 
trace  the  mission  annals  of  Sonora  for  the  same 
period  from  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.  As  in 
Nueva  Yizcaya  the  mission  property  was  confiscated, 
being  regarded  by  the  government  as  belonging  to  the 
Jesuits  rather  than  to  the  Indians.  Royal  comisarios 
were  put  in  charge  of  the  property  at  each  of  the  fifty 
establishments  in  1767  by  Captain  Cancio,  the  officer 
charged  with  the  expulsion.  No  definite  accounts 
have  come  to  light  to  show  exactly  how  the  comisa 
rios  fulfilled  their  trust,  but  "  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt,"  wrote  the  viceroy  in  1793,  "that  they  either 
wasted  or  embezzled  the  rich  temporalities  of  all  or 
most  of  the  missions,  and  that  these  funds  being  lost, 
decadence  or  ruin  could  not  be  prevented.16 

Meanwhile  the  plan  was  to  secularize  half  of  the 
missions,  including  all  those  of  Sinaloa  and  Ostimuri 
up  to  the  Yaqui  River,  and  to  put  those  of  Sonora 
and  Pimeria  farther  north  in  charge  of  Franciscan 
friars.  To  this  end  the  college  of  Santa  Cruz  de 
Queretaro  and  the  provincia  of  San  Francisco  de 
Jalisco  were  called  upon  to  furnish  some  twenty-five 
missionaries;  and  Bishop  Tamaron  was  instructed  to 
furnish  secular  curates  to  complete  the  whole  number 
of  spiritual  guardians  required.  Fragments  of  the 
bishop's  correspondence  in  1767-8,  and  of  the  visita- 
dor  general's  in  1769  throw  some  light  on  the  progress 
of  secularization.  Tamaron  seems  to  have  been  dis 
appointed  at  first  because  he  was  not  to  have  all  the 
missions,  though  it  is  not  very  clear  where  he  could 
have  obtained  a  sufficient  number  of  clergymen.  He 
urged  the  governor,  however,  to  give  his  clerigos  the 
best  establishments,  repeating  frequently  his  determi 
nation  to  appoint  no  friars  as  vicars;  and  he  expressed 
great  disgust  and  anxiety  at  the  prospect  that  the 
curates  were  not  to  have  charge  of  the  ex-mission 
property,  declaring  his  fears  that  they  would  soon 
invent  excuses  to  leave  so  undesirable  a  field  of  labor. 

16  Revllla  Gigedo,  Carta,  Z7  Die.  1793,  v.  435. 


MISSION  ANNALS.  671 

In  the  spring  of  1768  he  came  in  person  to  Sinaloaon 
a  tour  of  confirmation ;  and  here,  though  repeating  his 
arguments  against  the  unjust  disposition  of  the  ex- 
mission  property,  he  devoted  himself  with  much  zeal 
to  the  work  of  providing  and  distributing  curates, 
until  his  task  was  ended  by  death  at  Bamoa  on  the 
21st  of  December.17  Galvez  on  his  arrival  in  May 
1769  also  gave  much  attention  to  the  work  of  secular 
ization,  but  his  letters  are  devoted  mainly  to  calls  for 
reports  and  inventories  to  aid  him  in  his  task  of  pro 
viding  for  the  Indians,  and  they  show  nothing  of 
results.18  The  visitador  also  seems  to  have  taken  the 
ground  that  the  mission  property  had  not  belonged  to 
the  Jesuits,  and  could  not  be  legally  confiscated;  but 
it  is  not  clear  that  the  curates  or  pueblos  ever  received 
any  considerable  amount  besides  the  church  effects 
proper.  Indeed  it  is  not  likely  that  the  comisarios 
had  left  much  for  distribution.  Bishop  Tamaron's 
fears  were  fully  realized.  It  was  impossible  to  keep 
the  parishes  supplied  with  curates;  those  serving  were 
discontented;  the  ex-neophytes  were  neglected  and 
soon  scattered;  and  in  a  few  years  the  secularized 
missions  became  mere  skeleton  communities.  Only 
the  Yaqui  pueblos  remained  to  some  extent  pros 
perous.19  Minute  instructions  were  issued  in  1769-71 

17  Tamaron,  Cartas  del  Obispo  de  Durango,  1767-8,  72-89.     The  letters  are 
addressed  to  Gov.  Pineda.  Cancio,  Cartas,  242-3,  orders  church  property  to 
be  turned  over  to  curates.  Belena,  Cartas,  94-5,  announces  on  Dec.  30th  the 
death  of  Tamaron  on  Dec.  21  st.  In  his  letterof  Aug.  26,  1768,  Tamaron  includes 
a  list  of  19  curacies,  and  the  clergymen  provided  for  them.    This  distribution 
will  be  given  in  a  later  note  of  this  chapter,  with  other  local  items. 

18  Galvez,  Cartas,  34-6,  41-3;  Cancio,  Cartas,  329-32.     Nov.  25,  1769,  Ar- 
mona  sends  to  governor  5  packages  of  documents  relating  to  the  temporalities. 
Doc.  Hizt.  Hex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  155-6. 

19 '  Los  curas  doctrineros  no  tenian  fondos  de  caudales,  ni  arbitrios  para 
alimentar  a  los  indios  y  sus  familias;  no  podian  obligarlos  a  trabajar  sin 
remuneracion,  ni  impedirlos  que  buscasen  de  cualquier  modo  el  remedio  de 
sus  necesidades;  y  de  todoesto  ban  sido  consecuencias  lastimosas  elabandono 
de  los  mismos  indios,  que  olvidados  de  los  principios  admirables  de  su  educa- 
cion  cristiana  y  civil,  se  entregaron  prontamente  a  la  ociosidad  y  vicios,  vivi- 
endo  en  la  mayor  miseria.  La  fuga  de  familias  enteras,  6  sus  traslacioncs 
voluntarias,  irremediables  y  sensibles,  a  los  montes  y  a  distintos  domicilios, 
dejaron  los  pueblos  casi  sin  gentes,  sin  gobierno  y  sin.  policia,  las  iglesiaa 
desiertas,  la  religion  sin  culto,  y  los  campos  sin  brazos  para  su  labranza,  conser- 
vacion  y  fomento  de  sus  ganados,  convertiendose  en  esqueletos,  si  no  todas,  la 


672  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

for  the  distribution  of  lands  and  formal  organization 
of  the  new  pueblos  of  Indians;  and  perhaps  their 
regulations  were  laxly  followed  in  a  few  instances.20 

The  Queretaro  college,  in  response  to  the  call  of  the 
government,  furnished  fourteen  friars  under  the  presi 
dency  of  Padre  Mariano  Antonio  de  Buena  y  Alcalde. 
They  went  to  Tepic  in  August  1767,  and  after  long 
detention  sailed  from  San  Bias  on  January  20,  1768, 
on  the  San  Carlos  and  Lauretana.  One  of  the  vessels 
was  driven  back  to  San  Bias,  and  the  other  to  Maza- 
tlan,  whence  six  of  the  party  proceeded  by  land ;  and 
all  reached  their  destination  in  Sonora  in  May,  and 
were  distributed  to  their  fourteen  missions  in  the  Pime- 
rias  before  the  end  of  June.  The  distribution  will  be 
given  later.21 

The  missions  were  found  by  the  Franciscans  in  a  sad 
state.  Some  of  the  establishments  had  been  plundered 
by  the  Apaches,  and  were  again  plundered,  as  at  Su- 
amca  and  Bac,  during  the  first  year  of  Franciscan 
occupation.  In  some  cases  the  comisarios  had  grossly 
neglected  their  duties.  Everywhere  the  neophytes  had 
been  for  a  year  free  from  all  control,  and  had  not  been 
improved  by  their  freedom.  Not  only  had  they  relapsed 
to  a  great  extent  into  their  roving  and  improvident 
habits,  but  they  had  imbibed  new  ideas  of  independence, 
fostered  largely  by  settlers  and  soldiers.  They  regarded 
themselves  as  entirely  free  from  all  control  by  the 
missionaries,  whose  whole  duty  in  these  later  times 

mayor  parte  de  las  misiones  de  Sinaloa  y  Ostimuri.'  Revilla  Gigedo,  Carta,  27 
Die.  1793,  p.  435. 

20  Galvez,  Instrucciones  que  deben  observar  mis  comisionados  para  la  asigna- 
cion  y  repartimiento  de  tierras  en  los  pueblos  de  indios  de  estas  provincias  y  los 
de  Espafloles  que  hubiere  en  el  distrito  de  sus  comisiones,  etc.     In  Doc.  Hist. 
Nex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  708-12,  dated  at  Alamos,  June  23,  1769.     Id.,  Segunda  In- 
struccion  prdctica.     In  Id.,  713-17.     Dated  Jan.  25,  1771. 

21  Arricivita,    Cr6n.   Serctf.,   394-6;  Palou,  Noticias,  i.    14-21;    Velasco, 
Sonora,  140-2;  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  Bel.,  viii.  659-60.     The  missions  were,  in 
the  lower  district:  Cumuripa,  Tecoripa,  Ures,  Opodepe,  Cucurpe,  and  Ona- 
vas;  and  in  Pimeria  Alta:  S.  Ignacio,  Suamca,  Guevavi,  Bac,    Tubutama, 
Saric,  Ati,  and  Caborca.     In  Pinart,  Col.  Pimeria  Alta,  are  many  entries  in 
the  mission  books,  showing  the  names  of  padres  and  dates  of  arrival.  In  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.}  4th  ser.  ii.  passim,  there  are  some  letters  from  the  padres  after 
arrival. 


FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  FIELD.  673 

was  to  attend  to  religious  matters.  The  padres  might 
not,  so  these  independent  aborgines  thought,  give 
orders,  but  must  prefer  requests  to  native  officials;  if 
they  required  work  done  for  them  they  must  pay  for 
it.  The  friars  at  first  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
temporalities;  but  Galvez  in  1770  ordered  the  prop 
erty  returned  to  their  control,  and  the  slight  remnants 
were  thus  restored.  They  received  a  stipend  of  $300 
each  from  the  royal  treasury,  and  spent  it  all  on  their 
churches  and  neophytes.  They  worked  faithfully, 
though  often  discouraged;  and  presently  the  state  of 
affairs  became  in  all  essential  respects  similar  to  that 
already  described  in  Chihuahua,  the  padres  keeping 
together  the  skeleton  communities,  instructing  the 
children,  caring  for  the  sick,  and  by  gifts  and  persua 
sion  exercising  slight  and  varying  control  over  the 
masses  of  the  Indians,  who  were  Christians  only  in 
name.22 

Officers  intrusted  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits 
in  order  to  reconcile  the  Indians  to  the  change  and 
prevent  disturbances  had  taken  pains  to  make  them 
regard  the  measure  as  a  release  from  bondage.  This 
had  much  to  do  with  the  independent  spirit  that 
proved  so  troublesome  to  the  new  missionaries.  Yet 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Franciscans  joined  more 
readily  than  was  warranted  by  justice  or  good  taste- 
in  the  prevalent  habit  of  decrying  the  Jesuits  and 
their-  system,  as  is  shown  in  the  correspondence  cited, 
where  it  is  often  implied  that  the  difficulties  encoun 
tered  were  largely  due  to  the  oppression  and  neglect 
of  missionaries  in  former  years.  Naturally  the  friars 
were  disposed  to  magnify  their  troubles  and  throw  the 
blame  on  others;  but  the  only  charge  that  was  to- 
some  extent  well  founded  was  that  the  natives  had 
not  been  taught  to  speak  Spanish;  the  systems  fol 
lowed  by  the  two  orders  did  not  differ  in  any  impor- 

22  Reyes,  Noticia;  Pevilla  Gigedo,  Carta,  27  Die.  1793;  Arricivita,  Cr6n. 
Sertif.,  396-405;  Cancio,  Cartas,  220,  266,278-80,  284.  Letters  of  P.  Buena, 
Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  378-84;  of  P.  Reyes,  Id.,  349-59;  of  P.  Garc6s,, 
Id.,  365-70;  of  P.  Roche,  Id.,  390-2. 

UIST.  N.  M£X.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    43 


674  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

tant  respect,  and  the  Jesuits  were  by  no  means 
responsible  for  the  evils  that  now  beset  the  missions. 
The  Franciscans  not  only  set  themselves  to  work  in 
the  old  missions,  but  made  some  efforts  to  extend  their 
field  of  labor.  Father  Garces  in  August  1768  made 
a  tour  through  the  Papago  country  to  the  Gila,  and 
was  well  received  by  the  gentiles;  but  an  apoplectic 
attack  prostrated  him  at  Guevavi,  and  meanwhile  the 
Apaches  plundered  his  own  missions  at  Bac;  so  that 
his  projects  could  not  be  carried  out.23  The  friars, 
having  arrived  at  the  same  time  as  Elizondo's  military 
expedition,  took  an  active  part  in  attempts  to  pacify 
the  rebellious  tribes,  especially  after  the  arrival  of 
Galvez.  Padre  Juan  Sarobe  of  Tecoripa  greatly  distin 
guished  himself  by  going  toward  the  Cerro  Prieto  and 
risking  his  life  in  this  service.  President  Buena  made 
similar  tours,  and  was  very  intimate  with  the  visita- 
dor  general,  caring  for  him  during  his  illness  at  Ures, 
and  finally  accompanying  him  as  far  as  Chihuahua  on 
his  way  to  Mexico.  Buena  retired  in  1770  or  1771, 
and  was  succeeded  in  the  presidency  by  Juan  Cris6s- 
tomo  Gil  de  Bernave.  At  about  the  same  time 
Padre  Jose  del  Rio  returned  from  a  visit  to  Mexico 
with  five  supernumerary  friars.  Meanwhile  San  Jose 
de  Pimas,  a  visita  of  Tecoripa,  had  been  erected  into 
a  mission;  and  in  1771  the  indefatigable  Garces  from 
Bac  had  made  a  new  and  extended  entrada  from  Au 
gust  to  October  to  the  Gila  and  the  regions  about  the 
lower  Colorado.  He  journeyed  without  escort,  as  was 
his  custom,  and  was  everywhere  welcome ;  but  it  is 
not  possible  to  trace  the  route  of  his  wanderings, 
though  many  details  are  given.  There  are  some 
vague  allusions  here  and  in  later  narratives  indi- 
•cating  that  he  may  have  crossed  the  Colorado  into 
California,  President  Gil,  like  his  predecessor,  de 
voted  himself  with  much  zeal  to  the  spiritual  interests 
-of  the  former  rebels  now  gathered  at  or  near  Pitic, 

**Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  403-4,     The  padre  made  another  tour  as  chap- 
Jain  the  next  year,  and  still  another  to  the  Gila  in  1770.  Id.,  416-17- 


REPORT  OF  FATHER  REYES.  675 

where  Matias  Gallo  settled  as  missionary,  and  he 
also,  against  his  own  judgment  and  at  the  request 
of  the  governor  and  of  the  natives,  went  in  person 
to  establish  a  mission  at  Carrizal  on  the  coast  for 
the  benefit  of  some  Seris  who  still  insisted  on  living 
on  the  island  of  Tiburon.  The  mission  was  founded 
on  November  26,  1772,  but  was  destroyed  by  a 
treacherous  faction  of  the  natives  the  following  March ; 
and  Padre  Gil  was  murdered.2* 

In  1772  one  of  the  Sonora  friars,  Padre  Antonio 
de  los  Reyes,  being  in  Mexico,  presented  a  compre 
hensive  report  on  the  condition  of  the  country,  a  doc 
ument  which  I  have  used  in  describing  the  state  of 
the  missions  and  troubles  of  the  missionaries  in  these 
early  years  of  Franciscan  rule,  and  which  I  shall  fur 
ther  utilize  to  some  extent  in  a  note  on  local  progress. 
The  author  gives  a  description  of  the  routine  system 
introduced  by  his  order;  and  also  describes  the  sys 
tem  of  secular  government  as  applied  to  local  affairs. 
By  no  means  all  existing  troubles  arose  from  the 
natives'  new-born  independence  of  missionary  control. 
Each  establishment  had  a  large  number  of  native  offi 
cials  who  quarrelled  among  themselves;  and  the  few 
settlers  of  Spanish  or  mixed  blood  had  their  separate 
jueces  reales,  who  were  not  slow  to  interfere  in  matters 
that  did  not  concern  them.  There  was  likewise  con 
fusion  in  ecclesiastical  affairs;  for  the  friars  were 
forbidden  to  exercise  control  over  any  but  Indians. 
The  whole  northern  country,  so  far  as  the  so-called 
gente  de  razon  were  concerned,  was  under  two  curates 
at  Horcasitas  and  Tonibavi  respectively,  who  could  do 
nothing  but  send  out  comisarios  for  the  collection  of 
church  taxes,  leaving  the  mulattoes  and  all  who  claimed 
an  admixture  of  Spanish  blood  practically  free  from  all 
moral  restraints,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  good  friars.25 

z*Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Seraf.,  405-31,  521,  with  extracts  from  Garc^s'  diary  and 
from  other  correspondence.  Letter  of  P.  Buena  on  P.  Sarobe's  efforts  in  Doc. 
Hint.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  385-7.  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  44,  gives  the  date  of 
founding  Carrizal  incorrectly  as  1779. 

25  Reyes,  Noticia  del  Estado  actual  de  las  Misiones  que  en  la  gobernacion  d* 


676  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

Besides  the  missions  secularized  and  those  delivered 
to  the  Queretaro  friars  there  were  others,  as  already 
stated,  which  were  put  in 'charge  of  the  Franciscan 
Observantes  of  the  Jalisco  province.  Eleven  of  these 
friars  were  sent  to  Tepic  in  1767 ;  but  while  they  were 
awaiting  transportation  an  order  came  to  them  to  be 
sent  to  California  instead  of  the  Fernandinos.  A  rev 
ocation  of  this  order  was  obtained  by  Padre  Palou, 
but  not  before  the  Jaliscans  had  departed  for  the  pen 
insula,  where  they  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  year  or 
early  in  1768,  and  presently  crossed  over  to  Sonora, 
arriving  a  little  before  the  Queretaranos.26  The  mis 
sions  assigned  to  them  were  those  in  the  province  of 
Sonora;  but  I  find  ruo  record  of  the  distribution,  nor 
even  of  the  padres'  names;27  neither  is  anything  known 
definitely  about  their  early  experience  in  the  new  field. 
It  is  to  be  presumed  that  they  encountered  the  same 
obstacles  and  struggled  to  overcome  them  in  the  same 
mariner  as  their  associates  of  the  Santa  Cruz  college. 
Yet  in  his  report  of  1793  Revilla  Gigedo  asserts  that 
the  establishments  of  Sonora  proper,  notwithstanding 
the  excellent  character  of  the  Opata  converts,  were 
like  those  of  Pimeria  Baja  less  prosperous  under  the 
new  regime  than  those  of  the  upper  Pimeria;  and  to 
justify  this  statement  they  must  have  been  in  a  sad 
state  indeed.23 

Governor  Juan  de  Pineda  ruled  Sonora  and  Sinaloa 
from  1763  to  1769.  His  relations  with  Colonel  Eli- 
zondo  in  command  of  the  military  expedition  were 

Sonora  administran  los  padres  del  Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  la  Santa 
Cruz  de  Queretaro.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  pt.  iv.  724-65.  Dated 
Mexico,  July  6,  1772. 

26  Palou,   Noticias,   i.    14-21.     April  18th,    Cancio,    Cartas,   253-5,    an 
nounces  the  arrival  of  the  Conception  with  five  padres  on  board,  probably  a 
part  of  the  Observantes. 

27  Sept.  28,   1768,  Capt.  Esparza  announces  the  delivery  of  Tecora  to  P. 
Fernando  Ponce  de  Leon,  Arivechi  to  P.  Jose1  Maria  Cabrera,  and  Sahuaripa 
to  P.  Joaquin  Ramirez.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  4th  ser.  ii.  134-5.     Other  missions 
given  to  the  Jaliscans  seem  to  have  been  Guazavas,  Nacori,  Baseraca,  Bacoa- 
chi,  and  Cuquiarachi.     Some  years  later,  as  we  shall  see,  they  received  also 
the  missions  of  Pimeria  Baja. 

28  Revilla  Gigedo,  Carta,  27  Die.  1793,  435. 


GOVERNORS.  677 

always  harmonious;  and  he  seems  to  have  had  re 
markable  success  in  maintaining  harmony  between 
the  captains  and  other  subordinate  officers,  all  of 
whom  came  to  him  frequently  with  their  petty  griev 
ances.  General  Galvez  of  course  held  the  supreme 
authority  in  17G9-70,  and  there  were  few  phases  of 
government,  provincial  or  local,  military  or  civil,  finan 
cial  or  judicial,  ecclesiastic  or  missionary,  in  which  he 
did  not  interfere  for  purposes  of  reform,  but  always 
without  exciting  opposition.  The  licenciado  Eusebio 
Ventura  Belena  was  sent  by  Galvez  to  Sonora  before 
his  own  arrival  as  a  visitador  subdelegado  to  attend 
to  treasury  affairs;  and  this  official  took  a  prominent 
part  in  all  matters  for  several  years,  sometimes  with 
more  zeal  than  prudence,  as  was  thought  by  some. 
Pineda  was  prostrated  by  apoplectic  fits  in  August 
1769,  and  at  the  end  of  that  year,  or  early  the  next, 
Galvez  appointed  Pedro  de  Corbalan  as  governor  ad 
interim.  Corbalan  had  been  alcalde  mayor  of  Osti- 
muri  and  had  rendered  good  service  in  pacifying  the 
rebel  Seris.  He  was  succeeded  in  1772  by  Mateo 
Sastre,  and  the  latter  by  Francisco  Crespo  in  1774. 
The  office  -was  again  given  to  Corbalan  in  1777  on  the 
organization  of  the  Provincias  Internas.29 

Enough  has  been  said  of  the  Provincias  Internas 
and  their  military  government  in  the  preceding  chap 
ter.  The  Caballero  de  Croix  as  comandante  general 
assumed  the  authority  formerly  exercised  by  the  vice 
roy;  and  the  governor,  retaining  substantially  his  old 
powers,  became  subordinate  to  him.30  Croix  came  to 
Sonora  from  Chihuahua  in  1779,  and  selected  Arizpe 
as  the  capital  of  his  jurisdiction  in  1780,  which  choice 
was  approved  by  a  royal  order  of  1782.31  Before  this 

29 Sonera,  Restimen  de  Notidas,  224-5;  Belena,  Cartas,  90-108;  Croix,  Car 
los,  20;  Galvez,  Informe  Gen.,  151;  Sonora,  Libros  de  Hacienda,  1770,  MS.,  84. 

30  Escuclero,  Noticias  de  Sonora,  51-2,  68-9,  speaks  of  Croix  as  governor 
and  praises  his  administration  in  the  highest  terms. 

31 J I  award,  Diario  del  Ingenicro. .  .desde  Chihuahua  a  Arizpe,  1779,  MS. 
This  is  a  diary  of  the  comandante-general's  trip.  Jan.  12,  1780,  Croix  to 
governor  of  Cal.,  has  chosen  Arizpe  as  capital.  Arch.  Col.,  Prov.  St.  Pop., 
MS.,  ii.  89.  Feb.  12,  1782,  Koyal  order  of  confirmation.  Id.,  iv.  55. 


678  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

time  Horcasitas  had  been  regarded  as  the  capital  of 
Sonora,  Alamos  being,  however,  much  of  the  time 
the  residence  of  the  governor.  Felipe  cle  Neve  be 
came  comandante  general  in  1.783,  Jose  Rengel  in 
1784,  Jacobo  Ugarte  y  Loyola  in  1785,  and  Pedro 
de  Nava  in  1790.  The  successive  changes  in  the 
provinces  and  in  the  relations  of  the  rulers  to  the 
viceroy  have  been  recorded  elsewhere.  Governor 
Corbalan  was  still  in  office  in  1782,  and  probably  for 
four  years  later.32  Under  the  organization  of  the  in- 
tendencias  in  1786,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  constituted 
the  intendencia  of  Arizpe,  and  Agustin  de  las  Cuen- 
tas  Zayas  was  intendente  gobernador  until  1789.  His 
successors  were  Enrique  Grimarest  until  I792rand 
Alonso  Tresierra  y  Cano  from  1793.33 

The  formation  of  a  new  bishopric  was  one  of  the 
measures  projected  by  Galvez  and  approved  by  the 
viceroy  as  early  as  1770,  and  it  was  carried  out  by  a 
royal  order  of  Febuary  4,  1781,  creating  the  bishop 
ric  of  Sonora,  including  the  territory  of  Sonora,  Sin 
aloa,  and  the  Californias,  taken  from  the  old  jurisdiction 
of  Durango.  •  The  capital  was  fixed  at  Arizpe.34  The 
first  bishop  was  Antonio  de  los  Reyes,  one  of  the 
Queretaro  Franciscans  who  had  served  in  Sonora  and 
returned  to  Mexico.  He  was  consecrated  at  Tacubaya 

32  Corbalan  named  as  governor  in  1782.  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iii.  202;  Prov.  Rec.,  ii.  48-9.  He  received  the  order  of  Carlos  III.  from  the 
king  on  recommendation  of  the  general.  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf. ,  493,  names 
Pedro  Fuerros  as  'gobernador  de  armas'  in  1779,  Corbalan  being  political 
governor.  In  Velasco,  Not.  Sonora,  262,  Juan  B.  Anza  is  named  as  governor 
in  1783,  probably  an  error. 

z*ZunigayOntiveros,  Calendario,  1789,  113;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  v.  149;  Arch. 
Cal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  166;  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Son.,  MS.,i.  15.  The 
first  work  named  speaks  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  as  two  distinct  intendenciasin 
1789,  formed  by  orders  subsequent  to  the  original  one  of  1786,  Zayas  being 
ruler  of  the  former  and  Grimarest  of  the  second.  But  I  find  no  other  evidence 
of  such  a  change;  and  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  145,  represents  the  two  provinces 
as  forming  one  intendencia  in  1804.  Zuniga  is  the  only  authority  for  the 
name  of  Zayas;  though  in  Sonora,  Resumen,  225,  a  campaign  of  Governor 
Don  Agustin  is  mentioned  in  the  time  of  Viceroy  Horcasitas,  1789  or  later. 

34  Galvez,  Informe  General,  150-1;  Selena,  Recopilacion,  i.  pt.  ii.  291.  The 
pope's  action  in  the  matter  seems  to  have  been  in  1779.  Cortes  de  Espana, 
1812,  xii.  348;  Budna,  Compendia,  57 ; Escudero,  Not.  8on.t4Q;  GacetadeMex., 
i.  265. 


A  NEW  BISHOPRIC,  679 

September  15, 1782,  and  took  possession  at  Arizpe  on 
May  1, 1783.  He  formed  the  missions  into  a  custody, 
as  will  be  more  fully  noticed  in  mission  annals ;  visited 
all  parts  of  his  diocese  except  the  Californias  for  pur 
poses  of  inspection  and  confirmation ;  and  died  at  Ala 
mos  on  March  6, 1 787.35  Fray  Jose  Joaquin  Granados 
next  ruled  the  diocese  from  1787  to  1794,  when  he 
was  transferred  to  the  see  of  Durango,  but  died  before 
taking  his  new  episcopal  seat,  as  recorded  already  in 
the  annals  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  ""  He  also  made  a  tour 
of  confirmation,  but  the  most  prominent  occurrence 
of  his  rule  was  the  ordaining  of  two  natives  at  Alamos 
as  pr;ests,  an  event  celebrated  by  the  native  popula 
tion  with  dancing  and  other  festivities  as  a  notable 
step  in  the  annals  of  their  race.36  The  next  bishop 
was  Fray  Damian  Martinez  de  Galinzoga,  also  a  Fran 
ciscan,  who  ruled  in  1794-5,  until  transferred  to  the 
see  of  Tarragona  in  Spain.37  The  fourth  prelate,  and 
last  of  the  century,  was  Fray  Francisco  de  Jesus 
Rouset,  of  the  Zacatecas  convent,  who  governed  the 
bishopric  from  1796,  though  he  was  not  consecrated 
until  1799.  He  died  in  1814.38 

Having  thus  recorded  the  great  military  expedition 
of  1768-71,  resulting  in  the  final  subjection  of  the 
southern  rebels  and  the  reorganization  of  the  pre- 
sidial  forces  for  more  effective  service  against  the 
Apaches  of  the  northern  frontier;  having  placed  be 
fore  the  reader  the  transfer  of  missions  following  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  with  their  condition  in  the 

33  Gomez,  Diario,  vii.  145;  Palou,  Noticias,  ii.  394;  Gaceta  de  Afex.,  i. 
265;  ii.  80,  341;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  41;  Museo  Hex.,  iv.  93;  Ighsias y  Con- 
rcutos,  ReL,  342.  His  vicar-general,  Miguel  Antonio  Cuevas,  ruled  en  sede 
vacante  after  his  death. 

™  Gaceta  de  Alex.,  v.  18,  149;  vi.  533;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  41;  Id.,  Not. 
Z>wr.,23;  Buelna,  Comp.,  57. 

37  Gomez,  Diario,  vi.  401, 423.  News  of  appointment  in  January;  departure 
from  Mexico  in  December  1794.  Dates  of  rule  Sept.  7,  1794,  to  June  7,  1795. 
See  preceding  authorities' 

3ti  See  reference  of  preceding  notes.  In  the  mission  books  of  Alta  Pimerla 
the  visit  of  one  Moreno  as  representative  of  the  bishop  in  1797  is  mentioned. 
Pinart,  Col.  Pimeria  Alta,  MS.,  13-14,  69. 


680  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

early  years  of  Franciscan  occupation;  and  having 
noted  the  succession  of  rulers  both  secular  and  eccle 
siastic  down  to  the  end  of  the  century,  I  have  but 
little  to  add  to  Sonora  annals  for  this  period;  that 
is,  but  little  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  years. 
The  danger  of  attack  from  savages  having  been  averted 
from  most  parts  of  the  country,  the  people  entered 
upon  an  indolent  uneventful  career  that  has  left  but 
meagre  records.  The  general  course  of  affairs  was 
the  same  throughout  the  Provincias  Internas;  and 
much  that  has  been  said  in  the  preceding  chapter  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  particularly  of  military  and  mission 
affairs,  might  be '  repeated  almost  literally  here  for 
Sonora.  I  proceed,  however,  to  notice  briefly  the  few 
topics  which  present  slight  variations  from  the  ordi 
nary  routine. 

Naturally  a  subject  of  the  greatest  moment  was  the 
warfare  against  the  Apaches ;  but  beyond  the  general 
complaint  of  their  never  ending  depredations  on  the 
northern  frontier,  and  the  many  indirect  indications 
of  more  zealous  and  effective  precautions  under  the 
reglamento  of  1772-3,  little  is  known  of  actual  opera 
tions.  During  the  rule  of  Governor  Crespo  in  1774-7, 
Hugo  Oconor  came  as  inspector  to  see  that  the  pre- 
sidial  service  was  duly  organized  in  accordance  with 
the  new  regulations;  and  during  his  visit  a  campaign 
is  said  to  have  been  made  against  the  Apaches  with 
out  much  success.89  General  Croix,  assuming  the 
command  personally  in  1779,  is  credited  with  having 
effected  great  reforms  in  the  military  as  in  other 
branches  of  government.  His  correspondence  as  pre 
served  in  the  archives  contains  much  information  on 
the  methods  of  Apache  warfare,  and  on  minor  changes 
needed  and  effected  in  the  system  of  presidio  defences, 
but  very  little  respecting  events  from  month  to 

39  'No  se  saco  ventaja  como  de  ninguna  de  ellas;  porque  el  enemigo  se  re- 
tira  d  lo  mas  fragoso  y  distante  dejando  que  paseri  libremente  en  nuestros 
campos  y  despues  a  la  venganza  vieneii  &  enseiiar  como  lian  de  hacer  campaiia 
con  gravisimo  dano  de  los  cristianos.'  Sonora,  fiesumen,  224. 


APACHE  WARFARE.  681 

month.40  Before  1780  the  garrison  of  each  presidio 
had  been  increased  to  seventy-five  men;  and  in  1784 
an  Opata  company  was  organized  with  head-quarters 
at  Bacoachi.  It  was  officered  in  part  by  Spaniards, 
consisted  of  eighty-five  men,  and  rendered  excellent 
service  for  many  years.41  The  viceroy's  instructions 
to  General  Ugarte  in  1786,  with  the  new  Indian 
policy  introduced,  have  been  already  noticed.  Recom 
mendations  affecting  •  Sonora  particularly  were  that 
campaigns  against  the  Apaches  should  be  continued 
without  cessation  with  the  aid  of  friendly  Opatas 
and  Pimas;  that  a  strict  watch  should  be  kept  over 
the  bands  that  had  rebelled  in  former  years,  trouble 
some  Seris  being  gradually  forced  to  concentrate  on 
Tiburon  Island  for  future  chastisement;  and  that 
Spaniards  and  friendly  Indians  should  be  encouraged 
to  make  settlements  on  the  frontier.42  During  the 
decade  from  1787  to  1797,  no  particulars  being  known, 
the  Apaches  seem  to  have  gradually  yielded  to  the 
new  policy  and  to  have  formed  treaties  which  for  many 
years  it  was  made  for  their  interest  to  keep.43 

Although  the  rebel  Seris  and  Piatos  had  been 
nominally  subjected,  and  most  of  them  were  living 
quietly  at  or  near  Pitic,  there  were  some  fugitives 
still  at  large  in  the  coast  regions  and  on  Tiburon  Isl 
and,  with  confederates  doubtless  among  their  subrnis- 

40 See  particularly  Croix's  report  of  April  3,  1780,  in  Arch.  Gal,  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  iv.  1-9,  and  his  letters  of  Sept.  22,  1780,  to  the  governor 
of  California,  Id.,  iv.  12-14.  In  the  Pueblo  de Sonora,  Feb.  4,  1868,  is  a  gen 
eral  account  of  Apache  wars. 

^Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Son.,  i.  1-5;  Velasco,  Not.  Son.,  152;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Bol.,  x.  704-5.  Zufiiga,  Rapida  Ojcada,  4,  describes  an  6pata  annual  fiesta 
in  commemoration  of  the  day  when  they  became  allies  of  the  Spaniards. 

^  Galvez,  Instrucciones  a  Ugarte.,  17S6;  Escudero  Not.  Son.,  69-70. 

43  Condc,  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  v.  312-13,  says  good  effects  began  to  appear 
in  1787,  and  in  1790  the  Apaches  made  peace.  Revilla  Gigedo,  Carta,  27 
Die.  1797,  p.  436,  tells  us  that  all  was  peace  when  Gen.  Nava  took  command 
(1790)  with  good  prospects  of  its  continuance.  Velasco,  Not.  Son.,  240-1,  and 
Monteros,  Lxposicion  de  Son.  y  Sin.,  23,  mention  a  peace  concluded  in  1796, 
when  the  Apaches  formed  settlements  near  the  northern  presidios  and  were 
maintained  at  the  cost  of  the  government,  $18,000  or  $30,000  per  year.  In 
printed  correspondence  of  1835  in  the  Pinart  collection  I  find  mentioned  the 
coming  of  Apaches  to  Arizpe  in  1795  to  treat  for  peace.  Being  lodged  in  the 
barracks  they  rose  in  the  night,  killed  the  sentry,  and  fled  to  the  mountains, 
killing  all  they  found  on  the  way. 


682  SONO&A  AND  SINALOA. 

sive  relatives.  In  1776  the  Papagos  were  invited  to 
join  in  a  revolt  and  alliance  with  the  Apaches,  and 
though  they  revealed  the  plot  no  attention  was  paid 
to  the  matter;  and  in  November  forty  Seris,  Piatos, 
and  Apaches  fell  upon  the  mission  of  Magdalena, 
burning  the  buildings,  driving  off  the  stock,  plunder 
ing  the  church,  and  killing  a  woman.  Next  they  at 
tacked  Saric,  killing  eleven  neophytes,  burning  and 
destroying  as  before,  though  the  church  was  saved; 
and  on  their  retreat  the  savages  took  some  cattle  from 
San  Ignacio.  Soldiers  were  now  sent  in  pursuit,  but 
could  not  overtake  the  foe.  A  captive  escaped  with 
reports  of  an  impending  raid  to  destroy  the  missions ; 
and  the  friars  assembled  for  a  time  at  Imuris  to  peti 
tion  for  guards  that  were  not  furnished.  In  1778 
Padre  Guillen  was  killed  by  the  rebels  on  his  way  from 
Tubutama  to  Ati.  In  Galvez'  instructions  of  1786  it 
is  implied  that  the  Seris  were  still  hostile  in  their  old 
haunts;  and  a  formidable  plot  of  Pimas  and  Pdpagos 
is  mentioned  in  1796,  discovered  in  time  to  prevent 
serious  consequences.4* 

The  extension  of  Spanish  occupation  northward  to 
the  regions  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado  was  an  important 
topic  of  consideration  during  this  period.  The  wan 
derings  of  Padre  Garces,  a  worthy  successor  of  Kino, 
in  1771  and  earlier,  have  been  noticed.  Garces  found 
the  natives  very  well  disposed,  and  both  he  and  his 
associates  of  Alta  Pimeria  were  eager  to  found  new 
missions;  but  the  government  was  slow  to  make  the 
necessary  explorations  and  furnish  military  support; 
indeed  it  was  regarded  as  imprudent  to  found  new  mis 
sions  until  the  old  ones  could  be  better  protected,  the 
padres  maintaining  meanwhile  that  a  northern  presidio 
would  be  the  best  means  of  restraining  the  Apaches, 
and  affording  the  desired  protection.  In  1774,  how 
ever,  Captain  Juan  Bautista  Anza  was  sent  to  open 

"Arricivita,  Crdn.  Serdf.,  457,  485-8,  524-9;  Galvez,  Tnstrucciones;  Mon- 
teros,  Espos.  Son.  y  Sin.,  21;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  J3oL,  xi.  89;  Ilustracion  Mex.t 
iv.  418;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  85. 


GILA  AND  COLORADO.  683 

a  route  by  land  to  Alta  California,  and  thus  the  de 
sired  exploration  was  effected. 

Anza  left  Tubac  in  January  with  -thirty-four  men, 
padres  Garces  and  Juan  Diaz  serving  as  chaplains. 
They  proceeded  by  way  of  Sonoita  to  the  Gila,  and 
thence  to  San  Gabriel.,  returning  by  the  same  route  to 
Tubac  in  May.45  On  the  reception  of  Anza's  report, 
made  by  him  in  person  at  Mexico,  a  new  expedition 
was  devised  to  accomplish  two  objects,  the  found 
ing  of  San  Francisco  in  California  and  of  missions 
in  the  Colorado  region.  Anza  was  made  lieutenant- 
colonel,  recruited  in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  a  force  of 
soldier-colonists  for  California,  over  two  hundred  per 
sons  in  all,  and  marched  from  Tubac  in  October  1775 
for  the  north.  There  were  twenty-five  men,  including 
the  chaplain  Padre  Pedro  Font,  to  return ;  and  besides, 
fathers  Garces  and  Tomas  Eixarch  with  six  servants 
and  interpreters,  who  were  to  remain  on  the  Colorado 
during  Anza's  absence  in  the-  north-west.  Padre 
Eixarch  stationed  himself  on  the  California  side  of 
the  river,  near  the  Gila  mouth,  and  labored  among 
the  natives  to  prepare  them  for  mission  life  from  De 
cember  to  May,  when  he  returned  with  Anza  to  Hor- 
casitas.  Meanwhile  the  indefatigable  Garces  had 
wandered  off  on  his  endless  explorations,  and  was  not 
to  be  found  on  the  return  of  the  expedition.  He  went 
down  to  the  Colorado  mouth,  and  then  up  to  the 
Mojave  region.  From  this  point  he  made  a  trip 
westward  to  San  Gabriel,  and  another  eastward  to  the 
Moqui  towns.  Returning  to  the  Mojaves  in  July  he 
slowly  descended  the  Colorado  and  found  his  way  to 
San  Javier  del  Bac  in  September  1776.46 

The  friars  had  selected  sites  for  the  proposed  mis 
sions  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Colorado;  and  Palma, 
a  native  chieftain,  had  accompanied  Anza  to  Mexico 

45 Anza,  Discubrimiento  de  Sonora  a  California,  1774,  MS.;  Arricivita, 
Crdn.  Sertif.,  450  et  seq. 

46 Anza,  Diario,  MS.;  Font's  Journal,  MS.;  Garces,  Diario  y  Derrotero; 
Arricivita,  Crdn.  Scrcif.,  461-90. 


684  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

to  beg  for  missionaries.  The  viceroy  favored  the  pro 
ject,  as  did  General  Croix  a  little  later;  and  after  long 
delays  two  new  establishments,  Concepcion  and  San 
Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  were  founded  in  1780  under 
padres  Garces,  Juan  Antonio  Barreneche,  Juan  Diaz, 
and  Matias  Moreno,  with  twenty  soldiers  and  a  like 
number  of  settlers.  In  July  1781  the  missions  were 
destroyed  by  the  revolting  Yumas;  all  the  friars 
were  killed;  and  only  three  or  four  men  saved  their 
lives.  At  the  same  time  Captain  Rivera  y  Moncada 
encamped  on  the  eastern  bank  with  cattle  and  horses 
for  California  was  killed  with  sixteen  men.  This  dis 
aster  created  the  greatest  excitement  both  in  Sonora 
and  California;  and  a  large  military  force  was  sent 
against  the  Yumas.  A  few  of  the  latter  were  killed, 
but  there  was  no  attempt  to  reestablish  the  missions 
or  to  guard  the  route. 

Anza's  expeditions  with  the  founding  and  destruc 
tion  of  the  Colorado  pueblo-missions  form  an  in 
teresting  topic,  respecting  which  the  records  are 
comparatively  complete;  but  the  topic  belongs  prop 
erly  to  another  part  of  my  work  to  which  I  refer  the 
reader  for  full  particulars  of  occurrences  presented 
here  only  in  outline.47  The  viceroy's  instructions  of 
1786  required  that  the  Yumas  should  be  let  alone 
until  the  Apaches  were  conquered,  no  attempt  being 
made  meanwhile  to  open  the  California  route.48  In 
1794  Lieutenant-colonel  JoseZuniga  explored  a  route 
of  land  communication  from  Sonora  to  New  Mexico 
by  way  of  Zufri;49  and  in  1797  the  project  of  a  route 
to  the  peninsula  protected  by  a  presidio  was  again 
discussed  without  other  results  than  postponement.50 

Padre  Jos6  de  Caja  succeeded  Padre  Gil  as  pres 
ident  at  the  death  of  the  latter  in  1772,51  and  I  find 

47  See  for  Anza's  first  expedition,  Hist.  CaL,  i.  220-4,  this  series;  second 
expedition,/^.,  i.  257-78;  pueblo-missions  on  the  Colorado,  Id.,  i.  353-71. 

48  Galvez,  Instruction. 
i9Zuniga,  Rdpida  Ojeada,  16. 

50 Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  136-40.  See  also  chap.  xxvi.  of 
this  volume. 

51  Arricivita,  430.     Efforts  to  obtain  additional  guards  for  the  missions.,. 


CUSTODIA  OF  SAN  CARLOS.  G85 

no  record  of  subsequent  changes  down  to  1783.  As 
early  as  1772  the  Queretaro  College  desired  to  give 
up  the  missions  of  Pimeria  Baja  in  order  to  work  the 
more  effectually  in  the  north;  but  the  viceroy  would 
not  consent.  Later,  however,  the  proposition  was 
accepted;  and  in  1774,  after  the  bishop  had  declined 
to  receive  the  establishments,  they  were  turned  over, 
eight  in  number,  to  the  Jalisco  Franciscans.52  In  1780 
the  two  missions  of'  Guaymas.  and  Tamazula  were 
ceded  to  the  Dominicans  in  Baja  California;53  but 
nothing  is  known  of  these  establishments  after  the 
change. 

Bishop  Reyes,  coming  to  take  possession  of  his 
office  in  1783,  was  authorized  by  a  royal  order  of  May 
20,  1782,  to  form  the  Sonora  missions  into  a  custody 
of  San  Cdrlos;  and  he  brought  with  him  fourteen 
new  friars  not  named.  The  change  removed  the  mis 
sions  from  the  control  of  college  and  province  to  put 
them  under  a  custodian,  who  was  subject  to  the  Fran 
ciscan  comisario  general.  Details  of  the  modified 
system  are  not  clearly  explained;  but  it  is  implied  that 
the  stipends  of  the  friars  were  in  some  way  diminished. 
There  was  strong  opposition  from  the  colleges,  which 
was  successful  in  preventing  the  erection  of  a  custody 
in  the  Californias,  but  not  in  Sonora.  The  two  pres 
idents  met  at  Ures  on  October  23d;  the  custodia  was 
formally  organized  by  the  bishop;  and  Padre  Sebastian 
Flores,  of  the  Queretaro  college,  was  made  custodian. 
Nine  of  the  missions  were  made  hospicios  with  the 
casa  principal  at  Banamichi.  Custodian  Flores  died 
in  January  1784,  and  was  succeeded  by  Padre  Fran 
cisco  Barbastro  as  vice-custodio.  In  1787,  when  the 
guardian  and  provincial  were  called  upon  for  reports 
of  the  missions,  they  replied  that  for  j^ears  they  had 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Sonora  establishments, 

Id. ,  456-9.  Boundaries  of  the  mission  field  as  specified  by  the  viceroy  in  1773. 
Mayer  MS S.,  no.  18. 

b*  Arridrita,  437-8, 460-1;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.yjBol^da.ep.  i.  572-3;  JSevilla 
Giycdo,  Carta,  27  Die.  1797. 

™Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  107. 


686  SOXORA  AND  SINALOA. 

referring  the  viceroy  to  the  custodian  for  the  desired 
information;  but  if  the  reports  were  rendered  I  have 
not  found  them.  At  last  in  1790  Barbostro,  supported 
by  college  and  province,  appealed  to  the  king,  showing 
the  evils  of  the  system,  and  obtaining  a  cedula  of 
August  17,  1791,  which  abolished  the  custody,  and 
restored  the  missions  to  their  former  management.54 
Finally  it  may  be  noted  that  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo's 
report  of  1793,  so  often  cited  in  this  and  other  chap 
ters,  was  founded  largely  on  Bishop  Reyes'  report  of 
1784.  Also  that  Father  Arrici vita's55  standard  chron 
icle  of  the  mission  work  of  Santa  Cruz  college,  bring 
ing  the  record  down  to  1791,  was  published  in  1792. 

It  is  but  a  meagre  array  of  local  items  that  I  have 
to  give  in  the  appended  note,  which  also  includes  an 
alphabetical  list  of  the  Franciscans  who  served  in  this 
field  from  1768  to  1800,  tolerably  complete  so  far  as 

**  Arririvita,  564-71;  Palou,  Noticias,  ii.  353;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  100; 
Pinart,  Col  Doc.  Mex.,  MS.,  235-6,  283;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  44;  Revilla 
Gigedo,  Carta,  27  Die.  1793,  v.  435  et  seq. 

55  Crdnica  Serafica  y  Apost6lica  del  Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  la  Santa 
Cruz  de  Queretaro  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  Dedicada  al  Santisimo  Patriarca  el 
Senor  San  Joseph.  Escrita  por  el  P.  Fr.  Juan  Domingo  Arricivita,  Predica- 
dor  Apostdlico,  ex-Pre/ecto,  y  Comisario  habitual  de  las  misiones,  Escritor 
Titular  del  Seminario,  y  su  mas  afecto  Hijo.  Segunda  parte.  Mexico,  1 792. 
4to,  9  1.  6C5  p.  4  1.  The  first  book  of  157  pages  is  occupied  with  the  life  of 
P.  Antonio  Margil  de  Jesus,  including  some  historical  material  for  the  northern 
regions.  The  second  book,  p.  158-320,  gives  the  early  mission  annals  of 
Nueva  Leon,  Coahuila,  and  Texas  in  the  form  of  biographical  sketches  of  half 
a  dozen  leading  friars  of  the  college.  Twelve  chapters  of  book  iii.  p.  321-93, 
are  devoted  to  the  Texas  missions;  and  the  remainder  of  the  work  is  occupied 
almost  exclusively  with  the  Franciscan  annals  of  Sonora,  on  which  subject  it 
is  beyond  comparison  the  best  authority. 

As  indicated  in  the  title-page  above  this  work  was  a  second  part.  The 
first  part  was:  Chrdnica  Apostdlica  y  Serdphica  de  todos  los  Colegios  de  Pro- 
2iaganda  Fide  de  esta  Nueva  Espana,  de  Missioneros  Franciscanos  Observantes: 
erigidos  con  autoridad  pontificia,  y  regia,  para  la  reformacion  de  los  Fieles,  y 
conversion  de  los  Gentiles.  Consagrada  a  la  milagrosa  cruz  de  piedra,  que  como 
titular  se  venera  en  su  primer  colegio. .  .de  Queretaro.  Escrita  por  el  R.  P. 
Fr.  Isidro  de  Espinosa,  predicador,  etc.  etc.  Mexico,  1746.  4to.  Padre 
Espinosa's  work  covers  a  wider  range  of  territory  than  that  of  Arricivita, 
which*  was  intended  as  a  supplement,  but  it  is  only  for  Coahuila  and  Texas 
history  that  I  have  cited  it  in  this  work.  The  two  works  together  form  one 
of  the  best  of  the  old  missionary  chronicles.  Both  authors  had  a  weakness 
for  recording  the  saintly  virtues  of  their  associates,  to  the  occasional  exclusion 
of  historical  facts;  and  Espinosa  was  somewhat  addicted  to  miracles  and  mys 
ticism;  but  even  in  these  respects  they  compare  favorably  with  other  chronicles 
of  their  kind.  The  works  are  very  rare  as  well  as  valuable. 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  687 

the  Queretaro  friars  are  concerned,  but  including  only 
a  few  Jaliscans.56  Neither  is  it  possible  to  form  sat 
isfactory  statistics  for  the  period  in  the  absence  of  the 
missionary  and  ecclesiastical  reports  which  have  fur 
nished  statistical  matter  for  earlier  chapters.  Even 

56  In  these  years  as  in  earlier  times  very  little  is  known  of  the  southern 
provinces  from  Chametla  up  to  Sinaloa.  There  is  some  information  extant 
respecting  the  geography  of  these  regions,  adding  nothing  to  earlier  descrip 
tions,  but  of  events  and  statistics  of  progress  and  decline  we  are  left  for  the 
most  part  in  ignorance.  I  refer  the  reader  to~the  tables  of  earlier  chapters 
on  Sinaloa,  there  being  no  need  to  repeat  all  the  pueblo  names  here. 

Rosario  was  now  the  most  prosperous  town  in  the  north-west  after  Guada 
lajara.  It  had  about  5,000  inhabitants  in  1772,  and  7,000  before  1800.  There 
were  many  rich  mines  in  the  region,  of  which  Rosario  as  the  centre  monop 
olized  the  trade.  The  product  of  the  mines  for  a  month  in  1785  was  32,^54 
marks  of  silver,  and  702  marks  of  gold.  In  June  1786  the  product  is  given 
as  30,992  silver  and  711  gold.  For  a  month  in  1790  the  duties  on  bullion 
were  collected  on  58,945  marks  of  silver  and  1,197  of  gold.  Gaceta  de  Mex., 
i.  301;  ii.  1GG;  iv.  119.  A  cajareal  seems  to  have  been  established  soon  after 
1772.  The  principal  mine  was  the  Tajo.  The  reales  of  Pdnuco  and  Copala 
produced  some  40,000  marks  of  silver  per  year.  About  the  surrounding  pro 
vinces  and  mines  there  are  no  definite  items  of  value.  Cosala  gave  §408  for 
the  war  with  Spain  in  1796.  Festivities  are  described  at  San  Miguel  de  Cu- 
liacan  in  1795  and  1800  in  celebration  of  events  in  Spain.  From  1765  to  1792 
there  were  720  births,  132  marriages,  and  574  deaths  in  the  parish  of  Culiacan. 
The  population  in  1803  is  given  by  Humboldt  as  13,800.  The  amount  of  ex 
cise  taxes  in  1792  was  $5,202.  San  Felipe  de  Sinaloa  had  lost  much  of  its 
former  prominence,  though  Humboldt  gives  the  population  as  12,000  in  1803. 
A  flood  in  1770  destroyed  a  portion  of  the  town,  which  was  rebuilt  in  a  new 
location. 

The  curates  assigned  by  the  bishop  in  1768  were  as  follows:  Mocorito  and 
Bacubirito — there  were  famous  gold  placers  near  the  latter — curate  of  San  Be- 
nito;  Sinaloa,  Br.  Manuel  Rivera;  Chicorato,  Br.  Salvadorlbarguen;  Bamoa — • 
where  Bishop  Tamaron  died  in  1768 — and  Ocoroni,  Br.  Domingo  Gutierrez; 
Guazavcand  Tamazula — ceded  to  California  in  1780 — Br.  J.  J.  Aviles;  The  Rio 
Fuerte  pueblos,  Brs,.  J.  F.  Soto,  Francisco  Maria  Suarez,  Vicente  Diaz,  Man 
uel  Alvaro  Lavandera — Mochicagui  was  attacked  by  Apaches  in  1769,  and  at 
Charay  a  great  revolt  of  the  Fuertefio  Indians  was  started  in  the  same  year; 
the  Mayo  pueblos,  Brs.  Miguel  Lucenilla,  Ignacio  Fernando  Valde's,  Luis 
Padilla,  Jos6  Joaquin  Elias — a  new  pueblo  at  Curimpo  was  being  formed  in 
August  1769;  Yaqui  pueblos,  -Brs.  Francisco  Joaquin  Valde's,  Francisco  Felix 
Romero,  and  Juan  Francisco  Arce  Rosales — Belen  was  somewhat  prominent 
during  the  military  operations  of  1768-71  as  a  place  where  the  rebels  came  to 
surrender.  In  1789  all  the  Yaqui  towns  were  under  Br.  Valde's,  and  were  still 
prosperous.  Only  5  of  all  the  ex-missions  had  a  clergyman  in  1784,  according 
to  the  bishop's  report.  These  were  Bamoa,  Vaca,  Toro,  Navajoa,  and  Sta 
Cruz. 

Alamos,  real  de  minas,  and  centre  of  extensive  mining  operations.  The 
principal  mines  in  this  region  were  the  Quintera,  Europita,  Aldeana,  Cerro 
Colorado,  Tarazan,  Sutac,  Bacaiopa,  and  Zapote;  and  many  of  them  had  been 
abandoned  before  1774.  Receipts  for  salt,revenue  1770,83,478;  for  1775-6, 
$11,865.  Excise  taxes,  in  1792,  §9,297.  Alamos,  though  not  apparently  the 
capital,  was  often  the  head-quarters  of  high  officials,  as  is  shown  by  corre 
spondence.  The  town  is  credited  with  a  population  of  9,000  in  1803. 

Horcasitas  (San  Miguel),  villa  and  presidio.     Capital  until  1783,  and  its 


688  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

the  viceroy,  having  before  him  the  bishop^s  report  of 
1784,  did  not  attempt  in  his  elaborate  report  of  1793 
to  give  the  population  of  the  Sonora  establishments  as 
was  done  for  other  provinces.  According  to  a  regis 
ter  made  by  order  of  Yisitador  General  Galvez  in  1769 
there  were  in  Pimeria  Baja,  with  its  eight  missions  and 

curate  had  charge  of  all  the  northern  gente  de  razon.  The  presidio  was  not 
one  of  those  of  the  line  provided  by  the  reglaraento  of  1772,  and  was  intended 
to  remain  only  temporarily  until  all  danger  from  the  Seris  should  be  past; 
but,  though  its  removal  to  the  Gila  was  proposed  just  before  1780,  I  find  no 
evidence  that  it  was  removed  before  1800.  In  1778  it  had  a  church  and  38 
houses  of  adobes.  Excise  tax  in  1792,  $1,758. 

Montesclaros,  villa,  also  called  El  Fuerte  and.Cadereita.  Population  in 
1803,  according  to  Humboldt,  10,100. 

San  Carlos  cle  Buenavista,  on  the  Yaqui  River,  presidio;  not  apparently 
deprived  of  a  garrison  until  after  1800.  Fop.  in  1772,  327;  attached  to  Cu- 
muripa  for  religious  service. 

Arizpe,  town;  capital  after  1783  of  bishopric,  Provincias  Internas,  and 
intendencist.  It  had  118  adobe  houses  in  1778.  The  population  in  that  year 
was  1,534,  of  which  1,020  were  Indians.  Excise  tax  in  1792,  $2,192.  There 
were  many  productive  mines  of  gold  and  silver  in  the  district,  besides  about 
40  abandoned  mines. 

The  missions  of  Sonora  given  to  the  Jalisco  Franciscans  in  17G8  were: 
Yecora,  with  Zaraichi  and  Onapa,  P.  Fernando  Ponce  de  Leon;  attacked  by 
rebel  Pimas  in  1768,  and  the  visitas  abandoned  or  occupied  bymulattpes,  etc., 
before  1784;  Arivechi,  with  Bacanora,  P.  Jos6  Maria  Cabrera;  Sahuaripa,  with 
Teopari,  P.  Joaquin  Ramirez;  Guazabas,  with  Oputo  and  Cumpas;  Boca  de 
Gandu,  with  Nacori  and  Mochapa;  Baseraca,  with  Guachimera  and  Babispe; 
Bacoachi;  and  Cuquiarachi. 

The  missions  of  the  south  given  at  first  to  the  Quere"taro  friars,  and  trans 
ferred  to  the  Jaliscans  in  1774,  were:  Onabas,  with  Toiiichi  and  Soyopa,  pop 
ulation  in  1772,  1,141;  formed  into  a  curacy  before  1784;  Cumuripa,  popula 
tion,  130  in  1772;  Tecoripa,  with  Suaqui,  P.  Juan  Sarobe  in  1768,  pop.  197 
in  1772,  some  Spanish  families  in  1784;  San  Jos6  de  Pimas,  a  visita  of  Te 
coripa  until  about  1769,  formed  into  a  mission  for  the  repentant  rebel  Piatos, 
276  Indians  in  1772;  Ures  with  Sta  Rosalia,  P.  Buena  y  Alcalde  in  1768,  416 
Ind.  in  1772;  Opodepe,  with  Nacameri,  291  Ind.  in  1772;  and  Cucurpe, 
with  Tuape  (Dolores  and  Sarachi  having  been  abandoned).  This  last  mis 
sion  was  properly  in  Pimeria  Alta,  and  was  at  first  given  to  P.  Antonio  Reyes, 
several  ot  whose  letters  of  1768  on  petty  matters  of  mission  progress  are  extant. 

Guaymaswas  the  centre  of  extensive  military  operations  in  1767-71.  Soto 
Ponce  de  Leon  was  appointed  royal  comisario  to  distribute  lands  among  set 
tlers;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  settlement  remained.  There  was  also 
a  kind  of  mission  nominally  ceded  to  the  Dominicans  of  California  in  1780. 
The  port  was  called  also  San  Jos6  and  Pajaros.  Pitic  was  a  pueblo  where 
many  of  the  repentant  Seris  assembled  in  1770-1,  being  for  a  time  under  P. 
Matfas  Gallo.  It  later  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Jaliscan  friars.  In 
1789  elaborate  instructions  were  issued  for  the  foundation  of  a  villa,  which 
were  to  serve  also  as  models  for  the  organization  of  other  towns  in  Sonora,  or 
in  the  Provincias  Internas.  I  find  no  record  of  progress  before  1800;  but  the 
villa  was  founded  and  became  known  in  later  times  as  Hermosillo.  The  gold 
placers  of  Aigame,  18 1.  soutli  of  Pitic,  yielded  richly  in  1790-8.  Carrizal 
was  a  new  mission  established  in  1772,  and  destroyed  the  next  year  by  the 
rebel  Seris,  who  killed  P.  Gil,  as  elsewhere  related  in  this  chapter. 

The  following  are  mentioned  in  the  report  of  1784-93  as  for  the  most  part 
deserted  by  Indians  and  without  clergymen:  Conicari,  with  Tepaqui  and 


MISSION  STATISTICS.  689 

fifteen  pueblos,  3,011  Indians  and  792  gentede  razon; 
while  in  the  eight  missions  and  sixteen  pueblos  of 
Pimeria  Alta  there  were  2,018  Indians  and  178  gente 
de  razon,  besides  the  soldiers  and  their  families.  In 
1772,  according  to  the  summary  of  Padre  Reyes,  there 
were  in  both  upper  and  lower  Pimeria  6,909  Indians 
in  15  missions  or  34  pueblos.  Ten  of  the  pueblos  had 

Macoyaqui;  Batacosa,  only  7  families;  Mobas,  with  Nuri — attacked  by  Ind 
ians  in  1709 — under  curate  of  Rio  Chico;  Matafte,  with  Nacori,  secularized; 
Aconchi,  with  Babiacora,  secularized,  some  Spanish  families;  Banamichi,  with 
Guepac  and  Sinoquipe,  curate,  casa  principal  of  the  custodia  1783-90;  Batuco, 
with  Tepuspe,  under  a  clergy  man  paid  by  Spanish  residents;  Oposura,  with 
Taropa  and  Tepache,  secularized,  suffered  from  an  Apache  raid  in  1769;  Bay- 
oreca,  in  the  region  of  Alamos,  had  rich  mines  discovered  in  1792,  and  the 
curate  was  killed  by  Indians  in  1709.  Touibari  is  mentioned  as  the  ecclesi 
astical  head  town  of  the  southern  districts  as  Horcasitas  was  of  the  northern 
in  1772. 

Missions  of  Pimerfa  Alta:  San  Javier  del  Bac,  in  charge  of  P.  Francisco 
Garee's  from  June  1708.  The  neophytes  were  scattered  and  had  forgotten  their 
doctrina;  but  consented  to  return  on  a  promise  that  they  would  not  have  to 
work.  Before  the  end  of  1708  the  Apaches  destroyed  the  mission,  killing  the 
Indian  governor  and  capturing  two  soldiers;  but  most  of  the  neophytes  were 
absent.  There  were  several  later  attacks,  in  which  all  the  mission  cattle  were 
stolen.  In  1772  there  were  270  Indians  on  the  registers.  '  The  church  is 
moderately  capacious,'  but  poorly  supplied  with  ornaments,  says  P.  Reyes. 
If  the  grand  structure  now  standing  in  ruins  was  built  before  1800  I  have 
found  no  definite  record  of  the  fact,  but  more  of  this  elsewhere.  San  Jose"  de 
Tucson,  o  or  G  leagues  north,  and  a  kind  of  visita  of  Bac,  was  a  collection  of 
nearly  1,000  Indians,  Christian  and  gentile,  who  tilled  the  soil,  and  were 
occasionally  visited  by  the  padres.  There  was  no  church  nor  other  prominent 
building;  and  there  were  no  Spanish  settlers  before  1780,  probably  not  before 
1800. 

Santos  Angeles  de  Guevavi,  with  three  visitas,  San  Jos6  de  Tumacacori, 
San  Cayetano  de  Calabazas,  and  San  Ignacio  de  Sonoitac;  put  in  charge  of 
P.  Gil  in  1708.  There  was  no  church  at  Calabazas,  and  the  others  are  de 
scribed  as  poor.  The  four  pueblos  had  337  Indians  in  1772.  Tumacacori  was 
one  league  from  the  presidio  of  Tubac;  and  it  had  adobe  houses  for  the  Indians 
and  some  walls  for  defence.  It  was  in  1709  attacked  by  the  Apaches  at  mid 
day.  Before  1784  the  padre  had  changed  his  residence  to  Tumacacori,  and 
both  Guevavi  and  Sonoitac  had  been  deserted. 

Santa  Maria  de  Suamca,  with  visita  Santiago  de  Cocospera,  put  in  charge 
of  P.  Francisco  Roche  in  June  1708.  In  November  of  the  same  year  the  mis 
sion  was  destroyed  by  the  Apaches  after  a  hard  fight  with  the  Pima  neophytes; 
and  the  padre  transferred  his  flock  to  Cocospera,  which  also  suffered  from  the 
savages  in  1709.  In  1772  there  were  1 10  Indians;  and  a  church  was  being  built, 
but  the  location  was  bad;  and  it  was  hoped  to  restore  the  mission  on  a  good 
site  nearer  Terrenate.  In  1784,  however,  Suamca  had  not  been  reoccupied, 
and  was  probably  never  rebuilt. 

San  Ignacio,  with  visita  San  Jose"  Imuris  and  Sta  Maria  Magdalena.  Pop 
ulation  in  1772,  273.  A  brick  church  built  by  the  Franciscans  at  S.  Ignacio. 
Magdalena  was  attacked  and  nearly  destroyed  by  the  rebels  and  Apaches  in 
1770.  I  have  fragments  of  the  mission  registers  of  both  San  Ignacio  and 
Magdalena,  which  show  the  padres  in  charge  to  have  been  as  follows:  Garcia 
1708-72,  Zuiiiga  1712-80,  Carrasco  1774-G  (died  May  9,  177G,  aged  33),  Arri- 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STA-ES,  VOL.  I.  44 


690  SONORA  AND  SINALOA. 

churches  in  good  condition,  eight  were  small  and  with 
out  ornaments,  eight  in  ruins,  four  in  process  of  con 
struction,  while  in  four  there  were  no  churches.  In 
1778  Corbalan  reports  39  churches,  and  5  stone  houses; 
also  780  droves  of  mares,  G68  yoke  of  oxen,  20,647 
cows,  15,947  sheep,  3,978  goats,  1,573  horses,  and 
2,152  rnules.  In  1770,  according  to  the  original  rec 
ords  of  the  hacienda,  the  excess  of  revenues  over  ex 
penses  was  $77,277;  and  in  1776  the  total  of  revenue 

quibar  1780-94,  Tobas  1796-9,  Perez  1799  ct  seq.  There  were  also  others 
whose  names  appear  occasionally,  doubtless  visitors  from  other  missions.  The 
Real  de  Sta  Ana,  5  1.  S.  E.  from  S.  Ignacio,  had  a  few  Spanish  stock-raisers. 

Dolores  de  Saric,  with  S.  Jose"  Aquimuri  as  visita.  There  were  formerly 
two  other  visitas  of  Arizona  and  Busani  deserted  in  1766  on  account  of  savage 
raids.  Two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  Indians  in  1772;  no  church  at  Aqui 
muri.  Saric  was  plundered  by  the  savages  in  1776;  but  the  church  was  saved. 
P.  Florencio  Ibanez  was  missionary  in  1783-90.  The  visita  was  abandoned 
before  1784. 

San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Tubutama,  with  Sta  Teresa  as  visita.  President 
Buena  took  charge  in  1768,  and  several  of  his  letters  are  extant;  but  he  was 
soon  succeeded  by  P.  Jos6  del  Rio  1768-9.  Other  padres  serving  here  as 
shown  by  the  mission  books  were:  Salazar  1769-72,  Espinosa  1773-4,  Guillen 
1774-8  (he  was  murdered  in  April  1778  by  the  Indians  on  his  way  to  Ati), 
Carrasco  (who  died  at  Magdalena  in  1776),  Barbastro  1778-83,  Itiirraldc  1784, 
Moyano  1788-96,  Socies  1791,  and  Gomez  1800.  There  were  228  Indians  in  1772. 
In  1784  there  were  a  few  families  of  gente  de  razon.  Tubutama  had  a  brick 
church. 

San  Francisco  Ati,  with  San  Antonio  Oquitoa  as  visita.  Two  hundred 
and  forty-three  Indians  in  1772,  a  very  small,  poor  church,  and  none  at  Oqui 
toa.  P.  Jose"  Soler  was  the  first  Franciscan  in  charge,  1768-74;  and  his  suc 
cessors  on  the  registers — which'  I  have  for  both  mission  and  visita — were: 
Guillen  1773,  Espinosa  1773-5,  Gorgoll  1773-87,  Ramos  1774-5,  Eixarch 
1776-81,  Gamarra  1777-9  (died  at  Tubutama  1779),  Moreno  1789,  Llorenes 
1787-90,  Barbastro  1789,  Moyano  1790-1817,  Amoros  1796,  Lopez  1797-8,  and 
Gomez  1797-8 — many  of  the  names  being  of  course  those  of  visitors.  There 
were  a  few  Spanish  settlers. 

Purisima  Concepcion  de  Caborca,  with  San  Antonio  Pitiqui  and  Nra  Sra  del 
P6pulo  (or  San  Juan)  Bisanic  asvisitas.  1,265  Ind.  in  1782;  no  church  or  house 
at  Pitiqui.  The  padres,  as  shown  on  the  mission  books,  many  being  visitors, 
were:  Juan  Diaz  1768-73,  Calzada  1773-82  (died  Dec.  20,  1782),  Soler  1773, 
Moreno  1775-81,  Espinosa  1776,  Gorgol  1772-86,  Garces  1779,  Mora  1790-3, 
Ramos  1781-92,  Collazo  1792-4,  Sim6  1794-5,  Prado  1796-7,  Sanchez  1796- 
1803,  Mota  1797-8,  Lopez  1799-1800,  Font  1780-1,  Moyano  1785-90,  Iturralde 
1778,  Barbastro  1786,  Bordoy  1796,  Ibanez  1796. 

Of  the  line  of  frontier  presidios  in  Pimcria  Alta,  Altar,  Tubac,  Terrenate, 
and  Fronteras  enough  has  been  said  elsewhere  in  this  chapter.  There  is  no 
record  of  local  events  at  any  one  of  them.  San  Ildefonso  de  Cieneguilla  was 
a  rich  placer  mining  district  near  Altar,  discovered  1771.  Los  Llanos  and  San 
Francisco  were  gold  placers  in  the  same  district.  San  Antonio  de  la  Huerta, 
or  Arenas,  was  another  famous  and  rich  district  of  gold  placers  discovered 
before  1772  near  the  Yaqui  River.  Not  much  is  known  of  the  place;  but  from 
1772  to  1776  it  was  the  most  flourishing  place  in  Sonora,  supporting  the 
province,  as  Capt.  Anza  wrote,  with  the  aid  of  Cieneguilla.  Excise  tax  at 
Cieneguilla  1792,  $686;  at  La  Huerta,  $4,186.  The  Arizona  mines,  or  Plan- 


LIST  OF  FRANCISCANS. 


691 


was  §183,767,  the  largest  items  being  silver  duties 
$33,849,  gold  §24,812,  quicksilver  §23,502,  salt  §11,- 
865,  tobacco,  powder,  and  cards  §56,414.  The  expense 
of  the  presidios  was  §128,893,  and  the  balance  sent  to 
Mexico  was  §156,924.  In  1799-1800  Sonora  citizens 
contributed  about  §2,500  for  the  war  with  France. 
For  1793  HumboldtJs  statement  of  population,  resting 
apparently  on  a  census  taken  by  viceregal  order,  was 
93,396. 


chos  de  Plata,  are  by  several  writers  said  to  have  been  •worked  late  in  the 
century,  but  this  seems  to  have  been  an  error,  for  they  had  been  long  aban 
doned. 


List  of  Franciscans  serving  in  Sonora 
A  dan,  Manuel. 
Ahumada,  Antonio. 
Amoros,  Pedro. 
Arriquibar,  Pedro. 
Barbastro,  Francisco  Antonio. 
Barreneche,  Juan  Antonio. 
Beltran,  Francisco. 
Bordoy,  Mariano. 
Buena  y  Alcalde,  Mariano. 
Cabrera,  Jose"  Maria. 
Caja,  Jose". 
Calzada,  Ainbrosio. 
Carrasco,  Manuel. 
Carrillo,  Baltazar. 
Collazo,  Angel. 
Diaz,  Antonio. 
Diaz,  Juan. 
Eixarch,  Tomas. 
Espinosa,  Jose"  Maria. 
Felix,  Ildefonso. 
Flores,  Sebastian. 
Font,  Pedro. 
Gallo,  Matias. 
Gamarra,  Felix. 
Garce"s,  Francisco. 
Garcia,  Diego  Martin. 
Gil  de  Bernave,  J  uan  C. 
Gomez,  Jose". 
Gonzalez,  Faustino. 
Gorgol,  Juan. 
Guillen,  Felipe. 


from  1768  to  1800: 
Guttierrez,  Narciso. 
Ibauez,  Florencio. 
Iturralde,  Francisco. 
Jurado,  Francisco. 
Llorenes,  Juan  B. 
Lopez,  Ramon. 
Madueno  y  Cobo,  Fernan. 
Monares,  Roque. 
Mora,  Jose". 
Moreno,  Jos£  Matias. 
Mota,  Pablo. 
Moyano,  Francisco. 
Ocala,  Antonio  G. 
Perez,  Jose". 

Ponce  de  Leon,  Fernando, 
Prado,  Alonso. 
Ramirez,  Joaquin. 
Ramos,  Antonio. 
Rio,  Josd  del. 
Roche,  Francisco. 
Romero,  Francisco. 
Salaza,  Este"van. 
Sanchez,  Andre's. 
Sarobe,  Juan. 
Sim6,  Lorenzo. 
Socies,  Bartolome". 
Soler,  Jose". 
Tobas,  Francisco. 
Velarde,  Joaquin. 
Villaseca,  Francisco. 
Zuuiga,  Francisco  S. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

FRANCISCANS  AND  DOMINICANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 
1769-1774. 

THE  VISITADOR'S  PLANS  FOE,  LORETO — DEPARTURE  AND  REPORT  or  GALVEZ — 
CHAPPE  D'AUTEROCHE — GOVERNOR  ARMONA — GONZALEZ  AND  TOLEDO- 
EPIDEMICS — DISSATISFACTION — RAMOS  SENT  TO  SONORA — NEWS  FROM 
MONTEREY— MORENO  IN  COMMAND — BASTERRA'S  MEMORIAL — NE^^Y 
FRIARS — GOVERNOR  BARRI — A  BITTER  FEUD — PALOU  APPEALS  TO  GUAR 
DIAN  AND  VICEROY — THE  DOMINICAN  CLAIM — IRIARTE'S  EFFORTS — 
ROYAL  ORDERS — GUARDIAN  AND  VICAR-GENERAL — AMICABLE  AGREE 
MENT — FRANCISCANS  SURRENDER  THE  PENINSULA — MOTIVES  OF  THE 
Two  ORDERS — MORE  TROUBLE  WITH  BARRI — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  DOMIN 
ICANS — DEPARTURE  OF  THE  FERNANDINOS — PALOU'S  FINAL  PREPARA 
TIONS — TROUBLES  WITH  PRESIDENT  MORA — REGLAMENTO  OF  PRESIDIOS— 
BARRI  SUCCEEDED  BY  FELIPE  DE  NEVE — INSTRUCTIONS— ARRIVAL. 

AFTER  concluding  his  labors  in  connection  with  the 
expeditions  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  as  narrated 
in  an  earlier  chapter,  ]3on  Jose  de  Galvez  came  to 
Loreto  in  the  middle  of  April  1769,  accompanied  by 
two  friars  newly  arrived  from  Mexico,  padres  Juan 
Escudero  and  Juan  Benito  Sierra,  and  was  received 
with  much  respect  by  Father  Palou,  acting  as  pres 
ident  since  Serra's  departure  for  the  north.  Loreto, 
though  the  nominal  capital,  was  now  in  a  reduced 
condition  from  its  poor  soil  and  lack  of  water,  being 
abandoned  by  its  original  inhabitants  except  a  few 
families.  Yet  on  account  of  the  presidio  and  ware 
houses  there,  and  the  tolerable  harbor,  Galvez  re 
gretted  the  decadence  of  this  oldest  of  the  peninsula 
establishments,  and  resolved  to  restore  its  population 
and  prosperity.  He  therefore  decreed  that  one  hun 
dred  families  should  be  brought  from  the  other  mis- 

(692) 


PLANS  FOR  LORETO.  693 

sions  as  soon  as  Loreto  could  be  prepared  for  their 
reception.  Neat  whitewashed  dwellings  of  uniform 
plan  were  to  be  built  on  regular  tree-decorated  streets 
about  the  ever  essential  plaza,  each  house  having  an 
enclosure  for  live-stock  and  poultry.  About  four 
acres  of  fertile  land,  with  a  well  for  irrigation,  were 
to  be  assigned  to  each  family,  and  each  was  to  receive 
a  small  allowance  of  maize  for  one  year  from  the  royal 
stores.  But  not  all  were  to  be  farmers ;  for  boys  were 
to  be  trained  to  the  arts  of  fishing,  pearl-diving,  and 
navigation  in  a  school  established  for  that  purpose, 
under  the  padres,  but  supported  for  a  time  by  the 
government.  After  the  native  pueblo  had  been  at 
tended  to,  a  Spanish  settlement  for  officers,  soldiers, 
mechanics,  and  others  was  to  be  laid  out  according  to 
a  plan  prepared  by  the  zealous  visitador.1  Truly  the 
Californian  capital  was  to  be  a  model  town. 

Besides  projecting  these  schemes  for  the  future — 
never  to  be  carried  out — Galvez  studied  the  existing 
state  of  affairs,  and  made  changes  more  or  less  impor 
tant  in  several  details.  He  corrected  laxities  in  the 
keeping  of  the  royal  accounts.  He  reduced  the  sol 
diers'  pay  to  four,  five,  and  six  reals  per  day  for  those 
serving  in  the  south,  north,  and  in  expeditions  re 
spectively;  but  at  the  same  time  he  lowered  the  price 
of  supplies  at  the  almacen,  and  obliged  the  missions 
to  sell  at  proportionately  lower  rates  to  the  govern 
ment.2  Thus  the  missions  and  not  the  king  had  the 
burden  to  bear.  Leaving  in  writing  his  orders  on  all 
these  points,  and  many  more  for  the  guidance  of  gov 
ernor,  president,  and.  the  royal  comisionado  Juan  Gu 
tierrez,  the  visitador  sailed  on  the  San  Jose  the  first  of 
May  for  Sonora.3  After  his  departure  Palou  went  to 
San  Javier,  putting  Pedro  Escudero  in  charge  there, 

1-Galvez's  decrees  of  April  29,  30,  1769.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
i.  47-58. 

2 Palou,  Noticias,  i.  65.  Maize  reduced  from  $4  to  83.50;  lard,  $6  to  $3; 
figs,  $6  to  $4;  fresh  meat,  75  cents  to  25;  dried  meat,  12  to  6;  wine,  75  to  50 
per  cuartilla;  aguardiente,  $1.25  to. 87,  etc.,  etc. 

3  His  general  report  of  Dec.  31,  1771,  Galvez,  Informe  General  que  en  virtnd 
de  real  tirden  instruyti  y  cntreyd  el  Excmo  Sr  Marques  de  Sonora,  skttdo 


694  FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

and  obtaining  twenty-five  native  families  for  the  pro 
jected  pueblo  at  Loreto.  Not  much  more  was  ever 
done  to  carry  out  the  plans  of  Galvez  in  this  matter. 
Padre  Sierra  was  sent  to  Mulege,  and  Padre  Gaston 
took  charge  of  Purisima. 

On  May  19th  there  anchored  near  the  cape  one  of 
the  California  transports  from  San  Bias,  having  on 
board  a  party  of  French  and  Spanish  scientists  under 
M.  Chappe  d' Auteroche  of  the  Royal  Academy,  whose 
purpose  was  to  observe  the  transit  of  Venus.  The 
visitors  were  entertained  at  San  Josd  del  Cabo  by 
Padre  Moran  and  Captain  Morales,  who  rendered 
every  assistance  free  of  charge.  The  scientific  obser 
vations  were  very  successful;  but  immediately  after 
their  completion  the  party  was  attacked  by  a  pestilen 
tial  fever  which  carried  off  several  members,  including 
Monsieur  Chappe  himself.  Three  years  later  the  re 
sults  of  the  observation  were  published  at  Paris,  with 
a  narrative  of  the  journey,  which,  however,  contains 
no  information  of  value  respecting  California.4 

Matias  de  Armona  had  been  the  governor  appointed 
to  fill  Portola's  place,  when  it  was  decided  that  the 
latter  should  lead  the  northern  expeditions.  He  ar 
rived  June  12, 1769,  at  Loreto,  where  he  found  a  letter 
from  Galvez,  requesting  a  conference  at  Alamos.  Ar 
mona  at  once  prepared  to  obey  the  summons,  intending 
to  take  formal  possession  of  his  office  upon  his  return ; 
but  having  learned  from  the  acting  governor  Gonzalez 
that  the  peninsula  was  in  the  future  to  pay  its  own 
soldiers,  and  be  otherwise  self-supporting,  he  declared 
his  resolution  not  to  come  back  at  all  unless  Galvez 
would  modify  his  regulations.  Palou,  deeming  Don 

visitador  general  de  este  reyno  al  Excmo  Sr  Virrey  Frey  D.  Antonio  Bucardy 
y  Ursua,  140-8,  contains  a  general  account  of  his  proceedings  in  California. 
4  Voyage  en  Calif ornie  pour  V observation  du  passage  de  Venus  sur  le  disque 
du  Soleil,  le  3  Juin  1769;  Contenant  les  observations  de  ce  phenomene,  &  la, 
description  historique  de  la  route  de  I'auteur  a  travers  le  Mexique.  Par  feu  M. 
Chappe  d'A  uteroche,  de  VA cadcmie,  etc.  Redige  &  publie  par  M.  de  Oassini,  Jils, 
dela  Mcme  Academie,  etc.  Paris,  1772.  4to.  Two  Spanish  astronomers,  Doz 
.  and  Medina,  assisted  in  the  observations  at  San  Jose",  while  a  Mexican,  Ve 
lazquez  de  Leon,  was  very  successful  at  Santa  Ana.  See  also  Soc.  Mex.  Geoy,, 
£oL,  2dep.  iv.  100-4;  United  States  Coast  Survey,  Rept.,  1874,  131-3. 


PESTILENCE.  695 

Matias  a  good  man  for  the  place,  regretted  this  de 
termination,  but  hoped  by  the  combined  influence  of 
the  two  the  visitador  might  be  induced  to  repeal  some 
of  the  innovations,  notably  that  reducing  the  price 
of  mission  products.  The  governor  sailed  for  the  main 
on  the  24th  of  June.5 

About  this  time  a  deadly  epidemic  broke  out  in  the 
south,  particularly  at  San  Jose  and  Santiago.  Padre 
Murguia  was  attacked  and  had  to  be  removed  to  Todos 
Santos.  Padre  Moran  died  too"  suddenly  to  receive 
the  sacraments.  No  sooner  had  this  pestilence  sub 
sided  than  another  broke  out,  followed  by  a  third  still 
more  fatal,  causing  dreadful  ravages  in  all  the  missions. 
Over  three  hundred  persons  died  at  Todos  Santos, 
while  many  perished  in  the  mountains,  whither  they 
had  vainly  lied  for  safety.  Rendered  desperate  by 
the  mortality  which  the  vaunted  religion  seemed 
powerless  to  check,  the  Guaicuris  about  Todos  Santos 
rose  in  revolt,  and  Governor  Gonzalez  had  to  go  in 
person  to  restrain  them;  but  much  to  the  disgust  of 
that  potentate  the  Indians  stole  his  dinner  on  the  day 
of  his  arrival  and  the  supplies  provided  for  his  depart 
ure.  In  August  a  vessel  brought  to  Loreto  cloth  to 
the  value  of  eight  thousand  dollars,  sent  by  Galvez' 
order  to  the  Indians  as  a  compensation  for  mission 
effects  taken  for  the  north.  Palou  gratefully  distrib 
uted  the  cloth,  but  announced  that  the  missions  could 
no  longer  bear  the  expense  of  clothing  the  neophytes 
unless  the  prices  of  products  were  raised. 

Gonzalez  was  now  permitted  to  retire  from  the  com 
mand — whether  from  disgust  at  the  purloining  of  his 
dinner  in  the  south,  or  for  more  weighty  reasons,  does 
not  appear — and  a  new  comisario,  Antonio  Lopez  de 
Toledo,  was  sent  as  lieutenant-governor  to  rule  in  his 
stead  until  Armona  should  return.  He  arrived  and 
assumed  command  on  October  3d,  bringing  instructions 
intended,  so  wrote  Galvez,  to  remove  all  difficulties  in 

5  Palou,  Noticias  de  la  Antigua  California,  i.  66  et  seq.,  is  the  standard 
authority  for  all  events  on  the  peninsula  in  these  years. 


696  FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

peninsula  affairs.  These  instructions  were  to  furnish 
from  the  almacen  all  utensils  needed  at  Loreto;  but 
they  required  that  the  native  laborers  at  the  salt 
works  of  Carmen  Island  should  work  for  their  rations 
without  other  pay,  and  that  these  salinas  should  be 
regularly  settled  with  mission  Indians.  Palou  ob 
jected  to  the  clauses  relating  to  the  salt-works,  and 
declined  to  obey  them,  asserting  that  there  must  be 
some  error.  He  wrote  to  his  guardian  on  the  sub 
ject,  but  that  dignitary  declared  it  impolitic  to  consult 
the  viceroy,  and  left  the  president  to  settle  the  matter 
with  Galvez.  Palou  accordingly  wrote  to  the  visita- 
dor,  and  then  determined  to  cross  the  gulf  for  a  per 
sonal  interview.  Meanwhile  all  the  friars  were  con 
sulted,  and  unanimously  agreed  that  the  only  course 
left  was  to  resign  all  care  of  the  temporalities.  Palou 
finally  decided  to  send  Father  Ramos  to  Sonora  instead 
of  going  in  person,  and  the  latter  sailed  in  December, 
carrying  the  offer  of  resignation — respecting  the  entire 
sincerity  of  which  under  the  circumstances  there  is 
much  room  for  doubt — signed  by  all  the  missionaries 
and  explained  by  a  letter  from  the  president.  The 
late  lieutenant-governor  Gonzalez  sailed  on  the  same 
vessel. 

Ramos  was  not  successful  in  his  mission,  for  he 
found  that  Galvez  in  bad  health  had  gone  to  Chihua 
hua  on  his  way  to  Mexico.  Therefore,  after  sending 
a  letter  to  the  retiring  visitador  he  returned  to  Loreto, 
arriving  on  March  14,  1770.  It  was  now  decided  to 
send  a  full  report  to  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando, 
and  leave  the  college  to  settle  the  matter  with  Galvez 
and  the  viceroy.  This  report  was  sent  to  Mexico  by 
Padre  Dionisio  Basterra,  who  was  retiring  on  account 
of  ill-health,  and  who  sailed  the  1 9th  of  March.  Padre 
Ramos  then  started  for  Todos  Santos,  with  instruc 
tions  to  send  Murguia  in  his  place  to  Loreto. 

In  the  mean  time  Governor  Armona,  having  served 
with  distinction  in  the  Sonora  wars,  had  sent  in  his 
resignation,  which  the  viceroy  refused  to  accept,  per- 


ARMONA  AND  MORENO.  697 

I 

emptorily  ordering  the  recalcitrant  ruler  to  go  without 
delay  to  his  post  in  California,  at  the  same  time  prom 
ising  to  remove  the  difficulties  of  which  complaint 
had  been  made.  Arniona  had  no  excuse  for  disobe 
dience,  and  arrived  in  the  south  on  the  13th  of  June, 
writing  to  Palou  from  Santa  Ana,  and  calling  for 
a  report  on  mission  affairs.  The  president  having,  as 
we  have  noticed,  a  fondness  for  personal  conferences, 
sailed  for  the  south  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  prepared 
the  report  at  Todos  Santos  with  the  aid  of  Padre 
Ramos,  in  whom  he  seems  to  have  placed  great  con 
fidence.6  Then  he  went  on  to  meet  the  governor,  and 
the  two  returned  to  Todos  Santos,  where  the  2d  of 
August  they  first  heard  of  the  occupation  of  Monterey, 
joyful  tidings  celebrated  by  a  solemn  mass  the  fol 
lowing  day.  Soon  the  viceroy  changed  his  mind  and 
permitted  Arrnona  to  retire;  and  after  waiting  for  the 
stormy  season  to  pass  he  sailed  for  San  Bias  on  the 
9th  of  November,  leaving  Bernardino  Moreno  in 
command  as  lieutenant-governor.  Armona  carried 
to  Mexico  various  petitions  from  Palou,  promising  to 
use  all  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  reforms  de 
manded;  and  in  some  respects  he  seems  to  have  been 
successful.7 

6  This  report,  hastily  prepared  and  probably  preliminary  to  a  more  com 
plete  one,  is  not  extant.     It  appears  that  Palou  called  upon  each  padre  for  a 
statement  respecting  his  own  mission ;  but  these  local  reports  are  also  missing 
•with  one  exception,  that  of  Padre  Lasuen  at  Borja,  dated  Aug.  31,  1771. 
Full  local  details  of  the  mission  with  its  115  neophytes,  besides  those  living 
in  six  rancherias.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  i.  24-33.     Lasuen  makes  an  elo 
quent  appeal  for  two  padres  at  each  mission,  less  perhaps  because  he  needed 
help  than  because  he  longed  for  company.     We  can  in  some  degree  imagine 
the  desolate  loneliness  of  a  padre's  life  at  a  frontier  mission;  but  the  reality 
must  have  been  far  worse  than  anything  our  fancy  can  picture.     These  friars 
•were  mostly  educated,  in  many  cases  learned,  men;  not  used  to  nor  needing 
the  bustle  of  city  life,  but  wanting  as  they  did  their  daily  food,  intelligent 
companionship.     They  were  not  alone  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word,  for 
there  were  enough  people  around  them.     But  what  were  these  people  ? — igno 
rant,  lazy,  dirty,  sulky,  treacherous,   half-tamed    savages,  with   whom    no 
decent  man  could  have  anything  in  common.     Even  the  almost  hopeless  task 
of  saving  their  miserable  souls  must  have  required  a  martyr  for  its  per 
formance.     Father  Baegert,  Nachrichten ,  218-20,  presents  in  a  humorously 
vivid  light  the  exceeding  dulness  of  existence  011  the  peninsula  even  under 
the  most  favorable  circumstances.     He  declares  that  Portold,  could  not  have 
been  more  severely  punished  than  by  his  exile  to  this  country  if  he  had  been 
a  traitor. 

7  Palou,  Notlcias,  i.  82-3,  mentions  the  following  of  his  requests  as  having 


698  FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

Meanwhile  Padre  Basterra  had  reached  Mexico  with 
the  president's  remonstrances  and  the  offer  to  resign 
the  temporalities.  Galvez  was  then  in  better  health 
and  willing  to  listen;  but  in  order  to  avoid  confusion 
the  padre  was  requested  to  present  all  his  demands  in 
writing  in  one  memorial.  This  Basterra  was  glad  to 
do,  and  on  July  10,  1770,  the  visitador  was  confronted 
with  a  petition  in  which  were  embodied  all  of  Palou's 
ideas.  It  was  a  petty  sweeping  reform  bill,  but 
promises  are  cheap  at  all  times,  and  were  particularly 
so  in  that  time  and  country.  So  Galvez  had  no  hes 
itation  in  giving  a  verbal  promise  to  adjust  everything 
to  the  satisfaction  of  everybody.  He  kept  the  paper, 
but  not  his  word,  for  so  far  as  he  was  concerned  not  a 
point  in  the  petition  was  ever  acted  upon.8 

been  subsequently  granted:  That  the  comisario  should  settle  his  mission  ac 
counts;  that  prices  of  mission  products  should  be  better  regulated;  that 
Loreto  should  receive  the  balance  clue  at  the  expulsion,  and  what  had  been 
taken  from  the  rancho  since;  that  the  solteros  at  Sta  Ana  should  return  to 
their  missions,  the  plan  of  giving  them  instruction  not  having  been  carried 
out;  that  the  mission  Indians  should  not  work  on  the  San  Bias  transports. 
8  The  items  of  the  memorial,  with  important  explanations  by  Palou  not 
appearing  in  the  original,  were  as  follows:  The  Indians  to  receive  $1  per  day 
for  work  for  the  king  as  ordered  by  Galvez  (through  the  influence  of  Gov. 
Gutierrez — Gonzalez  ? — this  pay  had  been  refused).  The  prices  of  meat  to  be 
raised,  for  at  present  prices  there  was  a  loss.  (The  cattle  were  wild,  and  six 
or  seven  vaqueros  had  to  be  hired  and  fed. )  The  household  utensils  to  be 
delivered  to  Palou,  and  the  old  balance  due  the  mission  under  the  Jesuits  to 
be  paid  (the  utensils  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  missions.  The  balance  had 
been  ordered  to  be  paid  except  at  Loreto).  Don  Francisco  Trillo  to  pay  for 
10  tinajas  of  brandy  (lost  by  his  carelessness).  Mission  accounts  to  be  ad- 
j  usted  (there  were  many  errors  against  the  missions).  Missions  to  be  permitted 
to  buy  cloth,  tobacco,  etc.,  at  Guadalajara  and  Mexico  instead  of  from  the 
royal  storehouse  (several  hundreds  of  dollars  could  be  thus  saved  every  year). 
The  order  for  $10,000— $8,000  ?— of  cloth  for  the  Indians  to  be  repeated.  (The 
missions  could  not  bear  the  expense  of  clothing  the  Indians. )  Only  such  cat 
tle  to  be  delivered  to  the  almacen  as  bore  its  brand.  (By  Trillo's  erroneous 
reports  the  almacen  had  received  more  cattle  than  belonged  to  it.)  The 
missions  to  sell  surplus  products  when,  where,  and  how  they  please,  and  to 
receive  cash  from  the  almacen.  (The  comisario  claimed  all  the  profits,  which 
Palou  thought  should  go  to  the  Indians.)  The  governor  and  comisario  to 
be  forbidden  to  meddle  with  the  temporalities;  for  at  present  they  seemed  to 
regard  the  padres  as  their  subalterns.  The  Lore  to  padre  to  be  relieved  of  the 
necessity  of  delivering  to  the  governor  and  comisario  the  product  of  a  garden. 
(The  comisario  claimed  not  only  a  supply  of  fruit  and  vegetables,  as  originally 
ordered,  but  the  whole  product  of  the  garden. )  The  governor  and  comisario  to 
live  outside  of  the  college,  so  that  the  doors  might  be  closed  earlier.  (It  was 
not  fitting  so  closely  to  unite  religion  and  trade.)  The  Indians  to  be  relieved 
of  the  tribute  imposed  on  them,  they  being  barely  able  to  provide  for  them 
selves.  (The  tribute  was  the  harvest  of  one  fanega  of  maize  at  each  mission 
in  the  south.)  The  governor  and  comisario  not  to  interfere  with  the  mission 


GOVERNOR  BARRI.  699 

In  August  of  this  year,  1770,  the  viceroy  had  heard 
of  the  success  at  Monterey,  and  so  hopeful  of  future 
conquests  did  the  news  make  him  that  he  resolved  to 
found  not  only  five  new  missions  in  the  upper  country 
but  five  others  between  Velicata*  and  San  Diego. 
Galvez  called  upon  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando  for 
forty-four  friars,  lately  arrived  from  Europe.  The 
guardian  refused  to  spare  so  many;  but  finally  it  was 
agreed  to  furnish  thirty  by  secularizing  the  Sierra 
Gorda  missions.  They  left  the  capital  in  October  and 
awaited  at  Tepic  an  opportunity  to  cross  the  gulf. 
Felipe  Barri  had  now  been  appointed  governor  of 
California,  and  with  Padre  Juan  Antonio  Rioboo  he 
sailed  from  Tepic  in  January  1771,  not  arriving  at 
Santa  Ana  until  March.  Thence  he  wrote  to  Palou, 
and  obtained  permission  for  Kioboo  to  take  charge  of 
the  cape  towns,  not  meddling  with  the  temporalities. 
Barri  also  sent  the  viceroy's  orders  respecting  the  new 
missions  to  be  founded  as  soon  as  possible.  They  were 
to  be  named  San  Joaquin,  Santa  Ana,  San  Pascual 
Bailon,  San  Felipe  Cantalicio,  and  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano;  each  endowed  with  one  thousand  dollars,  and 
to  be  administered  by  two  friars  with  a  stipend  of  two 
hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars. 

Governor  Barri  came  with  his  family  to  Loreto  in 
April,  and  was  disposed  at  first  to  act  in  harmony 
with  the  president,  taking  deep  interest  in  the  mis 
sions.  But  such  a  state  of  things  could  not  be  ex 
pected  to  last  long  in  California,  and  soon  the  spiritual 
and  temporal  authorities  were  once  more  set  by  the 
ears.  In  June  the  Lauretana  brought  bad  news  of 
the  friars  at  Tepic.9  They  had  sailed  in  February  on 

boats  and  their  crews,  except  in  emergencies.  (They  had  used  them  for  their 
own  private  convenience. )  San  Jos6  del  Cabo  and  Santiago  to  be  continued 
as  curacies,  and  not  turned  over  to  the  friars;  for  the  galleon  touched  there, 
and  the  padres  might  be  accused  of  trading.  (Palou  had  heard  that  the  curate 
had  gone  to  Mexico  to  work  for  the  change.)  [In  1771  P.  Rioboo  took  charge 
of  San  Jose  for  want  of  a  curate.  Palou,  Noticias,  i.  138-9.]  The  memorial 
in  Id,,  i.  80-97. 

9  Their  names,  so  far  as  can  be  determined  from  Palou 's  somewhat  confused 
narrative,  were  as  follows:  Juan  Prestamero,  Ramon  Usson,  Marcelino  Senra, 


700  FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

the  San  Carlos,  but  had  been  driven  down  past  Aca- 
pulco,the  vessel  having  subsequently  grounded  at  Man- 
zanillo,  and  the  padres  being  landed  in  boats.  Finally 
padres  Senra  and  Figuer  reembarked  on  the  San  Car 
los  and  reached  Loreto  in  August.  The  others  pro 
ceeded  northward  by  land,  one  of  them  dying  on  the 
way,  and  finally  were  brought  over  to  the  peninsula 
on  the  Conception,  arriving  on  the  24th  of  November. 
Meanwhile  Palou,  while  in  the  north  making  prep 
arations  for  the  new  establishments,  had  been  recalled 
by  a  letter  from  Barri,  announcing  a  revolt  at  Todos 
Santos.  He  disregarded  this  summons,  asserting  that 
the  revolt  could  amount  to  nothing.  On  his  return 
in  September  the  new  friars  Senra  and  Figuer  were 
sent  to  Borja  and  Todos  Santos.  The  Conception 
had  made  one  unsuccessful  trip  to  bring  the  other 
friars,  but  now  started  again.10  The  revolt  was  not 
serious  in  itself,  but  it  led  to  some  unpleasant  conse 
quences.  The  Indians  had  complained  of  the  cruelty 
of  a  majordomo.  Such  complaints  from  the  Guaicuris 
were  frequent  and  almost  always  unfounded,  so 
the  padre  refused  to  act  in  the  matter.  Then  the 
neophytes,  instigated  by  certain  shrewd  malecon- 
tents,  appealed  to  the  governor,  including  in  their 
complaint  other  charges  against  the  padre,  notably 
one  to  the  effect  that  he  denied  the  governor's  right 
to  interfere  in  the  mission  management.  Barri  was  a 
stubborn,  hot-headed  man,  and  was  very  angry.  Noth 
ing  that  Palou  or  others  could  say  had  any  effect  to 
mollify  his  wrath;  and  thus  began  a  feud  which  in 
creased  in  bitterness,  until  the  governor  openly  ordered 
the  padres  to  confine  themselves  to  preaching, teaching, 

Tomas  cle  la  Pena,  Vicente  Imas,  Francisco  Echasco,  Martin  Palacios,  Manuel 
Lago,  Pedro  Arriguiebar,  Jose"  Leguna,  Gregorio  Amurrio,  Juan  Figuer,  Vi 
cente  Fuster,  Antonio  Linares,  Vicente  Santa  Maria,  Francisco  Javier  Te- 
jada — 16  of  what  Palou  calls  a  list  of  'these  20,'  10  having  gone  to  Alta 
California.  The  other  four  were  apparently  Jos6  Herrera  (who  died  before 

reaching  CaJ, ),  Jos6  Legomera,  Miguel  Sanchez,  and Villuendas.  Palou, 

Noticia8,i.' 98-101,  130-4;  ii.  156. 

10  There  is  some  confusion  about  these  trips,  but  the  matter  is  not  impor 
tant. 


PALOU'S  TROUBLES.  701 

and  saying  mass;  not  meddling  with  the  temporalities 
nor  with  punishment  of  Indians.  It  was  a  great 
triumph  for  the  latter,  who  flocked  to  Barri  with  com 
plaints  on  all  occasions.  They  became  saucy  and  in 
dependent,  wasting  the  property,  until  it  seemed 
that  the  evil  days  of  the  comisionados  had  returned. 
Palou,  filled  with  grief  and  indignation,  wrote  a  pas 
sionate  letter  to  his  guardian,  entreating  him  to  appeal 
to  the  viceroy.  The  letter  was  sent  by  Padre  Eseu- 
dero,  who  sailed  in  October  and  reached  Mexico  in 
December.  On  learning  the  padre's  errand  the  guar 
dian  prepared  a  long  memorial  for  Viceroy  Bucareli. 
A  notable  clause  was  the  request  that  some  of  the 
missions  might  be  transferred  to  the  care  of  some 
other  order.  This  memorial,  though  answered  in  a 
favorable  strain  by  the  viceroy  the  following  March, 
produced  no  direct  or  immediate  results.11 

On  the  arrival  of  the  new  padres  in  November, 
Palou,  writing  from  Comondu,  notified  Barri  that  he 
was  ready  to  found  the  new  missions;  but  the  gov 
ernor  replied  that  there  were  no  soldiers  to  spare,  and 
he  had  in  vain  demanded  a  reenforcement  from  Gov 
ernor  Corbalan  of  Sonora.  The  president  therefore 
gave  up  all  hope  for  the  time,  and  distributed  the  mis 
sionaries  among  the  old  establishments.12  Then  he 

11  The  clauses  of  the  guardian's  memorial  relating  to  the  peninsula  were  as 
follows;  More  soldiers  and  more  church  paraphernalia  needed  for  the  frontier 
missions.  Temporalities  should  remain  in  charge  of  the  padres,  who  should 
have  power  to  appoint  and  remove  all  servants  and  soldiers.  The  old  missions 
should  have  returned  to  them  the  animals,  etc.,  furnished  for  the  new  ones. 
The  royal  warehouse  should  pay  its  debts  to  the  missions  in  goods  or  drafts. 
The  warehouse  should  not  receive  mission  products  except  for  cash  or  useful 
goods.  Indians  should  receive  just  wages.  The  transport  should  sail  from 
Sail  Bias  in  June.  A  proper  limosna  should  be  allowed  to  padres  going  or 
coming  from  the  new  missions.  $1,000  should  be  granted  to  S.  Fernando. 
The  Dominicans,  or  some  other  order,  should  take  care  of  S.  Javier,  S.  Jose" 
del  Cabo,  Santiago,  Todos  Santos,  Purisima,  Guadalupe,  and  Mulege".  Tke 
soldiers  should  have  adequate  rations  for  escort  duty.  This  memorial  was 
presented  Dec.  23,  1771,  and  was  answered  March  18,  1772.  The  reply  was 
a  vague  assurance  that  the  viceroy  had  instructed  Gov.  Barri  to  do  all  he  could 
to  aid  the  padres,  had  sent  him  the  necessary  papers,  and  had  ordered  him  to 
report.  This  reply  did  not  reach  Palou  till  Dec.  1772;  too  late  to  do  any  good 
even  if  it  had  been  satisfactory.  Palou,  Not.,  i.  112-26. 

12 The  distribution  was:  S.  Fernando.  Fuster  and  Linares  with  Campa; 
Sta  Gertrudis,  Amurrio  with  Sancho;  S.  Ignacio,  Legomera  with  Veytia;  Sta 
Rosalia,  Arreguibar  with  Sierra;  Guadalupe,  -Lago  with  Villaumbrales;  Pu- 


702  FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

sent  to  Barri  a  formal  renunciation  of  Todos  Santos, 
recommending  that  the  few  and  incorrigibly  bad  Ind 
ians  should  be  distributed  in  other  missions,  and  sug 
gesting  a  transfer  of  Spanish  settlers  from  Santa  Ana 
to  Todos  Santos.  The  governor  positively  refused  to 
accept  the  renunciation  until  he  could  consult  the 
viceroy.  This  refusal  served  to  widen  the  existing 
breach  between  the  friars  and  the  captious  ruler,  it 
being  evident  that  the  latter  would  oppose  the  fathers 
at  every  point.13  As  the  Franciscans  were  now  exas 
perated  beyond  measure  at  being  thus  crossed  and 
thwarted,  all  attempts  at  reconciliation  soon  came  to 
an  end.  The  natives  were  not  slow  to  take  advantage 
of  this  state  of  affairs ;  they  became  more  insolent  and 
refractory  everyday;  and  more  than  once  open  rebel 
lion  was  barely  averted. 

At  his  wits'  end  for  a  remedy,  Palou  at  last  had 
recourse  to  the  means  of  redress  so  often  and  ineffec 
tually  adopted  before,  and  sent  Padre  Ramos  to 
Mexico  that  the  whole  matter  might  be  laid  before  the 
viceroy.  Ramos  sailed  in  January  1772,  reaching  the 
capital  in  March.  At  this  time  the  question  of  ceding 
a  part  of  the  missions  to  the  Dominican  order  was 
being  discussed,  and  the  arrival  of  the  envoy  with  his 
long  string  of  grievances  contributed  materially  to  the 
final  surrender  of  the  entire  peninsula  by  the  Francis 
cans.  After  Ramos'  departure  Palou  received  instruc 
tions  to  prepare  a  full  report  on  the  condition  of  the 
missions,  which  he  did  under  date  of  February  12, 


risima,  Echasco,  and  Palacios  with  Gaston;  Comondii,  Prestamero  and  Pefia; 
S.  Javier,  Usson  with  Parron;  Loreto,  Sta  Maria  with  Mnrguia;  Todos 
Santos,  Sanchez  with  Senra;  Santiago  and  San  Jose",  Villuendas  with  Hioboo. 
Palou,  Not.,  i.  131-2.  Figuer  is  not  named  though  he  had  arrived;  Tejada 
had  been  left  sick  at  Tepic,  and  did  not  arrive  till  April  1772;  while  Leguna 
was  perhaps  the  one  who  died  on  the  land  journey. 

13  In  his  report  of  Feb.  12,  1772,  Palou,  Noticias,  i.  173-4,  says  in  answer 
to  an  inquiry  if  Annona's  orders  for  the  good  of  the  Indians  were  being  car 
ried  out,  '  Armona's  name  cannot  even  be  mentioned  in  the  presence  of  Gov. 
Barri,  who  openly  says  that  he  came  to  ruin  the  peninsula.  In  the  presence 
of  P.  Escudero  he  declared  that  he  did  not  wish  to  be  in  harmony  with  me.' 
Something  should  be  done  to  prevent  his  interference  with  missionary  efforts 
in  behalf  of  the  Indians. 


CESSION  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  703 

1772.14  But  long  before  this  document  reached  its 
destination  the  surrender  of  all  the  missions  had  been 
settled. 

The  Dominican  occupation  of  the  peninsula  had 
its  origin  as  early  as  1768.  In  that  year  Father 
Juan  Pedro  Iriarte  y  Laurnaga,  procurador  at  Ma 
drid  of  Dominican  missions  in  New  Spain,  con 
ceived  the  idea  of  extending  the  labors  of  his  order 
into  California;  and  with  encouragement  from  men 
of  influence  at  court  he  petitioned  the  king  for 
license  to  establish  missions  on  the  west  coast  be 
tween  latitudes  25°  and  28°,  representing  that  region 
as  a  rich  and  unworked  missionary  field.  Iriarte 
may  have  credited  fabulous  rumors  respecting  the 
natural  advantages  of  the  country  in  question;  but 
it  must  be  remembered  that  his  petition  preceded 
the  fitting -out  of  the  expedition  to  San  Diego 
and  Monterey;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that,  with 
a  hint  of  what  was  to  be  done,  he  simply  wished 
to  put  his  order  in  a  position  to  occupy  the  northern 
regions  if  such  occupation  should  prove  to  be  desirable. 
By  a  cedula  of  November  8,  1768,  the  king  referred 
the  proposition  to  the  viceroy  for  his  opinion.15  The 
viceroy,  probably  influenced  to  some  extent  by  the 
Franciscan  authorities  in  Mexico,  reported  unfavor- 

li  Palou,  Informe  sdbre  el  Estado  Actual  de  las  Afisiones  de  la  Peninsula, 
1772.  In  Id.,  Not.,  i.  138-79.  This  report  contains  a  sketch  of  the  history, 
location,  and  condition  of  each  establishment;  with  also  a  resume"  of  the  past 
grievances  and  necessary  reforms.  Historical  items  have  been  utilized  else 
where,  and  locations  are  shown  on  the  map.  The  registered  population,  a 
large  part  wandering  in  the  mountains,  was  5,074  in  13  establishments  (Gal- 
vez,  in  his  Informe,  143,  gave  the  total  population  in  1769  as  7,888,  including 
gente  de  razon).  Borja  with  1,479  was  the  largest;  San  Jose"  del  Cabo  with 
50  the  smallest.  Most  of  the  mission  cattle  were  running  wild.  Palou  de 
mands  at  least  100  soldiers  for  escort  duty;  and  their  pay  should  be  increased 
from  5  reals  a  day,  which  sum  left  nothing  for  the  support  of  a  family;  and 
the  men  were  always  in  debt  to  the  almacen.  Barri  brought  $22,000,  but  of 
this  he  left  $8,000  or  §10,000  for  the  Sta  Ana  mission,  and  with  the  rest  reg 
ularly  paid  his  own  salary,  §4,000  a  year,  so  that  he  soon  had  no  money  left 
for  the  soldiers. 

15  Palou,  Noticing,  i.  181,  represents  the  king  as  granting  the  desired  per 
mission  in  the  cedula,  which  is  an  error;  and  he  also  says  that  Iriarte  at  once 
sent  some  missionaries  to  Mexico  and  soon  followed  them,  the  obstacles  en 
countered  being  after  his  arrival.  I  think  this  also  must  be  incorrect. 


704  FRANCISCANS  IX  THE  PENINSULA. 

ably  on  April  22,  1769,  believing  that  the  proposed 
division  would  result  in  contentions  between  the  two 
orders.  He  had  referred  the  subject,  however,  to 
Galvez,  who  in  a  report  of  June  10th  also  disapproved 
the  project,  declaring  that  it  rested  on  an  erroneous 
belief  in  the  existence  of  fertile  lands,  good  ports,  and 
a  large  population  in  the  north-western  peninsula.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  the  desirable  spots  were  all  occupied, 
the  Franciscan  force  was  amply  sufficient  for  the 
work,  and  the  introduction  of  new  missionaries  in  the 
narrow  peninsula  would  cause  only  trouble ;  moreover 
there  was  no  lack  of  territory  on  the  frontiers  for  the 
Dominicans  to  utilize  all  their  zeal  in  founding  new 
missions.  Iriarte  was  not,  however,  a  man  to  be 
crushed  by  one  defeat.  He  still  urged  his  cause  at 
court,  obtained  favorable  reports  from  the  archbishop 
of  Mexico  and  others,  found  favor  in  the  council  of 
Indies,  and  finally  obtained  from  the  king,  under  date 
of  April  8,  1770,  a  new  cedula  ordering  a  division  of 
the  missions,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  not  to  the 
interest  of  the  crown  that  one  order,  much  less  one 
college,  should  have  sole  control  of  so  vast  a  province.18 
The  Dominicans  desired  the  northern  districts,  in 
cluding  San  Ignacio,  Guadalupe,  and  Mulege;  and 
also  that  of  Belen  in  Sonora.  Their  purpose  was 
clearly  to  obtain  an  open  way  to  the  north.  But  the 
royal  order  cited  left  the  details  of  the  division  to  the 
viceroy,  who  after  consulting  the  bishop  of  Guadala 
jara  was  to  make  such  a  division  as  might  seem  best 
for  all  concerned,  leaving  to  each  order  a  field  for  ex 
pansion  toward  the  north,  with  limits  so  fixed  as  to 
avoid  future  contentions.  Then  were  circulated  among 
all  the  Dominicans  of  Spain  circulars  signed  by  Juan 
Tomas  de  Boxadors,  general  of  the  order,  and  by  Iri 
arte  himself,  calling  for  volunteers  for  the  new  crusade 

16  King's  order  of  April  8,  1770,  with  reference  to  former  ce"dula  of  Nov. 
4,  1768,  and  to  reports  of  viceroy  and  Galvez,  in  California,  Noticias,  carta 
iii.  8-19.  Galvez'  report  of  June  10,  1770,  in  Palou,  Noticias,  i.  182-4. 
There  are  some  explanatory  notes  in  both  works.  The  royal  order  of  April 
8th,  also  in  Mayer  3ISS.t  no.  14. 


TETRMS  OF  THE  DIVISION.  705 

against  heathenism.17  Two  hundred  friars  offered 
their  services;  and  twenty-five  were  chosen  from  the 
provinces  of  Castile,  Aragon,  and  Andalucia.  With 
these  followers  Iriarte  sailed  from  Ccldiz  and  landed 
at  Vera  Cruz  on  August  19,  1771,  after  a  voyage  of 
sixty-one  days.  At  this  time  the  new  Franciscan 
friars  were  on  their  way  to  California,  and  it  will  be 
remembered  that  before  the  end  of  the  year,  and  per 
haps  before  the  new  order  was  known  to  him,  the 
guardian  of  San  Fernando  had~voluntarily  suggested 
a  cession  of  part  of  the  missions.  Thus  there  was  no 
further  reason  for  delay,  or  ground  for  controversy 
except  in  arranging  the  details  of  division,18  and  this 
matter  by  a  junta  of  March  21,  1772,  was  referred  for 
amicable  settlement  to  the  Franciscan  guardian  Padre 
Rafael  Verger,  and  the  Dominican  vicar-general 
Iriarte.19 

Verger  and  Iriarte  signed  a  concordato,  or  agree 
ment,  on  April  7,  1772.  In  general  terms  it  gave  to 
the  Dominicans  the  entire  peninsula,  with  all  the  old 
missions  up  to  a  point  just  below  San  Diego,23  and  the 
right  to  extend  their  settlements  eastward  and  north 
eastward  to  and  past  the  head  of  the  gulf;  while  the 
Franciscans  were  to  retain  the  missions  above  San 
Diego,  and  to  extend  their  establishments  without 
limit  to  the  north  and  north-west.21  The  arguments 
between  the  two  friars  and  their  advisers,  if  there  were 
any  such,  are  not  recorded.  At  first  thought  it  would 
seem  that  the  surrender  of  all  the  old  establishments 
must  have  been  regarded  as  a  great  sacrifice  on  the 

17  Dated  June  10,  13,  1770,  and  given  in  full  in  California)  Noticias,  carta 
iii.  19-45. 

18  Padre  Sales,  CaL ,  Noticias,  carta  iii.  48,  says  the  viceroy  suspended  the 
order  and  interposed  new  obstacles;  but  this  would  seem  to  be  an  error. 

19 Palou,  Not,,  i.  186,  190.  It  appears  that  the  junta  also  ordered  as  a 
base  of  the  division  that  the  Franciscans  should  occupy  the  mission  of  Veli- 
cata,  and  the  Dominicans  the  site  of  San  Juan  de  Dios,  a  little  farther  east. 

*°  Their  northernmost  mission  was  to  be  on  the  arroyo  of  San  Juan  Bau- 
tista,  and  its  lands  were  to  extend  5  leagues  farther  to  a  point  formed  by  a 
spur  of  the  Sierra  near  the  beach. 

21  The  concordato  of  April  7,  1772,  is  given  literally  in  Palou,  Not.,  i. 
187-9;  also  in  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  13-18;  Arch.  Sta  Bar 
bara,  MS.,  ix.  360-70. 

HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.    45  / 


706  FRANCISCANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

part  of  the  Fernandinos;  but  probably  they  did  not  so 
regard  it,  and  we  may  suppose  that  the  negotiations 
were  harmonious  and  the  result  satisfactory  to  both  par 
ties.  Iriarte  had  doubtless  desired  the  northern  coast 
region  for  his  order,  but  he  could  hardly  insist  on  this 
claim  now  that  the  Franciscans  were  in  actual  posses 
sion  ;  moreover  the  north-eastern  region  was  regarded 
as  a  land  of  wonderful  and  mysterious  possibilities, 
more  desirable  in  several  respects  as  a  missionary  field 
than  the  coast;  and  it  was  obviously  preferable  that 
the  two  orders  should  follow  distinct  lines  of  spiritual 
conquest  rather  than  mingle  their  establishments. 
We  may  suppose  the  Franciscans  at  first  wished  to 
retain  some  of  the  southern  missions;  but  doing  so 
they  could  hardly  refuse  to  give  up  some  of  the  nor 
thern  also;  clearly  a  division  of  the  peninsula  estab 
lishments  would  present  many  inconveniences;  they 
were  disgusted  with  current  difficulties  in  the  south; 
and  they  were  better  acquainted  than  their  rivals 
with  the  attractions  of  the  north.  It  is  doubtful,  how 
ever,  if  the  Fernandinos  fully  realized  at  the  time  how 
excellent  a  bargain  they  had  struck. 

Though  the  agreement  was  somewhat  different  from 
what  had  been  expected,  there  was  no  reason  for  op 
position  on  the  part  of  the  viceregal  government;  in 
deed  Bucareli  was  only  too  glad  to  escape  so  easily 
from  what  had  threatened  to  be  ?.  very  tedious  contro 
versy.  The  concordato  was  approved  in  a  junta  of 
April  30,  1772,  which  also  arranged  the  formalities 
and  minor  details  of  the  surrender.22  The  Dominicans 
were  to  receive  a  stipend  of  $350  from  the  pious  fund, 
one  year's  pay  in  advance,  and  travelling  expenses. 
$1,000  was  to  be  given  for  each  new  mission,  besides 
the  necessary  ornamentos.  The  Franciscans  were  to 
deliver  the  missions  by  formal  inventory.  In  a  letter 
of  June  10th  the  guardian  announced  the  result  to 

22  Junta  of  April  30,  1772,  in  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Hacienda,  vi. 
306-10;  Palou,  Not.,  i.  190-5;  Arch.  Sla  B.,  MS.,  ix.  370-G;  Mayer  MSS., 
no.  18J.  The  viceroy's  decree  of  approval  was  dated  May  12th. 


. 

FEUD  WITH  BARRI.  707 

Palou,  directing  him  to  surrender  the  property  and  to 
send  the  Franciscans  to  the  college,  except  four  des 
tined  for  the  Monterey  establishments. 

We  return  to  California  with  the  guardian's  letter 
arriving  at  Loreto  late  in  August.  The  news  was 
welcomed  with  demonstrations  of  joy.  Palou  in 
structed  the  friars  to  prepare  their  accounts  and  be 
ready  for  the  surrender  when  their  '  brothers  arid  suc 
cessors'  should  arrive,  one  remaining  at  each  mission, 
and  the  rest  coming  to  Loreto.  On  October  14th  ten 
Dominicans  arrived  on  the  Lauretana,  and  were  hos 
pitably  entertained,  declining  to  accept  a  transfer  of 
the  missions  until  President  Iriarte  should  arrive. 
Eight  Franciscans,  however,  departed  before  the  end 
of  the  year.23 

In  December  the  feud  with  Governor  Barri  received 
a  new  impulse.  The  viceroy's  reply  to  the  memorial 
of  December  1771  in  an  evil  hour  now  came  to  hand, 
and  was  made  known  to  the  friars  in  a  circular  letter. 
It  would  have  been  much  more  prudent  for  Palou  to 
regard  the  document  as  a  thing  of  the  past  with  the 
issues  of  which  it  treated ;  but  he  could  not  resist  the 
temptation  to  let  his  partial  victory  be  known  to  his 
associates  and  to  the  governor.  Barri  heard  of  the 
circular  and  was  perhaps  misinformed  as  to  its  con 
tents.  At  any  rate  he  sent  to  Palou  an  exhorto,  in 
which  he  charged  him  with  having  announced  the  re 
ceipt  of  orders  conferring  absolute  authority  upon  the 
president,  and  called  upon  him  to  show  his  orders  or 
retract  what  he  had  said,  as  the  circular  had  caused 
much  insubordination.  Palou  quietly  denied  that  he 
had  received,  or  pretended  to  receive,  any  such  in 
structions.  Soon  he  learned,  however,  through  the 
Dominicans  that  Barri  had  secretly  planned  to  have 
the  Indians  of  San  Javier  go  on  a  certain  day  to  Lo 
reto  to  protest  against  the  intolerable  cruelty  of  the 
Franciscans,  who,  as  they  were  to  declare,  had  lately 

23  PP.  Martinez,  Echasco,  Somera,  Palacios,  Imas,  Arreguibar,  Parron,  and 
Lago.  Palou,  Not.,  i.  208. 


708  DOMINICANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

received  orders  from  Mexico  by  virtue  of  which  the 
natives  would  soon  be  all  destroyed.  Palou  at  ones 
summoned  padres  Murgiiia  and  Santa  Maria  to 
Loreto;  and  the  Dominicans  persuaded  the  Indians 
not  only  to  confess  that  they  acted  under  Barri's  insti 
gation  but  to  forego  their  purpose,  since,  the  mission 
being  now  transferred  to  another  order,  the  appeal 
could  do  no  good.  Thus  was  the  shabby  scheme  frus 
trated  to  the  great  vexation  of  the  governor,  who  is 
said  to  have  indulged  in  very  violent  written  and 
verbal  abuse  of  the  president,  and  to  have  tried — 
without  success  at  the  time — to  stir  up  enmity  be 
tween  the  two  orders. 

Meanwhile  the  rest  of  the  Dominicans  sailing  from 
San  Bias  on  the  San  Carlos  had  been  wrecked,  suf 
fering  terribly  both  by  sea  and  land.  Four  of  the 
number  died,  including  President  Iriarte,  who  thus 
perished  before  tasting  the  first  fruits  of  his  great 
enterprise.24  The  news  came  to  Loreto  in  April  1773. 
Padre  Vicente  Mora,  then  in  California,  became  act 
ing  president  on  the  death  of  Iriarte;  but  declined  to 
formally  accept  the  missions  until  confirmed  in  his 
office.  He  consented,  however,  to  take  the  property 
belonging  to  the  proposed  new  establishments,  and  to 
begin  work  on  the  inventories.  Loreto  at  once  be 
came  a  scene  of  unusual  industry.  The  Franciscans 
insisted  on  the  greatest  care  in  every  item  of  the 
accounts,  because  the  vindictive  Barri  had  accused 
them  of  having  plundered  the  missions.  The  result 
proved — so  says  Palou,  and  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  it — that  all  was  in  perfect  order,  mission  funds 
and  dues  having  increased  from  $8,960  to  $10,046 
since  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits;  and  President 
Mora  was  satisfied  that  he  had  not  been  cheated. 

The  rest  of  the  Dominicans  arrived  on  the  Con- 
cepcion  and  Lauretana  the  12th  of  May,  and  after 
ceremonies  of  thanksgiving  and  welcome  they  were 

24 A  full  account  of  the  journey  by  Padre  Sales,  one  of  the  sufferers,  in 
CaL ,  Noticias,  carta  iii.  49-54. 


MISSION  PROPERTY.  709 

sent  at  once  to  their  respective  missions,  which  in 
the  south,  as  everything  was  ready,  were  promptly 
transferred  to  their  care.  At  Loreto  there  were 
special  ceremonies,  including  speeches  of  congratula 
tion  and  farewell  by  members  of  both  orders.  It  now 
only  remained  for  Padre  Palou  to  attend  to  a  few 
matters  preparatory  to  his  departure  for  Alta  Cali 
fornia,  whither  he  had  resolved  to  go  with  seven  of 
his  associates,  instead  of  four^as  at  first  intended.25 
First  there  was  the  collecting  of  some  cattle  which 
by  the  viceroy's  order  were  to  be  furnished  for  the 
north.  Barri  had  prevented  the  carrying-out  of  the 
order,  and  now  Mora  seemed  disposed  also  to  inter 
pose  obstacles.  Palou  decided  to  leave  the  matter 
in  charge  of  Padre  Campa  with  instructions  to  urge 
the  demand  but  not  insist  to  the  extent  of  making 
trouble.26  There  was  also  authority  to  take  twenty- 
five  Indian  families  for  Monterey,  and  these  he  hoped 
to  obtain  on  the  way  northward.  He  started  with 
ten  Dominicans  on  May  4,  1773,  in  a  sloop  and  two 
boats  for  Mulege,  subsequently  visiting  and  delivering 
successively  Guadalupe,  San  Ignacio,  Santa  Gertrudis, 
Borja,  Santa  Maria,  and  San  Fernando.  He  obtained 
a  few  families  at  Santa  Gertrudis,  not  without  trouble, 
for  the  Dominicans  declared  that  President  Mora 
had  forbidden  it;  and  at  Borja  they  showed  a  writ 
ten  order  forbidding  it.  Nevertheless  he  took  seven 
families.  Soon  Palou  and  six  companions  started 
from  San  Fernando,  where  supplies  had  been  col 
lected  for  San  Diego,  arriving  at  the  end  of  August. 
Padre  Cambon  was  left  behind  in  charge  of  certain 

O 

church  property. 

This  property  was  a  portion  of  the  ornaments  and 
utensils  which   by  order  of  Galvez  had  been  taken 

25  See  Hist.  CaL,  i.,  this  series,  for  particulars  about  the  padres  who  went 
to  the  north. 

26  Mora  and  Barri  promised  Campa  in  October  1773,  to  attend  to  the 
matter ;  but  he  could  not  get  the  cattle.     Excuses  followed  excuses,  and  at 
last  hearing  that  the  governor  had  written  to  Mexico  to  break  up  the  whole 
arrangement  he  reported  to  Palou  in  April  1774,  and  sailed  for  Mexico  to 
consult  with  the  guardian.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  156. 


710  DOMINICANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

from  the  old  for  the  new  missions.  The  visitador  had 
no  doubt  full  powers  to  appropriate  the  property,  and 
he  had  also  paid  for  it  more  or  less  fully  in  cloth  for 
the  natives  and  in  other  ways.  Palou  sent  a  mule 
train  from  San  Diego  for  supplies  and  for  a  part  of 
the 'church  effects  in  question.  Governor  Barri  saw 
here  a  last  opportunity  to  annoy  the  Franciscans,  and, 
insisting  that  the  property  had  been  stolen,  ordered 
Lieutenant  Velazquez  in  command  at  Velicatd,  not  to 
permit  its  removal.  Cambon  could  do  nothing  but 
report  this  fresh  annoyance.  In  some  way  Barri  had 
induced  President  Mora  to  act  in  concert  with  him, 
either  persuading  him  that  he  had  really  been  cheated, 
or  forcing  him  to  vindicate  himself  from  charges  of 
complicity,  or  because  the  Dominican  wished  to  prove 
by  investigation  that  the  Franciscans  had  been  wrong 
fully  accused.  Whatever  his  motive  the  president 
joined  the  governor  in  a  demand  to  be  allowed  to 
search  for  stolen  property.  Cambon  refused  on  the 
ground  that  complete  inventories  and  receipts  satis 
factory  to  both  parties  had  already  been  signed. 
Thus  the  matter  remained  until  Junipero  Serra  re 
turned  from  Mexico  to  Monterey  with  an  order  from 
the  viceroy  that  the  property  should  be  forwarded 
without  delay.  This  order  reached  Velicata  in  July 
1774,  but  it  was  nearly  a  year  before  the  last  of  the 
goods  were  delivered,  President  Mora  having  been 
more  active  in  interposing  petty  obstacles  than  even 
the  stubborn  governor.27  The  Franciscans  had  now 
no  further  claims  of  importance  upon  the  peninsula 
missions;  the  surplus  friars  had  departed  for  Mexico;28 
and  the  Dominicans  were  in  full  possession. 

By  the  reglamento  of  presidios  in   1772  the  Cali 
fornia   establishments  were  continued  on   the    same 


27 Full  details  of  the  controversy  in  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  158-205. 

28  PP.  Gaston,  Sancho,  Santa  Maria,  Kloboo,  Linares,  and  Tejada  had 
sailed  on  the  Conception  May  27,  1773.  PP.  Villaumbrales  and  Sierra  with 
the  sindico  Manuel  Garcia  Morales  sailed  on  another  vessel  June  15,  to  touch 
at  Cerralvo  for  the  southern  padres.  PP.  Veytia  and  Villaumbrales  died 
before  reaching  the  college. 


GOVERNOR  NEVE.  711 

basis  as  before  with  an  annual  allowance  of  §33,000.29 
Echeveste's  reglamento,  to  take  effect  from  the  begin 
ning  of  1774,  and  resulting  indirectly  from  the  efforts 
of  Padre  Serra  in  his  visit  to  Mexico,  introduced 
some  slight  changes  in  the  military  administration. 
This  regulation  applied  to  both  Californias  and  'the 
San  Bias  department,  containing  very  little  affecting 
the  peninsula  alone.  For  details  therefore  the  reader 
is  referred  to  another  volume  of  this  work.  Thirty- 
seven  men  was  the  garrison  allowed  to  the  fort  at 
Loreto,  or  Presidio  de  Californias  as  it  was  often 
called,  at  an  annual  cost  of  $12,450,  besides  the  gov 
ernor's  salary.30 

Governor  Barri's  constant  quarrels  with  the  padres 
could  have  but  one  result.  The  friars  had  much 
influence  at  the  capital,  and  rarely  appealed  in  vain 
when  it  would  cost  nothing  to  satisfy  them.  How 
Barri  agreed  with  the  followers  of  St  Dominic  is  not 
recorded;  but  in  any  case  it  was  now  too  late  to  mend; 
his  doom  was  sealed.  At  his  own  request31  he  was 
removed,  to  be  given  soon  a  better  position  as  gov 
ernor  of  Nueva  Viscaya;  and  Felipe  de  Neve  was 
appointed  on  October  28,  1774,  governor  of  the 
Californias,  his  instructions  being  dated  still  earlier, 
the  30th  of  September.  According  to  this  doc 
ument  the  change  was  made  in  order  that  the 
country  might  be  under  a  ruler  of  wisdom,  zeal,  and 
administrative  ability,  not  disposed  to  create  scandal 
by  quarrelling  with  the  friars,  it  being  thus  implied 
that  Barri  was  not  such  a  man.  Neve  was  to  follow 

™  Presidios,  Recjlam.  6  Tnstruc.,  114-20. 

s°SeeJJist.  Cal.  i.,  this  series;  Reylamento  de  2 4  de  Mayo  1773;  Arch.  Cal., 
Dept  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxvii.  3-4;  St.  Pap.  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  3-4.  The 
force  was  to  be :  a  governor  at  a  salary  of  $4,000;  a  lieutenant  in  command  of 
troops,  $500;  a  sergeant,  $400;  3  corporals  at  $350;  30  soldiers  at  $300;  and 
a  comisario  at  Loreto,  $1,500.  The  governor  and  comisario  might  collect 
their  pay  whenever  "they  pleased;  but  the  rest  were  to  be  paid  in  goods  at 
100  per  cent  discount,  which  reduced  the  actual  cost  to  $10,965.  There  are 
some  errors  in  Palou's  version,  partially  corrected  by  Doyle  in  his  reprint, 
iii.  89. 

31  Viceroy  to  Rivera,  Oct.  28,  1774.  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i. 
191. 


712  DOMINICANS  IN  THE  PENINSULA. 

Galvez'  instructions  when  not  conflicting  with  the 
reglamento  or  later  orders;  and  he  was  to  maintain 
harmony  with  the  missionaries,  superintending  and 
reporting  on  their  work,  but  not  interfering  in  their 
legitimate  duties,  the  care,  instruction,  and  punish 
ment  of  neophytes.  Neither  must  the  father  president 
in  any  way  impede  the  legal  acts  of  the  governor 
or  his  subordinates.  The  Indians  were  to  be  pro 
tected  and  well  treated,  but  by  no  means  allowed  to 
lose  their  respect  for  the  secular  authorities.  The 
governor  had  no  direct  authority  over  the  comman 
dant  in  Alta  California,  though  nominally  his  political 
superior  and  entitled  to  respect  and  full  reports. 
Every  possible  precaution  was  to  be  taken  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  foreign  vessels,  and  also  all  trade  with 
Spanish  vessels,  not  excepting  the  Manila  galleon. 
Owners  of  cattle  must  be  compelled  to  brand  them, 
in  order  that  the  herds  of  wild  cattle  might  be  appro 
priated  to  the  use  of  the  troops,  the  navy,  and  the 
Indians.  Accounts  must  be  strictly  investigated  and 
regulated;  and  especially  was  attention  to  be  given 
to  the  Santa  Ana  mines,  which  though  worked  on 
his  majesty's  account  at  great  expense  had  yielded 
not  an  ounce  of  silver  for  the  treasury.32  Owners  of 
private  mines  were  also  to  be  compelled  to  pay  the 
royal  fifths  as  they  had  not  regularly  done.  Finally 
the  governor  was  enjoined  to  preserve  peaceful  rela 
tions  with  the  comisario  and  other  royal  officials  as 
his  predecessor,  always  in  a  quarrel  with  Toledo,  had 
failed  to  do.33 

Such  being  the  special  instructions  received  directly 
from  the  viceroy,  Neve  left  the  capital  on  October  9th, 
the  day  after  his  formal  appointment,  and  the  4th  of 
March  1775  he  arrived  at  Loreto.  He  took  imme- 

32  The  viceroy  says  that  1,318  Ibs.  of  quicksilver  had  been  used,  which 
ought  to  have  given  as  many  marks  of  silver.  In  Arch.  Cal.,P.rov.  Itec.,  MS., 
i.  151-2,  however,  it  is  recorded  that  in  1770  1,408  marks  of  silver  were 
shipped  from  Sta  Ana  to  Guadalajara  on  royal  account. 

*3Bucareli,  Instruction,  30  de  Sept.  1774,  MS.,  in  Arch.  Cal.,  St.  Pap.,  M. 
and  a,  MS.,  L  309-20. 


DEPARTURE  OF  BARRI.  713 

diate  possession  of  the  office,  and  ex-governor  Barri 
set  sail  for  San  Bias  on  the  26th,  doubtless  greatly 
to  the  relief  of  his  old  adversaries  the  friars.34  Neve 
was  a  very  able  man,  but  his  acts  and  character  will 
be  much  more  fully  shown  in  the  History  of  Alta 
California  than  in  this  volume. 

**Arch.  Cal.,Prov.Itec.t  MS.,  i.  1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  187-9. 


CHAPTEE  XXVI. 

ANNALS    OF   BAJA    CALIFORNIA. 
1775-1800. 

NEVE'S  RULE — REFORMS— TROUBLES  WITH  PADRES— ROSARIO  AND  SANTO 
DOMINGO — RIVERA  Y  MONCADA  IN  COMMAND — INDIAN  TROUBLES — 
DOMINICAN  RECORDS — SAN  VICENTE — SMALL-POX — HIDALGO  PRESIDENT 
— NEVE'S  REGLAMENTO — RIVERA'S  DEATH — CUSTODIAS  THREATENED — 
FAGES  GOVERNOR — HARD  TIMES — ARRILLAGA  IN  COMMAND — EXPLO 
RATIONS — SAN  MIGUEL — MISSION  REPORTS — PADRE  SALES'  NOTICIAS — 
GOVERNOR  ROMEU — PRESIDENT  GOMEZ — SANTO  TOM  AS — NEW  FRIARS — 
SAN  PEDRO  MARTYR — BORICA — OFFICIAL  CHANGES — ARRILLAGA'S  TOUR 
— SANTA  CATALINA — WAR  WITH  ENGLAND— PRESIDENT  BELDA — A  BRIT 
ISH  FLEET— GOVERNOR  ARRILLAGA — FINANCIAL  ITEMS — LIST  OF  DO 
MINICANS—LOCAL  AFFAIRS. 

THOUGH  a  man  of  marked  ability,  and  of  the  best 
intentions,  Governor  Neve  soon  discovered  the  diffi 
culties  of  his  position.  A  few  days  after  his  arrival 
we  find  him  complaining  to  the  viceroy  that  the 
country  is  destitute  of  everything  necessary.  Ships, 
horses,  clothing,  and  especially  arms  are  needed.1 
Next  he  finds  the  thirty-four  soldiers  of  the  Loreto 
garrison  an  inadequate  force  and  asks  that  it  be  in 
creased.2  At  the  end  of  the  year,  visiting  the  south 
ern  missions  he  reports  it  impossible  to  support  them 
as  the  lands  are  barren  and  there  is  no  one  competent 
to  till  them.  He  is  disappointed  that  Galvez'  pro 
jected  renovation  of  Loreto  has  not  been  put  into 
effect.  The  visitador  had  left  elaborate  rules  for  the 
management  of  the  royal  revenues  from  tobacco, 

1  March  30,  1775,  Neve  to  viceroy.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rc.c.,  MS.,  i.  2.  May 
24,  200  mules  and  100  horses  to  be  purchased  in  Souora,  says  viceroy  to 
Eivera.  Id,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  i.  174. 

'July  24,  1775.  /<£.,  Prov.  Eec.t  MS.,  i.  153. 

(714) 


NEW  MISSIONS.  715 

quicksilver,  salt,  the  king's  fifths  of  bullion,  pearl- 
fisheries,  and  other  sources,  in  all  estimated  at  $34,000. 
But  how  can  these  rules  be  carried  out,  laments  the 
poor  ruler,  when  there  is  no  revenue  except  some 
$200  from  pearls  and  salt?3 

At  the  same  time  Neve  betrays  signs  of  having 
met  the  fate  of  his  predecessors.  Despite  the  vice 
regal  injunctions  it  is  evident  that  he  was  already  on 
bad  terms  with  the  friars,  at  whose  door  he  lays  many 
of  the  existing  evils.  It  had  been  Galvez'  aim  to 
make  the  Indians  self-dependent;  but  this  does  not 
suit  the  ideas  of  the  padres,  who  would  thus  be  de 
prived  of  their  absolute  control  of  mission  products. 
Therefore,  he  claims,  the  natives  will  never  be  freed 
until  the  viceroy  takes  decisive  steps  toward  seculari 
zation,  and  especially  until  a  president  is  appointed 
who  is  free  from  the  spirit  of  faction  and  lust  of  gain.4 

The  governor  by  no  means  gave  all  his  time  to 
grumbling,  however,  but  took  a  deep  interest  in  the 
missions'  welfare.  With  much  satisfaction  he  informed 
the  viceroy  of  satisfactory  progress  at  the  new  mis 
sion  of  Rosario  founded  in  1774;5  and  also  that  an 
other  new  mission  of  Santo  Domingo  had  been  estab 
lished  north  of  Rosario  by  padres  Manuel  Garcia  and 
Miguel  Hidalgo.6  Neve  wTas  also  active  in  carrying 
out  other  special  instructions.  One  Carpio  was  ar 
rested  for  sailing  from  a  California  port  without  per 
mission;  and  intercourse  with  the  galleon  was  strictly 

3  Nothing  could  be  done  to  secure  the  royal  fifth  of  pearls  from  the  few 
poor  armadores.  It  had  become  the  custom  to  accept  a  fixed  sum,  say  $50  by 
contract.  Formerly  the  fifths  were  paid  on  the  good  faith  of  the  armadores, 
and  yielded  27  Ibs  in  1744,  54  Ibs  in  1745,  and  55  Ibs  in  1747.  Neve  to  vice 
roy,  Dec.  30,  1775,  in  Id.,  Prov.  Rec.,  i.  150-1. 

*Id.,  i.  149-50.    The  southern  missions  badly  administered.  Id.,  i.  147. 

5March  23,  1775.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  5-6.  P.  Francisco  Galistis  was 
the  minister,  and  the  site  is  called  Vinaraco.  In  Col.  Noticias,  carta  iv.  60, 
it  is  called  Vinatacot,  and  in  a  table  its  position  is  given  as  173  1.  N.  w.  of 
Lorcto,  in  lat.  29°  30',  long.  255°  (from  Ferrol?).  Aug.  8,  1775,  528  baptisms 
here  and  at  S.  Fernando.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  154.  Date  given  as  1782  in 
LeesSs  Hist.  Outline,  10. 

6Nov.  29,  1775.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  157.  The  founding  was  on  or  about 
Aug.  30.  Sto  Domingo  20  1.  beyond  Rosario,  194  1.  N.  w.  Loreto,  lat.  30°  30', 
long  254°.  Cat.  Noticias,  carta  iii.  64,  and  table. 


716  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

forbidden.7  Inspection  proved  that  the  Santa  Ana 
mines  had  been  abandoned  for  three  years,  but  this 
did  not  prevent  Neve  from  estimating  their  value  to 
the  treasury  to  the  fraction  of  a  real  as  over  one 
thousand  pesos.8  Two  more  small  vessels  were  added 
to  the  mission  flotilla.  The  plan  for  appropriating 
unbranded  cattle  seems  to  have  proved  impracticable. 
Fifty  head  were  slaughtered,  but  the  expense  was 
greater  than  the  beef  would  have  cost  at  the  mis 
sions.  This  was  a  staggering  blow  to  the  theory  that 
the  padres  demanded  exorbitant  prices.9  Complaints 
were  heeded  to  some  extent  by  the  viceroy.  He 
ordered  the  drawing-up  of  a  formulario  with  the  aid 
of  Padre  Mora  for  the  better  government  of  the  mis 
sions  ;  and  he  directed  the  president  to  carry  out  the 
orders  of  Galvez  respecting  the  transfer  of  native 
families  from  the  north;  though  Mora  evaded  com 
pliance  on  the  plea  that  it  was  not  conducive  to  the 
liberty  and  health  of  the  Indians.10 

In  the  latter  part  of  1776  Governor  Neve  received 
orders  to  take  up  his  permanent  residence  at  Monterey, 
while  Rivera  y  Moncada  was  to  come  to  Loreto  and 
rule  the  peninsula  as  lieutenant-governor.  A  leading 
motive  of  this  change,  besides  the  growing  importance 
of  the  northern  domain,  was  the  controversy  of  Ri 
vera  with  the  Franciscans,  by  one  of  whom  he  had 
been  excommunicated,  and  with  Colonel  Anza,  whom 
he  had  refused  to  assist  in  carrying  out  the  viceroy's 
instructions.  In  the  minds  of  many  Rivera's  conduct 
called  for  removal  from  the  service  rather  than  a  new 
command  of  such  responsibility;  but  his  past  services 

''Arch.  Col.,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  4;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  9-10. 

8 Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  152.  In  1776  orders  not  to  hinder  the 
shipping  of  bullion  from  Sta  Ana,  so  work  may  have  been  resumed,  Id.,  i. 
50;  but  all  is  vague  about  these  mines. 

9  On  May  12,  1776,  Neve  suggested  that  as  an  experiment  the  administra 
tion  of  one  mission  should  be  put  unreservedly  in  his  hands.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  i.  52-3.  There  is  no  reply,  but  probably  such  summary  seculari 
zation  met  with  no  favor. 

10Feb.,  April,  1776.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  51,  58-9;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  283-5. 


PENINSULA  MISSIONS. 


717 


BAJA  CALIFORNIA  IN  1800. 


718  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

and  undoubted  abilities  Saved  him  at  this  juncture.11 
In  November  Neve  put  Lieutenant  Caiiete  in  tempo 
rary  command,  and  started  for  Monterey,  where  he 
arrived  in  February  1777;  and  a  little  later  Rivera 
started  for  the  south  and  soon  relieved  Canete.  Neve 
did  not,  however,  lose  sight  of  peninsular  affairs.  He 
soon-  found  cause  of  complaint  against  the  comisario, 
Francisco  Alvarez  y  Osorio,  and  recommended  the 
appointment  of  Alferez  Jose  Maria  Estrada  in  his 
place  as  guarda  almacen  at  a  reduced  salary.12 

Rivera  also  showed  commendable  diligence  in  his 
new  position;  but  it  was  not  long  before  disputes 
began  to  arise  with  the  Dominicans.  In  May  1777 
President  Mora  asked  for  more  soldiers  on  the  fron 
tier,  where  some  fugitive  neophytes  had  joined  the 
pagans.  Rivera  declined  to  increase  the  guards  with 
out  consulting  Neve,  and  this  drew  from  the  presi 
dent  a  very  sharp  letter.  He  claimed  authority  to 
obtain  such  military  aid  as  he  needed,  declared  con 
sultation  with  the  governor  an  unnecessary  farce,  in 
sisted  that  the  government  had  done  all  in  its  power 
to  humiliate  the  padres,  and  threatened  to  abandon 
th*e  frontier  missions  if  the  guard  were  not  sent.  The 
captain,  however,  was  quite  unmoved  by  this  outburst 
of  ecclesiastical  wrath,  and  retorted  that  the  padres 
might  retire  from  the  frontier  whenever  they  pleased; 
but  they  did  not  carry  out  their  threat.13  Yet  it  was 
not  from  mere  caprice  that  Mora  demanded  more 
soldiers;  for  just  now  the  Indians  were  particularly 
troublesome,  and  not  altogether  by  their  own  fault. 
The  Dominicans,  with  less  experience  as  missionaries, 
were  harder  masters  than  either  Jesuits  or  Francis 
cans  had  been,  exacting  comparatively  excessive  labor 

11  See  Hist.  CaL,  i.,  this  series,  for  a  full  account  of  Rivera's  troubles  in 
the  north. 

12 Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  78.  The  change  was  made  in  1780. 
Galleon  at  S.  Jos6  Dec.  24,  1776.  Prov.  Rec.,  i.  58. 

13 Correspondence  inAreh.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  265-82.  Another 
cause  of  controversy  was  Rivera's  refusal  to  arrest  one  Secena  who  had  failed 
to  keep  his  contract  to  pay  the  California  tithes  of  $60  a  year.  He  put  an  em 
bargo  on  his  property,  but  refused  to  arrest  a  man  on  whom  a  family  depended. 


VAGUE  RECORDS.  719 

and  administering  severe  punishments.  At  Santa 
Gertrudis  and  San  Borja,  the  Indians  confessed  their 
intention  to  plunder  and  burn  the  missions,  boldly 
declaring  that  they  were  weary  of  being  beaten  and 
imprisoned  by  the  padres  and  would  endure  it  no 
longer.  It  was  necessary  to  make  an  example  of  such 
hardened  offenders,  and  a  number  of  them  after  being 
tried  at  Loreto  and  found  guilty  of  rebellion,  were 
severely  flogged,  the .  leaders  being  also  banished  to 
the  south.14 

We  have  now  reached  the  beginning  of  a  period 
extending  over  many  years  of  which  it  is  impossible 
to  write  a  coherent  chronological  history,  so  scanty 
are  the  records.  Salvatierra,  Venegas,  and  the  rest 
have  furnished  a  copious  account  of  the  Jesuit  period; 
Palou  and  his  associates  have  left  satisfactory  material 
for  the  Franciscan  occupation;  but  the  Dominicans 
have  left  no  account  of  their  labors.15  This  is  the 
more  strange  when  we  consider  that  the  members  of 
this  order  were  in  a  general  way  men  who  surpassed 
the  Franciscans  in  education,  learning,  and  culture. 
It  would  appear  that  they  accomplished  nothing  in 
California  worth  recording  even  in  their  own  estima 
tion.  To  make  the  matter  worse  the  secular  archives, 
elsewhere  so  invaluable  for  filling  gaps  in  the  sys 
tematic  chronicles,  are  here  singularly  barren  of  in 
formation.  They  are  bulky  enough  it  is  true,  but 
treat  of  such  trivial  matters  in^  so  disconnected  a  way 
that  they  can  hardly  be  called  historical  material.  In 
fact  there  was  little  to  be  recorded.  The  reader  is 
acquainted  with  the  monotony  of  provincial  annals  in 
other  Hispano- American  regions  after  the  era  of  con 
quest  had  once  passed;  but  nowhere  was  life  more 
monotonously  uneventful  than  in  Baja  California. 
From  the  scattered  items  of  routine  military,  finan- 

liArch.  Cal.,  Prov.  Sec.,  MS.,  ii.  98;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  ii.  10-12. 
15  The  Noticias  de  Calif ornias  of  Padre  Sales  will  be  noticed  later.     It  is 
for  the  most  part  not  historical  but  descriptive. 


720  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

cial,  and  missionary  reports  I  shall  be  able  later  in 
this  chapter  to  present  some  statistics  of  considerable 
interest.  Occasionally  from  the  ocean  of  fragmentary 
data  on  the  number  of  muskets  and  lances  at  Loreto 
or  other  similar  topic  looms  up  as  an  island  a  royal 
cddula,  a  viceregal  inetruccion,  the  founding  of  a  mis 
sion,  an  epidemic  or  revolt,  the  arrival  of  a  vessel, 
an  ecclesiastical  scandal,  or  a  petty  quarrel  between, 
officials.  These  are  the  piers  on  which  the  historian 
has  to  build  a  frail  bridge  to  carry  the  reader  over 
the  gulf  of  years  that  have  no  record. 

In  1779  Governor  Neve  renewed  his  efforts  to 
transfer  natives  from  north  to  south,  and  with  them 
to  form  pueblos  as  Galvez  had  planned  and  as  the 
viceroy  desired.  The  president  objected  to  this  policy 
as  a  covert  attempt  at  secularization,  and  the  Indian 
families  were  for  the  most  part  sent  back.16  About 
this  time  Mora  sent  Padre  Nicolas  Nunez  to  Arizpe 
to  solicit  aid  for  a  new  mission  and  to  ask  from  Gen 
eral  Croix  certain  privileges  for  the  friars,  some  of 
which  were  granted.17  The  new  mission,  named  San 
Vicente  Ferrer,  was  founded  in  1780  by  padres  Hi 
dalgo  and  Joaquin  Valero  at  a  spot  some  twenty 
leagues  north  of  Santo  Domingo.18  The  year  1781 
was  made  memorable  by  a  terrible  plague  of  small 
pox.  The  Indians  fled  affrighted  from  the  missions, 
many  of  which  were  entirely  deserted.  The  mountain 
caves  and  canons  were  filled  with  the  dying  and  dead, 
who  had  thought  to  elude  their  foe  by  concealment, 

16 Neve  to  Croix,  June  4,  1779.  Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  i.  129-31.  In 
Sutil  y  Mexicana,  Viage,  app.  16-17,  are  some  geographical  data  on  the  penin 
sula  dated  1779. 

17  These  were  non-interference  with  mission  servants  and  the  crews  of 
mission  vessels  except  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity ;  the  mission  vessels  to  be 
allowed  to  carry  goods  for  others  on  payment  of  duties;  Guaymas  and  Tama- 
zula  missions  in  Sonora  to  be  ceded  to  California,  one  friar  being  sent  to  each; 
missions  to  be  paid  for  supplies  furnished ;  Indians  to  be  excused  so  far  as 
possible  from  courier  service.  Other  matters  to  be  considered  later.  Arch  • 
Cat.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  104-8. 

180ct.  24,  1780,  Neve  to  Com.  Gen.  Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  29-30. 
San  Vicente,  214  1.  N.  w.  Loreto,  in  lat.  31°  25',  long.  254°.  CaL,  Noticias, 
carta  iii.  105. 


THE  SMALL-POX.  721 

as  many  dying  of  starvation  as  of  the  pestilence. 
Each  person  attacked  was  at  once  abandoned  -by  his 
friends,  and  left  to  battle  with  the  disease  according 
to  his  own  methods,  burning  the  pustules  with  torches 
and  bathing  in  cold  water  being  favorite  remedies. 
The  padres  and  soldiers  did  what  they  could  by 
searching  for  deserted  or  orphan  children;  and  Padre 
Crisostomo  Gomez  is  said  to  have  saved  many  of  the 
Indians  at  San  Ignacio  by  inoculation.  The  disease 
was  supposed  to  have  been  brought  by  some  families 
from  Sonora,  and  it  raged  for  nearly  a  year.19  It  was 
in  this  year  or  the  next  that  Father  Mora  was  suc 
ceeded  in  the  presidency  by  Miguel  Hidalgo.20 

In  August  1781  Lieutenant  Diego  Gonzalez  was 
appointed  to  succeed  Velazquez  in  command  of  the 
northern  frontier  with  head-quarters  and  half  a  dozen 
picked  soldiers  at  Rosario,  subject  to  the  orders  of 
Captain  Rivera.  The  soldiers  were  not  to  be  em 
ployed  in  bringing  back  runaway  neophytes,  and 
receipts  were  to  be  given  for  all  supplies  furnished  by 
the  missions.21  Two  months  later  the  king  deigned 
to  turn  his  attention  to  the  peninsula,  issuing  on  the 
24th  of  October  a  new  reglamento  for  the  military 
establishment  which  had  been  prepared  two  or  three 
years  before  by  Governor  Neve.22  It  increased  the 

19 Arch.  Col.,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  87,  91;  Cal,  Noticias,  carta  iii.  67-96. 
Father  Sales  claims  that  the  friars  were  not  allowed  to  visit  the  mountains  as 
often  as  they  wished ;  else  more  lives  would  have  been  saved. 

™Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  127, 180;  ii.  66-7.  Mora  retired  on  account 
of  illness.  He  left  no  account  of  the  tithes  collected  in  the  south  for  the  last 
five  years.  Mora's  final  departure  seems  to  have  been  in  Sept.  or  Oct.  1783. 
Id.,  iii.  181. 

21  Aug.  15,  1781,  Neve's  instructions.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii. 
309-17. 

2*Neve,  Renlamcnto  6  Instruction  1779,  MS.,  75  pages.  Some  of  the  lead 
ing  features  of  this  regulation,  for  more  details  of  which  see  Hist.  Cal.,  i., 
this  series,  were  in  substance  as  follows :  Lists  of  supplies  needed  to  be  sent 
annually  by  the  captain  to  viceroy  direct.  Troops  to  pay  for  supplies,  in 
cluding  arms  and  horses,  at  cost  prices.  The  comisario  to  attend  to  payment 
of  troops  and  distribution  of  supplies,  subject  to  intervention  of  the  captain. 
The  presidio  to  have  24  mules  at  cost  of  treasury,  to  be  maintained  at  expense 
of  fondo  de  gratification.  Force  to  consist  of  captain,  $1,500;  lieutenant, 
$550;  alfdrez,  8400;  2  sergeants  at  $262.50;  3  corporals  at  $225;  31)  privates  at 
$217.50;  total,  with  fondo  de  gratificacion,$W  for  each  soldier,  $12,522.50.  A 
sergeant  and  6  men  to  be  stationed  at  Sta  Ana;  lieutenant,  2  corporals,  and 
HIST.  N.  HEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  46 


722  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

military  force  to  forty-six  men,  including  officers,  to 
cost  $14,518  per  year,  including  the  expense  of  the 
naval  establishment.  The  regulation  also  embraced 
an  order  for  the  immediate  establishment  of  the  new 
missions  to  connect  the  peninsula  settlements  with 
those  of  Alta  California.  One  padre  only  was  allowed 
for  each  mission,  except  at  Loreto,  where  one  of  the 
two  served  as  chaplain,  and  in  the  two  frontier  mis 
sions.  The  prelates  could  not  move  friars  from  one 
mission  to  another;  and  the  royal  patronato  must  be 
strictly  observed. 

The  Dominicans  seem  to  have  taken  but  little  in 
terest  in  the  extension  of  their  missions  to  the  far 
north-east;  at  least  we  hear  of  no  protest  from  them 
when  the  Queretaro  Franciscans  founded  two  estab 
lishments  on  the  Colorado  directly  in  the  line  of  what 
should  have  been  Dominican  advance.  These  mis 
sions  were  destroyed  by  the  savages  in  1781;  and  at 
the  time  Captain  Rivera  was  killed  while  on  his  way 
with  colonists  for  Alta  California.  Full  particulars 
of  this  disaster  are  given  elsewhere.23  Alferez  Jose 
Maria  Estrada  assumed  the  command  at  Loreto  after 
Rivera's  death,  until  in  1782  the  place  was  given  by 
the  comandante  general  of  Provincias  Internas  to 
Manuel  de  Azuela,  lieutenant  of  the  Santa  Fe  com 
pany  and  brevet  captain.  Azuela  perhaps  did  not 
come  to  Loreto;  for  soon  Lieutenant  Joaquin  Cafiete, 
who  shortly  before  had  succeeded  Velazquez,  was 
made  captain  that  he  might  retire  with  that  rank,  as 
he  did  at  the  end  of  1783,  when  Captain  Jose  Joaquin 
de  Arrillaga  was  promoted  from  the  Texas  presidios 
to  the  command  of  Loreto.  Meanwhile  Felipe  de 

23  men  at  the  northern  missions.  Naval  department  to  consist  of  carpenter 
at  $132;  smith,  $120;  caulker,  $120;  for  the  sloop  Pilar— master,  $120;  keeper, 
$84;  8  sailors  at  $72;  expense  supplies — repairs,  1  sloop  and  2  lighters,  etc., 
400.  Total,  $1,996  per  year,  the  crew  of  the  lighter  S.  Juan  Nepomuceno 
being  suppressed,  and  the  craft  kept  ready  for  any  emergency.  The  habili- 
tado  was  to  continue  collecting  a  fixed  sum  from  pearl-fishers  in  place  of  the 
royal  fifths.  Details  of  military  system  and  routine  were  substantially  the 
same  as  in  Alta  California. 

23  See  Hist.  CaL,  i.  ch.  xvii.,  this  series.     The  same  volume  contains  all 
that  is  known  of  Ivivera's  life  and  character. 


CUSTODIAS   THREATENED.  723 

Goycoechea  took  Caiiete's  place  as  lieutenant  in  1783, 
and  was  succeeded  the  next  year  by  Jose  Francisco 
Ortega.  This  left  Arrillaga,  Ortega,  and  Estrada  as 
the  commissioned  officers.2* 

The  Dominicans  were  seriously  disturbed  in  1783 
by  a  report  that  the  missions  were  to  be  taken  from 
them  and  given  to  the  Franciscans,  not  Fernandinos, 
however,  but  Observantes.  Bishop  Reyes  had  brought 
some  friars  from  Spain,  and  was- bent  on  establishing 
two  custodids,  one  in  Sonora  and  the  other  in  the 
peninsula.  There  was  violent  opposition  from  San 
Fernando  and  the  other  Franciscan  colleges,  as  well 
as  from  the  Dominicans.  President  Hidalgo  went 
over  to  Sonora  for  a  personal  interview  with  the 
bishop,  who  finally  abandoned  his  project.  And  so 
pleased  was  Reyes  with  the  Dominican  administration, 
that  he  not  only  advised  their  continuance  in  the 
peninsula  but  also  their  substitution  for  the  Fernan 
dinos  in  the  north,  on  account  of  the  latter's  opposition 
to  Neve's  reglamento.25 

Neve  had  now  been  made  comandante  general  of 
the  Provincias  Internas,  and  Pedro  Fages  had  become 
governor  of  the  Californias.  Fages  visited  Loreto  in 
1783,  and  busied  himself  in  arranging  a  variety  of 
military  details,  and  in  regulating  the  relations  be 
tween  soldiers  and  Indians,  especially  in  the  north. 
The  force  of  twenty-one  men  on  the  frontier26  seems 
absurdly  small,  yet  it  was  almost  always  sufficient  to 
maintain  order,  which  shows  either  great  efficiency  on 
the  part  of  the  troopers,  or  singular  apathy  and  cow 
ardice  on  that  of  the  natives.  It  was  a  hard  life  for 
the  friars,  much  less  zealous  missionaries  than  their 
predecessors  and  much  more  particular  in  their  ideas 
of  bodily  comfort;  and  in  this  year  their  position  was 

zlArch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  10,  25,  32,  36,  221;  Id.,  Ben.  MiL, 
xxii.  9. 

2'°Palou,  Noticias,  ii.  394-5,  being  the  last  item  recorded  in  Palou's  stand 
ard  work;  CaL,  Noticias,  carta  iv.  71-5,  including  a  letter  of  the  bishop  to 
Gen.  Neve,  dated  Dec.  13,  1783. 

26 Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  228-30.  There  are  2  men  at  S.  Fer 
nando,  5  at  Rosario,  6  at  Sto  Domingo,  and  10  at  San  Vicente. 


724  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

more  unbearable  than  ever.  One  vessel  was  lost,  and 
only  one  small  lancJia  must  suffice  for  the  supply  ser 
vice,  so  that  all  classes  were  reduced  to  destitution.27 
Though  there  was  but  one  friar  at  most  of  the  mis 
sions,  many  of  the  number  wished  to  retire,  but  were 
not  permitted  to  do  so  by  the  governor  and  general. 
Nevertheless  some  of  them  managed  on  one  pretext 
or  another  to  pass  over  to  the  main,  including  the  ex- 
president,  Mora;  and  one,  Padre  Naranjo,  was  expelled 
for  misconduct.28  Governor  Fages  did  what  he  could  to 
remedy  the  deplorable  condition  of  affairs,  as  is  shown 
by  his  many  instructions  from  Monterey.29  But  he 
was  far  away,  and  the  natural  poverty  of  the  country 
with  the  disaffection  of  the  padres  made  reforms  well 
nigh  impossible.  Orders  were  given  to  strictly  enforce 
the  revenue  laws,  but  there  was  no  revenue.  And  in 
vain  the  Indians  were  shifted  from  one  part  of  the 
peninsula  to  another  to  equalize  population  and  re 
sources.  No  more  progress  was  made  in  ecclesiastical 
than  in  civil  affairs. 

Such  was  the  country's  condition  when  at  the  end 
of  November  Captain  Arrillaga  arrived  as  lieutenant- 
governor.  Being  a  man  of  considerable  ability  and 
energy  he  at  once  set  himself  to  mending  matters. 
He  procured  another  small  vessel  for  transportation, 
and  in  1784  obtained  $8,000  worth  of  supplies  from 
across  the  gulf.30  Early  in  1785  he  made  a  tour  of 
inspection,  finding  the  people  everywhere  struggling 
to  live.  A  drought  had  ruined  all  crops.  There  was 
nothing  but  meat  to  eat;  not  a  shop  or  a  dealer  in  the 
country;  mining  entirely  suspended.  The  best  lands 

zlArch.  Cal,  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  iii.  180,  205;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  iv.  47-8;  xxi. 
83.  Arrillaga  in  1783  found  the  soldiers  wearing  any  clothes  they  could  get; 
many  families  unable  to  go  to  church  by  reason  of  nakedness;  and  only  40 
fanegas  of  maize  in  the  royal  storehouse.  No  money  or  supplies  in  1781,  very 
little  in  1782,  none  in  1783. 

™Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  iii.  181,  183,  207;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  v.  75-6. 

™Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  214-24.     Particularly  in  June  and  July,  1783. 

soprov  ££  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  71,  91-2;  xxi.  83.  A  new  tariff  for  native  prod 
ucts.  Id.,  v.  79.  The  San  Francisco  de  Paula,  or  Hercules,  touched  at  S.  Jos6 
in  November,  1784,  and  grounded,  "but  was  got  off.  Id.,  v.  134-5;  vi.  126. 
She  was  a  privateer  from  Macao,  under  Count  San  Donas. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  MIGUEL.  725 

were  monopolized  by  the  missions,  though  Arrillaga 
now  ventured  to  make  some  grants  to  settlers  pro 
visionally.  The  Indians  were  sadly  neglected,  espe 
cially  in  the  south.  The  prices  fixed  by  the  tariff 
were  so  high  that  the  officer  intrusted  with  the  sale 
of  the  wild  cattle  had  not  done  a  stroke  of  business 
for  eight  years.31 

Despite  the  miserable  condition  of  existing  estab 
lishments,  the  founding  of  new  missions  was  now 
contemplated,  in  order  to  close"  up  the  gap  between 
those  of  baja  and  alta  California.  Early  in  1785 
Fages  made  some  explorations,  and  chose  a  place  called 
Ericino  as  the  best  mission  site  near  the  boundary  and 
the  west  coast.32  Padre  Luis  Sales  of  Sari  Vicente 
was  instructed  to  find  an  intermediate  site  between 
his  mission  and  the  Encino,  and  started  with  a  party 
of  soldiers  under  Lieutenant  Ortega  in  April  1785, 
discovering  the  future  site  of  Santo  Tom  as  de  Aquino 
in  the  Grulla  and  San  Solano  mountains.33  Early  in 
1786  by  the  general's  orders  to  found  the  new  mis 
sions  as  soon  as  possible,  Fages  sent  another  expedi 
tion  to  Encino,  but  the  Indians  kept  the  frontier  in 
such  a  state  of  turmoil34  that  nothing  was  accomplished 
till  March  1784,  when  the  mission  of  San  Miguel  was 
founded  by  Padre  Sales  at  or  near  Encino,  the  site 
being  several  times  changed  in  later  years.35  The 
new  mission  was  put  in  the  military  jurisdiction  of 
San  Diego,  from  which  presidio  was  sent  a  guard 

31Arrillaga's  report  of  Feb.  15,  1785,  in  Arch.  CaL,  St.  Pap..  Miss,  and 
Col.,L  1-4. 

32  Velazquez,  Diario  y  Mapa  1783,  MS.;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  107-8,   191. 

33Ortega  to  Fages  April  15,  1785.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  236-9;  Cal, 
Noticiax,  carta  iii.  77-86. 

34 On  Indian  troubles  see  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  37,  109-11, 
164-0,  174-6. 

**Pron.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  40.  Moved  to  S.  Juan  Bautista  Canada  in 
1788.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  211.  Negrete,  Soc.  Hex.  Georj.,  Bol,  vii.  354,  tells 
us  it  was  later  restored  to  the  original  site.  Padre  Sales,  Cal.,  Notlcias, 
carta  iii.  81  et  seq.,  who  gives  some  details,  says,  however,  that  the  original 
site  was  San  Juan,  not  mentioning  any  change ;  and  he  implies  that  his  ex 
ploration  for  Sto  Tonics  was  subsequent  to  the  founding  of  S.  Miguel.  Ac 
cording  to  Arch.  CaL,  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  45,  and  Lassepas,  Baja  CaL, 
106,  San  Miguel  was  founded  at  least  10  years  before  1787. 


726  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

of  six  men  under  Sergeant  Ignacio  Alvarado.  Five 
men  were  also  furnished  by  the  comanclante  of  the 
frontier.  Hough  fortifications  were  erected,  and 
though  the  surrounding  Indians  were  hostile  the 
lieutenant  succeeded  by  chastisements  and  bribes  in 
reducing  them  to  comparative  order.  In  May  1787 
Ortega,  being  appointed  to  a  command  in  the  north, 
was  succeeded  by  Lieutenant  Diego  Gonzalez.36 

In  1786  two  important  reports  were  made  on  the 
condition  of  the  missions  by  order  of  the  viceroy,  one 
by  President  Hidalgo  and  the  other  by  Governor 
Fages.37  They  agree  substantially  on  the  miserable 
condition  of  the  country,  though  they  give  but  few 
statistics.  The  natives,  noted  for  their  stupidity  and 
indolence,  generally  understood  Spanish,  especially  in 
the  south;  and  preaching  was  in  that  language.  Their 
numbers  had  been  greatly  reduced  by  pestilence,  and 
nearly  all  the  survivors,  according  to  Fages,  were 
suffering  from  syphilitic  diseases.  Deaths  outnum 
bered  births  more  than  three  to  one.  In  the  north, 
where  the  neophytes  were  still  somewhat  numerous, 
most  of  them  lived  in  the  mountains,  only  nominally 
attached  to  the  communities.  There  were  few  cattle 
except  at  two  or  three  missions.  Fertile  lands  were 
of  very  limited  extent.  For  two  or  three  years  there 
would  be  no  rain;  and  then  would  come  a  flood  de 
stroying  the  crops.  No  new  friars  had  come  for 
fifteen  years;  many  had  died,  and  some  lost  their 
reason,  and  now  there  were  twenty-one  in  charge  of 
sixteen  missions.  There  wras  no  revenue  except  the 
products  of  the  little  patches  of  maize,  wheat,  figs, 
dates,  and  a  few  vines,  added  to  the  padres'  stipends. 

™Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  17,  260-4;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  vii.  78-85, 
17(M). 

*'•  Hidalgo,  Informe  sobre  la  condition  actual  de  las  Misiones  de  Bfija  Cali 
fornia,  1786,  MS.,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  243-52,  dated  in  Mexico, 
March  20,  and  including  some  preliminary  correspondence. 

Pages,  Informe  del  Estado  de  las  Misiones  que  estaban  al  cargo  de  los  regu- 
larcs  ^extinguidos,  1786,  MS.,  in  Arch.  CaL,  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  i.  9-17.  Dated 
Monterey,  Oct.  20. 


PADRE  SALES'  WORK.  727 

Yet  some  improvements  had  been  made  at  several 
places  at  a  cost  of  §24,000.  Church  decorations  and 
furniture  were  generally  in  good  condition.  In  justice 
to  the  Dominicans,  as  Fages  urged,  the  large  contri 
butions  to  the  Jesuits  in  former  times  should  be  taken 
into  account.  The  policy  of  transferring  Indians  from 
north  to  south  was  a  bad  one;  yet  certain  changes 
were  favored  by  both  president  and  governor.  Some 
local  items  will  be  given  later.  To  his  report  Hi 
dalgo  added  an  elaborate  set  of  regulations  in  one 

O  O 

hundred  articles  which  he  had  prepared  for  the  routine 
duties  of  padres  and  of  neophytes.33 

Among  the  padres  who  left  the  country  in  1788  or 
the  next  year  was  Father  Luis  Sales,  author  of  the 
only  work  on  California  published  by  the  Dominicans. 
The  book  is  largely  descriptive  and  does  not  purport  to 
present  a  connected  historical  narration  even  of  the 
Dominican  period;  yet  it  affords  much  useful  infor 
mation  and  has  been  often  cited  in  these  chapters.39 

38  Hidalgo,  Ordenes  y  Ynstrucciones  generates  qne  en  consequencia  de  la 
vislta  hecha  par  el  11.  P.  Fr.  Miguel  Hidalgo,  etc.,  MS.,  in  Pinart,  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  253-61. 

Pages  closes  his  report  as  follows :  '  Y  para  decirlo  todo,  las  misiones  de 
San  Jose",  Santiago,  Toclos  Santos,  San  Javier,  Loreto,  Comondii,  Cadegomo, 
Guadalupe,  y  Mulege"  van  a-  pasos  gigantes  d  sn  total  extincion.  La  razon  es 
de  tal  evidencia  que  no  deja  duda.  El  mal  galico  domina  d  ambos  secsos  y 
en  tal  grado  qne  ya  las  madres  no  conciben,  y  si  conciben  sale  el  feto  con  poca 
esperanza  de  la  vida.  Hay  mision  de  las  citadas,  que  ha  mas  de  mi  ano  y 
meses  que  en  ella  no  se  ha  bautizado  criatura  alguna,  y  la  que  mas  no  llega  it 
cinco  bautizados,  siendo  cosa  digna  de  admirar  que  esceden  los  muertos  en  el 
ano  pasado  de  los  de  edad  de  14  anos  para  abajo  a  los  nacidos.  Con  todos 
los  adultos,  son  triples  los  muertos  que  los iiacidos. '  The  prices  in  1788  were: 
wheat,  §3;  maize,  $1.50;  horse,  $7;  mule,  $15;  bull,  $5;  cow,  $6;  sheep,  §2; 
goat,  $1;  ass,  §4.  Cal.,  Noticias,  carta  iii.  104. 

S9  Noticias  de  la  Provincia  de  Californias  en  tres  cartas  de  un  sacerdote  reli- 
c/ioso,  hijo  del  real  convento  de  predicadores  de  Valencia  d  un  amigo  suyo. 
Valencia,  1794,  IGmo,  104,  96,  104  pp.  and  sheet.  The  letters  are  signed 
'  F.  L.  S.'  and  the  archives  contain  ample  material  to  identify  him  with  Fray 
Luis  Sales,  though  this  identity  is  now  announced  for  the  first  time.  The 
first  letter  treats  of  geography  and  the  Indians ;  the  second  includes  historical 
material  on  the  Jesuit  and  Franciscan  periods,  with  a  report  on  Nootka 
affairs;  and  the  third  treats  largely  of  the  Dominican  occupation  and  the 
author's  own  experience.  The  letters  bear  no  dates;  the  first  and  second 
were  written  from  San  Miguel  mission,  California,  and  the  third  from  San 
Miguel,  Azores  Islands,  whither  the  author  had  come  as  chaplain  on  a  man- 
of-war  from  Vera  Cruz.  In  carta  i.  92-3,  he  speaks  of  a  pestilence  and  revolt 
in  1788-9,  the  dates  being  doubtless  misprints.  To  about  this  date  belongs 
a  good  account  of  California  from  Vencgas,  and  Cal.}  Noticias,  etc.,  in  Viayero 
Univ.,  xxvi. 


728  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

Nothing  happened  worthy  of  mention  for  several 
years.  In  the  spring  of  1791  Jose  Antonio  Romeu 
arrived  at  Loreto  and  assumed  command  of  the  Cali- 
fornias  as  governor,  succeeding  Fages,  and  soon  pro 
ceeded  to  Monterey  by  land.  About  this  time  Lieu 
tenant  Gonzalez,  dissatisfied  with  his  position  on  the 
frontier  and  involved  in  quarrels  with  the  padre  at 
San  Vicente,  was  retired  and  replaced  apparently  by 
Jose  Francisco  Ortega.  Alferez  Estrada  died  in 
1791,  and  was  soon  succeeded  by  Ildefonso  Bernal.40 
The  padres  were  still  restless  and  many  of  them  were 
kept  in  the  country  against  their  will;  and  a  reen- 
forcement  of  four,  not  named,  arrived  this  year,  with 
two  scientific  men  sent  by  the  king  to  make  observa 
tions.  About  this  time — or  perhaps  some  years  earlier, 
since  Hidalgo's  report  of  1786  was  written  in  Mexico — 
Padre  Juan  Crjsostomo  Gomez  became  president  of 
the  missions.41 

On  the  24th  of  April  1791,  after  some  controversy 
between  the  governor  and  president  about  the  site,  in 
which  the  latter  had  his  way,  the  mission  of  Santo 
Tomds  de  Aquino  was  founded  at  San  Solano,  between 
San  Vicente  and  San  Miguel,  being  put  in  charge  of 
Padre  Jose  Llorente.  Gomez  proposed  to  establish 
three  more  missions  in  the  north,  but  it  was  forbidden 
by  the  viceroy  until  a  presidio  could  be  founded  in 
that  region.42  In  April  1792,  on  the  death  of  Gov 
ernor  Romeu,  Arrillaga  became  acting  governor,  and 
Ortega  lieutenant-governor,  the  former  being  ordered 
to  Monterey  the  next  year.  Eighteen  more  friars 
arrived  in  1792,  twelve  in  August  and  six  in  Sep 
tember.  The  latter  had  a  narrow  escape  from  drown- 

40 Arch.  Crl.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  30,  38,  52,  57,  95,  124,  128,  172-3; 
xi.  42-7,  164;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  v.  86-7;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  414-15. 

°-Arch.  Cal,  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  28-9,  104;  iv.  3;  v.  93-4;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  28,  33.  The  scientists  were  Jaime  Sensebe  and  Jose"  Longinos  Mar 
tinez.  As  Gomez  is  called  sometimes  Juan  Antonio,  and  as  Juan  Cris6stomo 
had  tried  to  retire,  it  is  possible  that  there  were  two  of  the  name,  the  presi 
dent  being  Antonio. 

^Arch.  Cal., -St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  89-90;  i.  27-8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  x. 
124-5;  xxi.  79.  Negrete  inSoc.  Mex.  Geofj.,  Bol.,  viii.  352,  says  that  Sto  To- 
mas  was  moved  a  league  westward  in  1794,  being  thus  10  1.  from  S.  Vicente. 


SAN  PEDRO  AND  SANTO  TOMAS.  729 

ing  when  their  vessel  was  wrecked  and  most  of  the 
cargo  lost  some  twenty  miles  from  Loreto.  As  the 
missionary  force  was  now  larger  than  was  needed, 
some  thirteen  got  leave  to  retire.  Padre  Gomez  was 
one  of  the  number,  and  Padre  Cayetano  Pallas  became 
president.43 

Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  in  his  mission  report  of 
1793  furnished  for  the  king  a  general  view  of  the 
California  establishments,  their"  past  history  and  pres 
ent  condition,  containing,  hovever,  no  special  informa 
tion  which  requires  notice  here.44  In  this  year  also 
explorations  were  made  by  the  viceroy's  order  result 
ing  in  the  finding  of  a  site  between  Santo  Domingo 
and  Rosario,  where  the  new  mission  of  San  Pedro 
Martyr  de  Verona  was  established  on  April  27,  1794, 
by  President  Pallas,  the  site,  being  called  Casilipe  by 
the  natives.  The  pagans  gave  much  trouble  to  Ser 
geant  Jose  Manuel  Ruiz,  commandant  of  the  guard, 
stealing  the  cattle,  threatening  an  attack,  and  extend 
ing  their  hostilities  to  Santo  Tomas  and  San  Miguel. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year  San  Pedro  was  moved  a 
short  distance  to  a  place  where  the  natural  defences 
were  stronger  and  the  soil  more  fertile,  Santo  Toma*s 
being  also  moved  somewhat  higher  up  the  Canada 
of  San  Solano.45 

The  newly  appointed  governor,  Don  Diego  de 
Borica,  arrived  at  Loreto  on  the  12th  of  May,  1794, 
took  possession  of  his  office  two  days  later,  and  in 
July  started  for  Monterey,  Arrillaga  returning  pres 
ently  to  his  former  position  at  Loreto,  and  being  pro 
moted  to  be  lieutenant-colonel  in  1795.  Ortega  was 

43 Arch.  Cal, Prov. St. Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  76;  xxi.  72,74,  76, 160;  Id.,Ben.,  ii.  1. 

"Revilla,  Gifjedo,  Carta  sobre  Misiones,  27  de  Die.,  1793,  v.  427-30.  Also 
in  MS.  in  Arch.  Cal. ,  St.  Pap. ,  Miss,  and-  Col. ,  MS. ,  i.  1-28;  Mayer  MSS. ,  no.  1 1 . 

*°Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  49,  87,  143-4;  xii.  107,  117;  xxi. 
79-80,  111,  130-1,  192;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xx.  4;  Prov.  Rec.,  i.  211-12;  vi.  138-9; 
St.  Pap.  Miss.,  ii.  36-8;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  ix.  80;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  37;  Oaceta 
de  Me.x.,  vi.  544.  Taylor,  Cal.  Farmer,  March  21,  1862,  erroneously  gives 
the  date  of  founding  S.  Pedro  as  April  20.  The  locality  is  generally  given  as 
12  to  14  1.  east  of  Sto  Domingo. 


730  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

retired  at  this  time  and  his  place  as  lieutenant  taken 
by  Francisco  de  Koa,  who  came  with  Borica.  But 
Roa  proved  to  be  "effeminate,  more  fond  of  amuse 
ments  than  of  attending  to  his  duties,  and  ruled  by 
his  wife,  who  disgusted  everybody;"  and  at  his  own 
request  he  was  transferred  to  the  mainland  in  1795.46 
A  much  more  efficient  officer  was  Alferez  Bernal, 
who  early  in  1795  was  sent  to  make  a  tour  of  inspec 
tion  in  the  south,  visiting  every  establishment.  After 
Bernal's  return  Sergeant  Luis  Lopez  was  put  in  com 
mand  of  the  southern  district,  being  furnished  with 
elaborate  instructions.  Among  the  latter  was  a  clause 
ordering  him  to  "  observe  good  conduct,  or  at  least 
pretend  to."47 

For  several  years  it  had  been  contemplated,  with 
the  consent  of  the  friars,  to  suppress  some  of  the 
poorer  missions;  and  this  measure  was  finally  carried 
out  in  April  1795  with  respect  to  Santiago  and  Gua- 
dalupe.48  Meanwhile  the  country  east  of  San  Miguel 
and  Santo  Tomas  was  being  explored  with  a  view  of 

46  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  141-2,  152;  xii.  14,  71,  75-8,  88, 
152;  xiii.  93;  xxi.  199,  201-5,  213-14;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxi.  7;  Prov.  Rec.,  i. 
212;  vi.  23,  27,  32-3,  36,  134;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  40.  Gov.  Borica  was 
pleased  with  the  condition  of  affairs  on  his  way  north.  He  found  at  Loreto 
good  bread  and  meat,  home-made  wine,  olives,  and  oil,  fruits,  vegetables,  and 
tish.  He  sent  a  barrel  of  brandy  and  another  of  olives  to  a  friend  in  Mexico; 
also  some  octagonal  wine-colored  stones  which  proved  of  no  value.  Fr. 
Mariano  Fernandez  is  named  as  vice-president  of  the  missions  in  1794.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  88.  Roa  seems  not  to  have  gone  to  the  frontier  but  became 
habilitado  at  Loreto  during  his  stay. 

*''  Bernal's  diary  of  his  tour,  Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  132-8. 
Arrillaga's  instructions  to  Lopez,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  110-15.  Some  infor 
mation  about  Bernal  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  55;  v.  789.  He  was  33  years 
old  in  1795,  and  had  been  in  seven  campaigns  against  the  Apaches.  Report 
by  Arrillaga  on  condition  of  missions.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  33-6.  On  re 
sources  of  the  country,  timber,  etc.,  Castro,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., MS., i.  1.  1795-6, 
correspondence  on  a  Baja  California  contribution  of  $1,486  for  the  war  against 
France.  Prov.  Rec.,  v.  318,  340;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xiii.  93-4.  In  the  same  years 
there  was  considerable  correspondence  on  the  subject  of  education,  caused 
by  a  royal  order,  and  resulting  apparently  in  the  founding  of  a  primary  school 
at  Loreto.  Prov.  Rec.,  v.  339-40;  vi.  79;  viii.  194-5,207;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xvi. 
127;  Jd.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxvii.  3. 

™Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  110-11,  141;  xiii.  84;  Id.,  Ben.,  i. 
43-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxii.  6;  Prov.  Rec.,  viii.  195;  xi.  48;  St.  Pap.  Miss., 
ii.  80-1;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  39.  The  neophytes  of  Santiago  were  added 
to  San  Jose",  and  those  of  Guadalupe  to  Purisima.  At  Guadalupe  the  mission, 
property  was  put  in  charge  of  Luis  Aguilar  and  his  heirs  on  joint  account  of 
himself  and  the  government.  The  mission  was  restored  in  1833. 


AREILLAGA'S  TOUR.  731 

extending  the  occupation  towards  the  Colorado  as 
soon  as  practicable.  In  October  1794  Sergeant  Ruiz 
and  Padre  Yaldellon  examined  a  site  called  Santa 
Catalina  midway  between  Santo  Tom  as  and  the  head 
of  the  gulf,  and  another  near  it  called  Portezuelo. 
Alferez  Bernal  continued  the  explorations  in  1795 
until  the  region  was  pretty  well  known;  and  there 
are  indications  that  some  efforts  were  made  to  explore 
the  upper  gulf  coast  by  water.49  The  western  coast 
was  also  explored,  but  not  in  "a  manner  that  pleased 
the  Spaniards,  by  John  Locke,  the  captain  of  the 
Resolution,  an  English  whaler.  This  vessel  well  laden 
with  oil  touched  at  San  Miguel  in  the  middle  of  1795, 
afterwards  obtaining  some  supplies  at  Todos  Santos, 
and  leaving  San  Jose  in  October.  The  visit  drew 
out  from  Governor  Borica  strict  orders  that  foreign 
craft  should  not  be  allowed  to  remain  in  Californian 
ports  longer  than  hospitality  demanded,  trade  being 
prohibited,  and  constant  precautions  urged,  especially 
against  the  English.50 

Lieutenant-governor  Arrillaga  started  in  June  1796 
to  explore  in  person  the  northern  regions.  Landing 
at  San  Luis  from  the  Saturnina,  he  visited  San  Fer 
nando,  Rosario,  and  Santo  Domingo,  arriving  at  San 
Vicente  on  the  1 3th  of  July.  Here  he  found  much 
excitement  in  consequence  of  troubles  with  the  Ind 
ians.  Not  only  were  the  pagans  hostile,  but  the  neo 
phytes  of  San  Pedro  had  deserted  in  a  body,  refusing 
to  return  unless  a  new  padre  were  appointed.51  From 
San  Vicente  Arrillaga  went  on  to  the  Santa  Catalina 
site  with  eleven  men.  Here  some  five  hundred  na 
tives  had  been  gathered  in  five  rancherias  awaiting 
the  promised  mission.  Returning  he  started  again 

49  Correspondence  and  BernaPs  diary  in  A  re  h.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xii.  117;  xiii.  128-32;  244-56;  Prov.  Rec.,  v.  307-10,  313-14;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  i.  43;  Castro,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,'i.  1. 

™Arch.  Col.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  108-9,  261-4;  xiv.  111-12;  Prov. 
Rec.,  v.  334;  viii.  202. 

51  Bernal  had  been  sent  in  May  and  June  to  investigate.  There  had  been 
some  soldiers  wounded  and  Indians  killed  in  the  troubles.  Bernal's  journal, 
dated  June  25,  is  in  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  9-12. 


732  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

for  the  east  and  south,  visiting  Santo  Domingo,  San 
Pedro,  and  San  Felipe  on  the  gulf  coast,  and  reached 
San  Vicente  again  the  31st  of  August.  On  Septem 
ber  5th  he  started  on  a  still  more  extended  trip  far  to 
the  north-east,  past  Santa  Catalina,  and  to  the  Colo 
rado  on  October  18th.  Here  he  had  a  fight  with  the 
Indians.52  Thence  the  explorer  turned  to  the  north 
west  and  reached  San  Diego  on  the  27th  of  October. 
Returning  to  the  south  he  dated  his  diary  at  San 
Vicente  the  9th  of  December,53  returning  to  Loreto 
in  January.  Arrillaga's  leading  object  had  been  to 
learn  if  it  were  practicable  to  open  communication  by 
land  with  Sonora.  It  had  been  his  opinion  before, 
and  it  was  confirmed  by  his  tour,  that  it  was  useless 
to  open  such  a  route  unless  it  could  be  protected  by  a 
strong  garrison;  and  he  did  not  now  favor  the  meas 
ure.  Yet  he  suggested  two  plans;  the  first  to  found 
a  presidio  at  Santa  Olaya,  with  detachments  at  So- 
noita  and  San  Felipe;  and  the  second,  which  he 
preferred,  to  place  the  presidio  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Colorado  to  secure  a  supply  route  and  line  of  retreat 
by  water.54 

First,  however — and  last  as  it  proved — it  was  nec 
essary  to  found  the  new  mission  of  Santa  Catalina 
Martyr,  some  twenty  leagues  north-eastward  of  San 
Vicente,  as  a  base  of  supplies  for  the  proposed  presi 
dio.  This  was  ordered  by  the  viceroy  and  governor; 
and  after  some  delay,  for  it  was  regarded  as  a  danger 
ous  post  to  be  strongly  fortified  and  garrisoned,  the 
founding  was  accomplished  on  November  12,  1797, 
by  padres  Jose  Llorente  and  Tomds  Valdellon.  Of 
the  mission's  early  annals  in  addition  to  the  founding 

52Borica's  letter  of  Nov.  17.  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  y.  352-3.  The 
fight  is  not  mentioned  in  Arrillaga's  journal.  One  soldier  was  killed  and  seven 
were  wounded.  The  Indians  had  seven  killed. 

^Arrillafja,  Journal  deuna Exploration  en  lafrontera  del Norte  1796,  MS., 
in  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xiv.  93-9.  He  also  appears  to  have  written 
another  narrative,  Id.,  xvi.  126-7,  which  lie  called  Sobre  Aventuras  del 
Camino  para  Sonora  y  Nuevo  Mexico,  prepared  at  Loreto. 

54 Oct.  26,  1797,  Arrillaga  to  Borilla.  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi. 
136-40.  Nov.  7,  Id.  to  Id.,  Prov.  Eec.,  v.  352-3. 


WAR  WITH  ENGLAND.  733 

nothing  is  known.55  In  1796  also,  and  this  was 
another  motive  of  Arrillaga's  tour,  was  agitated  the 
scheme  of  separating  the  two  Californias  into  distinct 
governments.  Governor  Borica  advocated  the  meas 
ure,  and  no  opposition  from  any  quarter  is  recorded ; 
yet  nothing  was  accomplished  until  after  the  end  of 
the  century.56 

It  had  been  known  to  the  Californians  that  Spain 
was  on  the  verge  of  a  war  with  England,  the  effect 
being  much  foolish  excitement.  All  foreigners  were 
regarded  as  possible  foes;  harmless  traders  were 
arrested  and  sent  to  Mexico;  and  couriers  dashed  to 
and  fro  with  orders  and  reports  as  if  the  country  were 
already  invaded.  The  mere  rumor  of  possible  war 
causing  all  this  ado,  the  reader  may  imagine  the  ex 
citement  when  it  was  known  in  1797  that  war  had 
actually  been  declared.  The  records  overflow  with 
martial  correspondence;  nearly  $2,000  was  contributed 
for  defence;57  muskets  by  the  half-dozen  were  sent  to 
exposed  points;  the  militia  was  organized;  and  elabo 
rate  instructions  were  issued  to  subordinate  officials/8 
There  were  only  about  fifty  soldiers  in  the  whole 
peninsula;  and  the  garrison  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  one 
of  the  points  regarded  as  most  important  and  most 
likely  to  be  attacked,  was  five  soldiers  and  two  armed 
citizens.  But  the  people  were  not  discouraged;  and 
the  governor  was  confident  that  the  invader  would  be 
repulsed  with  ignominy.  The  drowsy  spell  ever 
hanging  over  the  peninsula  was  for  a  time  exorcised; 
and  more  paper  was  used  for  official  correspondence 

KArch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  365-6,  369-78;  vi.  52-3,57,62-3,  199- 
200;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xv.  178,  202,  235-6;  xvi.  97,  102-3,  145-6;  xxi.  8-11; 
St.  Pap.  Miss.,  ii.  114-17;  Leese's  Hist.  Outline,  11;  Lassepas,  BajaCal.,  104. 
These  two  writers  incorrectly  date  the  founding  in  1795. 

50  Borica,  Proyecto  sobre  division  de  Californias  1796,  MS.  Dated  at  Mon 
terey  Sept.  llth.  Approved  of  fiscal  in  Mexico — Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  140-2;  also  references  in  Prov.  Rec.,  iii.  268;  v.  343-4;  viii.  159.  Re 
vival  of  the  scheme  in  1802.  Arch.  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  xi.  429-32. 

57  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  181;  v.  357. 

bSArch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  108-9,  117-18;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv. 
129,  being  Arrillaga's  instructions  to  Aguilar  commanding  in  the  south  and 
to  Ruiz  in  the  north. 


734  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

than  for  cigarettes.  The  shabby  unpaid  trooper 
patched  up  his  leathern  armor  in  grim  anticipation  of 
a  brush  with  a  foe  worthy  of  his  Spanish  valor;  the 
vecino  furbished  up  his  rusty  firelock,  an  heirloom 
from  the  days  of  Otondo,  more  deadly  to  the  patriot 
at  the  butt  than  to  the  invader  at  the  muzzle ;  and 
even  that  poor  cowed  creature,  the  neophyte,  twanged 
the  bow  of  his  savage  sire  and  footed  it  in  the  war- 
dance  to  show  his  anxiety  to  defend  the  country  he 
had  lost  in  behalf  of  those  who  had  robbed  him  of  it. 
Unhappily  for  those  who  hoped  to  earn  glorious 
laurels,  but  fortunately  for  the  navies  of  Great  Britain, 
the  conquest  of  California  was  not  attempted.  True 
a  fleet  of  sixteen  sail  was  sighted  off  San  Miguel,  but 
after  $1,000  had  been  spent  in  publishing  the  alarm, 
the  disappointed  and  warlike  watchers  had  to  admit 
that  they  had  been  threatened  by  nothing  more  for 
midable  than  an  armada  of  clouds.53 

In  August  1797  eight  new  padres  arrived  at  Lo- 
reto;  and  the  next  year  a  number  of  the  old  friars  were 
permitted  to  retire.  Among  the  latter  was  President 
Pallas,  who  was  succeeded  by  Padre  Vicente  Belda.60 

Meanwhile  Santa  Catalina,  counted  on  as  a  base  of 
supplies  for  a  new  and  important  extension  of  Spanish 
dominion,  had  not  prospered  as  had  been  expected. 
The  mission  was  barely  self-supporting,  and  the  Do 
minicans  had  no  other  direction  in  which  to  extend 
their  field.  Howrever,  the  padres  of  Santo  Tomas 
were  permitted  to  occupy  the  fertile  valley  of  San 

*9Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  71,  75,  213-14,  376;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  256.  Viceroy  Branciforte — Instruc.,  MS.,  32-8 — gives  some 
attention  to  California  and  its  defenceless  condition.  See  also  Azanza,  Instruc. 
187. 

60The  new-comers  were:  Codina,  Lazaro,  Rivas,  Escala,  Fontcuberta,  Cau- 
las,  Surroca,  and  Saiiz.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,- viii.  212-13.  Those  ob 
taining  leave  to  retire  aboiit  this  time  were:  Rafael  and  Antonio  Caballero, 
Concepcion,  Salgado,  Tejeir,o,  Coello,  and  Llorente.  Pallas  did  not  leave  the 
country  till  1800.  Llorente  is  praised  by  the  governor  as  a  very  able  mission 
ary,  who  has  extended  his  travels  as  far  as  San  Francisco  in  Alta  California. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  226;  xvii.  87,  226;  xxi.  45;  Prov.  Rec.,  v.  401,  405; 
vi.  54,  91,  108,  190,  195-6,  220,  277;  viii.  9;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  ii.  118;  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  54,  56. 


i; 


A  NEW  ALARM.  735 

Rafael  on  condition  of  being  always  ready  to  furnish 
supplies  at  fixed  prices;  and  at  the  same  time  a  num 
ber  of  families  were  sent  from  other  missions  to  Santa 
Catalina.61 

The  warlike  excitement  of  1797  had  nearly  subsided 
into  the  normal  calm,  when  in  1799  the  country  was 
rudely  awakened  from  its  lethargy  by  an  incident  that 
caused  a  speedy  renewal  of  precautions  against  the 
English.  On  the  9th  of  May  four  vessels,  unmistak 
ably  British  and  not  clouds  this  time,  anchored  near 
Cape  San  Lucas.  One  captive  and  three  deserters 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  Once  six  boats 
ut  off  from  the  fleet  towards  the  mission  San  Jose, 
ut  wrere  frightened  back  by  hostile  demonstrations 
on  shore;  the  ships  sailed  away  on  the  13th;  and  the 
prisoners  were  sent  to  Loreto,  and  later  to  San  Bias, 
representing  themselves  as  belonging  to  an  English 
whaler.62 

This  event  of  course  caused  a  repetition  of  former 
defensive  measures.  Sergeant  Aguilar  in  the  south 
was  ordered  not  only  to  organize  a  militia  company, 
but  to  arm  the  natives;  "for,"  said  Arrillaga,  "the 
English  have  a  great  dread  of  the  Indians,  especially 
in  their  war-paint  and  feathers;"  and  there  was  soon 
an  opportunity  for  the  display  of  these  aboriginal  ter 
rors.  On  June  10th  two  strangers  appeared  at  Santa 
Ana  and  told  their  story  to  Aguilar.  The  Mercedes, 
a  Spanish  coasting  sloop,  Captain  Bernardo  Suarez 
Infanzon,  had  been  captured  near  the  Tres  Marias  by 
one  of  a  fleet  of  four  English  privateers.  Infanzon 
had  given  exaggerated  accounts  of  the  defences  of  San 
Bias,  and  had  offered  a  ransom  of  §3,000  for  himself 
and  vessel,  hoping  to  warn  the  California  transport  to 

^Arch.  Cal,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  381-5;  vi.  97,  206,  211;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  i.  40-50. 

62 Their  names  are  given  as  Edward  Hanckton,  James  Idelsh  (Welsh?), 
Thomas  Millar,  and  Win.  Thompson.  The  vessel  was  the  Bersey  (Mersey  ?), 
owner  Edward  Bennett,  master  Obed  Clark.  The  prisoners  are  said  to  have 
been  offered  to  an  English  captain,  who  refused  to  take  them,  advising  that 
they  should  be  hanged.  Arch.  Cal.,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  16,  291-3;  xxi. 
17,  22-3;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxvii.  5;  Prov.  Rec.,  viii.  20,  29,  124-5,  192-3. 


736  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

sail  on  June  6th.  The  privateers  preferred  supplies 
to  money,  and  came  to  California  to  obtain  them, 
sending  a  sailor  and  passenger  ashore  as  messengers. 
Infanzon  also  sent  a  letter  asking  the  comandante  to 
pay  the  ransom,  but  with  the  greatest  possible  delay. 
Aguilar  went  to  the  shore  with  a  few  cattle,  and 
promised  to  have  the  full  amount  ready  by  the  16th, 
which  wras  done,  and  the  privateers  set  sail  next  clay, 
no  blood  having  been  shed.  The  delay  enabled  the 
transport  Activo  to  escape,  for  she  arrived  at  Loreto 
the  very  day  of  the  privateers'  departure,  when  a 
strange  sail  was  also  seen  off  Coronado  Island.  On 
the  20th  two  foreign  ships  anchored  near  the  cape, 
landing  some  in  en  to  obtain  water.  This  party  was 
attacked  next  day  and  forced  to  reembark  under  cover 
of  the  ships'  guns,  from  which  five  rounds  of  grape 
were  fired.  Then  the  strangers  put  to  sea,  doubtless 
disgusted  at  so  inhospitable  a  reception.63 

Naturally  the  panic  increased.  Strange  vessels 
were  continually  being  sighted  at  one  point  or  an 
other,  often  the  same  craft  seen  over  and  over  again, 
until  the  Spaniards  imagined  themselves  surrounded 
by  a  great  British  fleet  seeking  an  opportunity  to 
'seize  the  peninsula.  These  fears  were  doubtless  for 
the  most  part  groundless.  There  were  perhaps  a  dozen 
English  vessels,  mostly  whalers  or  fishermen,  with 
heavy  armaments  for  defense,  in  these  waters  at  the 
time.64  They  wrere  ready  enough  for  mischief  should 
a  transport  vessel  come  in  their  way;  and  occasion 
ally  approached  the  land  for  water  or  supplies.  That 
they  had  no  intention  of  taking  the  peninsula  is  best 
proved  by  the  fact  that  they  did  not  do  it.  Both 
viceroy  and  governor  came  finally  to  this  conclusion. 

63  The  vessels  were  recorded  as  the  Bestor,  Claar,  master  and  commander 
of  the  fleet;  the  Bet-salt,  Captain  Moos;  the  Vinas,  Capt.  Moore;  and  the  Pa- 
jaro  (Bird?),  Capt.  Poull.     All  were  armed  with  12-pounders  and  swivel- 
guns  and  had  crews  of  30  men.    There  were  four  others  in  the  fleet,  not  named. 
Arch.  Cal.,Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  131;  viii.  21-7,  124,  127,  221-4;  Prov.  St. 
Pop.,  xvii.  293;  xxi.  18-19,  21;  Id,  Ben.  Mil.,  xiii.  10-19;  xxvi.  9. 

64  Aguilar  puts  the  number  at  19.   Arch.  Cal.}  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii. 
230;  and  others  as  high  as  24. 


END  OF  THE  CENTURY.  737 

Soon  the  mysterious  vessels  were  seen  no  more  in  the 
gulf;  the  militia  was  gradually  disbanded;  and  the 
country  relapsed  into  its  customary  state  of  repose, 
rendered  doubly  sweet  to  the  people  doubtless  by  the 
proud  consciousness  that  they  had  frightened  off  the 
invader.60 

Early  in  1800  Governor  Borica  left  California,  and 
died  at  Durango  in  July  of  the  same  year.  Thus 
Arrillaga  became  governor  ad  interim,  though  ordered 
to  continue  his  residence  at  Loreto.  The  last  year  of 
the  century  was  a  quiet  and  uneventful  one  on  the 
peninsula. 

I  append  three  notes,66  compiled  from  material 
furnished  by  the  bulky  but  fragmentary  records  pre 
served  in  the  Spanish  archives  of  Alta  California,  on 
peninsular  affairs  for  the  last  twenty  years  of  the 

65  Miscellaneous  correspondence,  showing  the  presence  of  a  few  vessels  in 
1800  and  additional  measures  of  precaution  before  quiet  was  completely  re 
stored:  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  237-8,  271,  277-8,  303-4;  xxi. 
20-1,  25,  27-31,  43:  Id.,  Dm.  Mil.,  xxvi.  17;  xxviii.  1-2;  Prov.  Kec.,  v.  331, 
407;  vi.  129;  viii.  32-3,  128,  222;  Azanza,  Instruc.,  184-5. 

66 Financial  statistics :  Pay-roll  of  presidial  company  per  year,  average  for 
12  years,  $12,928;  id.  for  marine  department,  $2,326;  expenses  of  repairs, 
etc.,  marine  dept.,  1790-4,  $5,434.  Inventories  of  effects  in  warehouse  at 
end  of  each  year — but  apparently  sometimes  including  only  goods,  or  supplies, 
and  at  others  all  property — average  for  11  years,  $9,565;  the  extremes  are, 
$1,630  in  1785,  and  $20,97(5  in  1799.  Memorias  from  Mexico,  average  for  15 
years,  $13,861;  but  this  included  drafts  on  the  treasury  and  a  small  amount 
of  coin,  less  than  half  being  goods  sent  from  Mexico.  Memorias  of  supplies 
from  San  Bias,  aveiage  for  13  years,  $4,762.  Totals  of  habilitado's  accounts, 
1781-9,  $144,527  and  $145,348.  Balance  against  the  presidio,  1787-94, 
$16,579.  Royal  revenues  on  an  average,  $4,611  per  year;  composed  of 
tobacco  sales,  $2,817;  tithes,  $275;  salt,  $211;  post-omce,  $91;  sales  of  cattle, 
$693;  and  alcabalas,  pearls,  land  tribute,  freights,  etc.,  $598,  the  largest 
item,  that  of  alcabalas,  or  excise  taxes,  being  doubtful.  The  tithes  were 
generally  rented  for  a  period  of  years.  Pearl-fifths  in  5  jrears  were  $2-!  Com 
missions  on  tithes  and  mails  were  10  per  cent,  on  tobacco  sales  8  per  cent. 
Sajaries,  1793:  captain,  $1,500;  lieutenant,  $550;  alf^rez,  $400;  2  sergeants 
at  $262.50;  3  corporals  at  $225;  47  soldiers  at  $217.50;  retired  captain 
(Cafiete),  $500;  sergeant,  $120;  corporal,  $96;  soldier,  $96.  Total  force,  59 
men;  cost,  with  gratification  fund  of  $470,  $15,154.50.  Naval  department: 
carpenter,  $240  ($132  in  1789);  smith,  $240  ($120);  caulker,  $240;  patron, 
$240  ($168);  guardian,  $192  ($84);  arraez,  $192  ($84);  14  sailors  at  $120  ($72 
and  $60).  Prices:  mule,  $12-$16;  horse,  $9;  calf,  $2-$4;  cow,  $5-$6;  ox, 
$6-80.50;  maize,  $1.75  per  fanega;  tallow,  $2;  lard,  $3.  See  a  full  account 
by  Habilitado  Estrada  for  1781-9,  in  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  197- 
209;  also,  Id.,  vi.  xi.-xiii.  xvi.  xxi.,  passim;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  iii.-xxvi.,  passim; 
Id.,  Ben.  Miscel,  i.  2-3;  Prov.  Rec.,  vi.  36,  211;  viii.  16,  42,  125-6,  160,  199, 
235-6;  St.  Pap.,Prcs.,  i.  51;  Id.,  Sac.,  iv.  19;  v.  81;  vi.  116;  ix.  45. 
HIST.  N.  MEX.  STATES,  VOL.  I.  47 


738  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

century.  The  first  is  a  collection  of  financial  items 
which  are  very  voluminous,  but  at  the  same  time 
fragmentary.  The  reader  may  find  much  additional 
information  on  some  phases  of  the  topic  in  the  annals 
of  Alta  California,  where  the  routine  was  similar 

Local  items  and  statistics  of  Baj a  California  missions,  1768-1800,  in  nearly 
geographical  order  from  south  to  north:  San  Jose  del  Cabo,  founded  1730. 
In  1708-7*2  in  charge  of  a  curate  and  of  the  Franciscans  Moran  and  Eioboo.  50 
Lid.  in  1772;  28  in  1782;  71  in  1785;  63  in  1790;  57  in  1791;  156-7  in  1793-4; 
81  in  1798;  256  in  1800.  Live-stock  from  1782  to  1800,  with  great  variations 
in  the  intermediate  years:  horses,  163  to  546;  cattle  535  to  388;  sheep  and 
goats,  575  to  282;  mules  and  asses,  68  to  1;  hogs,  none  except  8  in  1788. 
Grain  from  180  tq  250  fanegas,  records  for  only  4  years.  Money  and  valu 
ables  in  1782,  $300.  Between  1768  and  1786  good  buildings  replaced  misera 
ble  huts;  but  in  1793-4  the  chapel  had  been  destroyed  by  a  flood;  church 
poorly  furnished;  adobe  house  of  two  rooms,  thatched  roof.  Dominican 
padres:  Lafuente,  1788,  Urreta  to  1793;  Zarate,  1794-8;  Surroca,  1797-8. 

Santa  Ana,  real  de  minas.  founded  in  1708.  Mines  regarded  as  exhausted 
before  1772.  A  garrison-  of  36  men  in  1776.  Br.  Isidro  Ibarzabal  curate, 
1768-76.  Viceroy  refused  to  pay  for  a  church.  In  1794  a  few  gente  de 
razon  and  free  Indians  tended  by  padre  of  Todos  Santos  12  leagues  distant. 
P.  Lafuente  serving  as  curate  in  1795,  succeeded  by  Arbiua  in  1796.  He  was 
allowed  2  head  of  \vild  cattle  per  month.  Population  given  as  varying  from 
700  to  500  in  1790-1800,  of  whom  less  than  200  were  Indians. 

Todos  Santos,  at  first  a  visita  of  La  Paz  founded  in  1720,  but  later  made 
the  head  town  of  the  mission  and  transferred  to  the  Pacific  coast  of  the 
peninsula.  In  1768-72  it  was  in  charge  of  the  Franciscans  Ramos,  Murguia, 
Figuer,  Senra,  and  Sanchez.  The  Dominican  in  charge  from  1790  to  1798 
was  Padre  Fernandez  with  Hontiyuelo  in  1797.  This  mission  had  a  good 
adobe  church,  and  a  chapel,  perhaps  of  masonry,  was  built  before  1786.  The 
padre's  house  had  a  stone  corridor  in  1793-4.  There  were  also  a  sugar-mill 
with  5  boilers,  a  forge,  and  a  distillery.  $4,000  due  the  mission  in  1772,  and 
a  debt  .of  $2,081  was  paid  in  1784.  There  were  170  Ind.  in  1772;  135  in  1782; 
80  in  1791,  and  181  in  1800.  There  were  140  horses  in  1772;  from  462  to  751 
in  1782-93,  and  390,  in  1800.  Cattle:  400  in  1772;  888  in  1782,  and  in  later 
years  about  720.  Sheep  and  goats,  250-70  in  1772-82,  not  mentioned  later. 
Mules,  from  75  to  125. 

Santiago  de  los  Coras,  mission  founded  1723.  Franciscans,  1768-72,  PP. 
Murguia,  Rioboo,  and  Villuendas;  besides  P.  Baeza  as  curate.  The  Domin 
ican  Hontiyuelo  in  charge  1790-4.  70  Ind.  in  1772,  living  by  killing  stray 
cattle;  43  in  1782;  41  in  1790;  23  in  1791;  70  in  1793-4.  Horses  and  mules, 
90  to  250;  cattle,  250  to  600;  sheep  and  goats,  80.  Crops,  from  30  to  150 
fan.  Resources  in  1784,  $248.  In  1795  the  mission  was  suppressed  by  order 
of  Gov.  Borica,  the  neophytes  being  sent  to  San  Jose",  and  the  estate  turned 
over  to  Salvador  Castro. 

San  Francisco  Javier,  founded  1698,  but  transferred  about  1720  to  S. 
Pablo,  one  of  its  visitas.  Franciscan  PP.  1768-72,  Palou,  Escudero,  Usson, 
and  Parron,  who  baptized  83  and  buried  115  Ind.  Dominicans  Soldevilla 
1790-8,  with  Acebedo  in  1794,  and  Marin  in  1797.  Some  vines,  fruit,  and 
corn,  much  troubled  by  drought  and  locusts.  212  Ind.  1772;  from  169  to  111 
in  1782-1800.  Horses  and  mules  varied  1782-1800  from  100  to  200;  cattle, 
from  200  to  300;  sheep  and  goats  from  500  to  600,  though  there  had  been 
1,000  in  1772.  Grain  crops  were  from  200  to  350  fan. ;  and  there  were  some 
years  50  or  60  tinajas  of  wine.  In  1793  the  mission  had  a  stone  house  and 
church,  a  library,  and  a  forge.  Resources,  $565  in  1782-4. 

•  Loreto,  mission  and  presidio,  founded  1697.     Franciscans  1768-72,  Serra, 
Parrou,  Sta  Maria,  Palou,  and  Murguia.     Mission  endowed  by  Galvez  with 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  739 

and  the  record  comparatively  complete.  Next  is 
given  a  series  of  local  items  for  the  peninsula  missions 
from  .1768  to  1800.  Reports  on  these  establishments 
were  made  by  the  president  to  the  governor  in  Mon 
terey,  and  therefore  these  reports  after  1782  are  found 
in  my  Archive  de  California.  They  show  a  popula- 

$•250  per  year  in  1770.  Dominicans  1790-8,  Armestro,  Pallas,  Gallego,  Ace- 
bedo,  Fernandez,  Belda,  and  Sanz.  1GO  Ind.  in  1772;  70  in  1782;  152  in 
1790;  37  in  1798.  The  total  population  of  mission  and  presidio  in  1790-1800 
was  from  450  to  600,  more  than  half  being  of"  Spanish  or  mixed  blood.  The 
presidio  had  a  few  hundred  head  of  horses  and  cattle,  but  statistics  are  very 
meagre,  and  there  are  none  at  all  for  agriculture.  The  mission  live-stock 
was  100  to  250  horses  and  mules,  and  120  to  350  cattle,  but  there  were  no 
sheep.  There  are  no  reports  of  crops,  which  were  very  small.  The  church 
in  1793-4  was  chiefly  of  brick,  56  x  7  varas  in  size,  and  richly  decorated.  The 
library  contained  466  volumes. 

Comondii  (S.  Jose"),  founded  1708.  Franciscans  1768-72,  Martinez,  Pres- 
tamero,  and  Pefia.  Dominicans  1794-9,  Tejeiro,  Coello,  and  Sanchez.  216 
Ind,  in  1772;  80-70  in  1782-90;  50  in  1793-4;  40  in  1798;  28  in  1800.  This 
mission  had  generally  1,200  or  1,300  sheep,  but  few  or  no  cattle;  horses  and 
mules  were  from  300  to  200,  and  there  were  20  to  40  swine.  Crops  were  from 
300  to  400fanegas  down  to  1793,  with  35  to  120  tinajas  of  wine  and  brandy; 
but  later  the  grain  crop  seems  to  have  diminished  to  100  fan.  and  less.  Re 
sources  were  estimated  at  over  $2,000  in  1782-4.  The  church  was  built  of 
masonry  with  arched  roof,  30  x  13  varas  with  3  naves,  and  richly  furnished. 
The  library  had  126  volumes. 

Purisima  Concepcion  de  Cadegomo,  founded  1718.  Franciscans  Crespf, 
Gaston,  Echasco,  and  Palacios,  who  baptized  39.  The  only  Dominican 
named  is  Sanchez  in  1794-8.  168  Ind.  in  1772;  81  in  1782,  decreas 
ing  to  61  in  1800.  Live-stock  varied  remarkably  if  the  records  are  relia 
ble:  horses  and  mules,  164  in  1782;  80  in  1788;  263  in  1800;  cattle,  60,  422, 
51,  150;  sheep,  400,  2,000,  896;  hogs,  30  to  40.  Grain  crop,  100  to  400  fan., 
besides  40  to  100  tiuajas  of  wine  and  bandy,  and  an  abundance  of  figs.  Some 
cotton  was  raised  in  early  years.  There  was  often  too  much  water.  Adobe 
church  with  thatched  roof,  25  x  6.5  varas.  Few  ornaments.  Library  of  200 
volumes. 

Mulege"  (Sta  Rosalia),  founded  1705;  Franciscans  1768-72,  Gaston,  Sierra, 
and  Arreguibar,  who  baptized  48  and  buried  113.  Damaged  by  flood  in  1770. 
Dominicans — who  found  it  nearly  deserted  and  spent  $3,000  on  irrigation 
works  before  1786— PP.  Narango  1783,  Herrera  1790,  Gallego  1795-1800, 
Timon  1800.  180  Ind.  in  1772;  75  in  1782;  56  in  1793;  76  in  179.8;  90  in  1800. 
Horses  and  mules,  113  in  1782;  84  in  1787;  190  in  1793;  148  in  1800;  cattle, 
75  to  100,  sometimes  none;  sheep  and  goats,  1,100  to  412  in  1772-86;  about 
275,  1788-1800.  Crops,  400  to  500  fan.,  besides  a  quantity  of  wine,  brandy, 
and  cotton. 

Guadalupe,  founded  1720.  Franciscans  1768-72,  Sancho  de  la  Torre, 
Villaumbrales,  and  Lago,  who  baptized  53  and  buried  130.  The  only  Domini 
can  named  is  Arbinain  1794.  140  Ind.  in  1772;  84  in  1790;  73-4  in  1791-5. 
Fine  pasturage.  Horses  and  mules  slowly  decreased  from  180  in  1772  to  108 
in  1794;  cattle  increased  from  200  to  500;  sheep  and  goats  decreased  from 
1,300  to  486.  Crops,  200  to  75  fan.  Adobe  church  32  x  7  varas.  Padre's 
house  with  5  rooms.  This  mission  was  suppressed  in  1795,  the  neophytes  be 
ing  sent  to  Purisima. 

San  Ignacio,  founded  1728.  Franciscans  1768-72,  Campa  y  Cos,  Veytia, 
and  Legoinera,  who  baptized  15  (?)  and  buried  293.  Dominicans,  Gomez  to 
1793,  Calvo,  1794-5;  Llorente,  1796;  Timon,  1795-8.  558  Ind.  in  1772;  241  in 


740  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

tion  increasing  from  1782  to  1800,  chiefly  by  conver 
sions  at  the  new  missions,  from  3,000  to  4,500;  and 
of  this  number  from  400  to  800  appear  to  have  been  of 
Spanish  and  mixed  race.  Live-stock  in  1782  included 
in  round  numbers  1,700  horses,  600  mules,  200  asses, 

1782;  216  in  1790;  169  in  1794;  133  in  1798;  130  in  1800.  Horses  and  mules 
increased  from  100  to  340  in  1782-1800;  cattle,  87  in  1772;  afterwards  500, 
300,  500;  sheep  and  goats  generally  about  1,000.  Crops,  750  to  1,000  fan.  of 

Cin,  90  to  400  tinajas  of  wine,  and  some  cotton.     This  mission  had  good 
d  and  raised  much  fruit,   such  as  figs,  dates,  and  pomegranates.     The 
church,  completed  by  the  Dominicans  before  1786,  was  of  stone  with  arched 
roof  44  x  7.5  varas,  the  finest  in  the  country,  as  were  all  the  buildings. 

Santa  Gertrudis,  founded  1752.  Franciscans  1768-72,  Basterra,  Sancho, 
and  Amurrio,  who  baptized  254  and  buried  403;  marrying  102.  Dominican, 
Espin,  1794-8.  There  were  1138  Ind.  in  1772;  but  in'] 782-1800  they  dwin 
dled  from  317  to  203.  Horses  and  mules  varied  from  100  to  200,  generally 
about  150;  cattle  decreased  from  800  in  1772  to  212  in  1782,  329  in  1787,  80 
in  1800;  sheep  and  goats  multiplied  from  610  in  1772  to  2,770  in  1800.  Crops, 
278  to  126  fan. ,  with  100  to  19  tinajas  wine  before  1785.  But  little  good  land 
or  water.  Resources,  $62  in  1782,  $351  in  1784.  Poor  adobe  church. 

San  Francisco  de  Borja,  founded  1759.  Franciscans,  1768-72,  Lasuen  and 
Senra,  who  baptized  401  and  buried  499.  Dominicans,  Zavaleta,  1783;  Sal- 
gado,  1795-9;  Pous,  1797-1800;  Lazaro,  1797-9.  1,479  Ind.  in  1772;  650  to 
400  in  1782-1800.  Horses  and  mules,  257  to  130;  cattle,  500  in  1772,  366- 
400  in  1782-8;  123-31  in  1793-1800;  sheep  and  goats,  2, 600-3, 000  in  1772-88, 
1,400-1,000  in  1793-1800.  Crops  generally  about  350  fan.,  with  5-40  tin. 
wine  and  brandy.  Adobe  church  32-7  varas.  Stone  house. 

San  Fernando  de  Velicata,  founded  1769  by  Franciscans  (or  rather  trans 
ferred  from  Santa  Maria  which  had  been  founded  in  1766).  PP.  Campa, 
Fuster,  Linares,  and  Cambon,  who  baptized  380  and  buried  12.  296  Ind.  in 
1772,  642  in  1782,  479  in  1790,  525  in  1794,  363  in  1800.  Dominicans,  Coello, 
1794-7,  Arbiiia,  1797-9,  Caulas,  1797.  Horses  and  mules,  30-80;  cattle, 
49,  152,  38,  110;  sheep,  84,  460,  153;  hogs,  22,  32,  3,  13.  Crops,  about  1000 
fan.  in  1782-7,  99  fan.  in  1788,  767-660  in  1793-1800.  Some  cotton.  Adobe 
church  and  house. 

Rosario,  founded  1774  by  Dominicans.  PP.  Galisteo  1775,  Gandiaga 
1790,  Fernandez  to  1792,  Belda  1794-7,  Rivas  1798.  251  Ind.  in  1782,  348  in 
1790,  390  in  1793,  257  in  1800.  Horses  and  mules,  93,  68,  112;  cattle, 
140-300;  sheep  and  goats,  428,  1,133,  790;  swine,  55,  94,  30.  Crops,  624-2,554 
fan.,  large  and  small  alternate  years.  Resources  in  1782-4,  $224.  Adobe 
church  and  house. 

Santo  Domingo,  founded  1775.  PP.  Garcia  1775-6,  Hidalgo  1775, 
Aivar  1790,  Abad  1794-8,  Codina  1797.  79  Ind.  in  1782,  205  in  1790,  194 
in  1791,  296  in  1793,  257  in  1SOO.  Horses  and  mules,  90,  55,  166;  cattle, 
167,  39,  300,  500;  sheep,  53,  49,  116,  200,  1,100;  hogs,  29,  5,  12,  30;  crops, 
410,  692,  300,  1,620  fan.  Adobe  church  and  house. 

San  Vicente  Ferrer,  founded  1780.  PP.  Hidalgo,  Valero,  Gallego,  Ruiz, 
Pallas,  Valdellon,  Lopez,  and  Fontcuberta.  83  Ind.  in  1782,  257  in  1785,  179 
in  1793,  246  in  1800.  Horses  and  mules,  46,  116,  93,  218,  161;  cattle,  56,  242, 
750;  sheep,  141,  817,  600,  1,300.  Crops,  347,  510,  904,  400,  760  fan.  Adobe 
church  and  house. 

San  Miguel,  founded  1787.  PP.  Cruzado,  Apolinario,  Yoldi,  Lopez,  and 
Escola.  171  Ind.  in  1793,  206  in  1794,  224  in  1800.  Horses  and  mules, 
100-328;  cattle,  152?  250,  1,350;  sheep  and  goats,  644,  447,  1,651.  Crop  in 
1788,  550  fan.  Adobe  church  and  house. 

Santo  Tomas,  founded  1791;  moved  in  1794.    PP.  Llorente  1791-8,  Lopez 


LIST  OF  DOMINICANS. 


741 


3,900  cattle,  8,400  sheep,  and  100  swine;  and  these 
numbers  were  nearly  doubled  at  the  end  of  the  cen 
tury;  though  they  were  considerably  diminished  down 
to  1788.  Grain  crops  varied  from  3,500  to  13,000 
fanegas  per  year,  being  7,000  fanegas,  or  10,500 
bushels,  on  an  average;  and  the  country  also  produced 
small  quantities  of  wine,  brandy,  cotton,  and  fruits. 

1797,  Fontcuberta  1798.  96  Ind.  in  1791,  151  in  1794,  262  in  1800.  Horses 
and  mules,  172-187;  cattle,  350-1,070;  she*p  and  goats,  650-2,400.  Crops, 
652,  782,  1,550  fan.  Adobe  church  and  house. 

San  Pedro  Martyr,  founded  1794.  PP.  Pallas  and  Grijalva,  1794,  Caba- 
llero  1695,  Rivas  and  Apolinario  1797-8,  Caulas  1798.  60  Ind.  in  1794,  92  in 
1800.  140  horses  and  mules,  600  cattle,  700  sheep  and  goats,  and  50  swine  in 
1800.  Crop,  435  fan.  in  1800. 

Santa  Cataliua  Martyr,  founded  1797.  PP.  Valdellon  and  Llorente.  133 
Ind.  in  1800,  145  horses  and  mules,  315  cattle;  and  312  sheep  and  goats  in 
1800.  Crop,  31  fan. 


List  of  Dominican  padres  in  Baja  California,  1773-1800,  the  dates  at 
tached  to  each  name  being  generally  not  those  of  arrival  and  departure,  but 
of  first  and  last  appearance  on  the  records : 


Abad,  Miguel,  1791-8. 
Acebedo,  Pedro,  to  1798. 
Aivar,  Jose,  1790. 
Apolinario,  Mariano,  1786-98. 
Arbiiia,  Rafael,  1795-8. 
Armesto,  Jose,  1790. 
Belda,  Vicente,  1794-1800. 
Berraguero,  Antonio,  1793. 
Caballero,  Antonio,  to  1798. 
Caballero,  Rafael,  to  1798. 
Calvo,  Joaquin,  to  1795. 
Caulas,  Jose",  1797-8. 
Codina,  Jaime,  1797-8. 
Coello,  Jorge,  1789-99. 
Coucepcion,  Antonio,  to  1798. 
Conouse  (?),  Jos£,  1796-8. 
Cruzado,  Antonio,  1777. 
Escola,  Raimundo,  1797-1800. 
Espin,  Jose,  1794-9. 
Estevez,  Jose,  1776-96. 
Fernandez,  Mariano,  1790-8. 
Fernandez,  Vicente,  1792. 
Fontcuberta,  Sigismundo,  1798-1800. 
Galisteo,  Francisco,  1775. 
Gallego,  Miguel,  1790-1880. 
Gandara,  Pedro  (?). 
Gandiaga,  Pedro,  1790. 
Garcia,  Manuel,  1775. 
Gomez.  Juan  Cris6stomo,  1781-92. 
Grijalva,  Juan  Pablo,  1794. 
Herrera,  Jose,  1793-6. 
Hidalgo,  Miguel,  1780-6. 
Hontiyuelo,  Francisco,  1790-8. 


Lafuente,  Jose,  1774-96. 
Ldzaro,  Antonio,  1797-8. 
Llorente,  Jose,  1789-98. 
Lopez,  Miguel,  1795-8. 
Lopez,  Ramon,  from  1796. 
Luesma,  Antonio. 
Marin,  Tomas,  1788-98. 

Mesa, ,  1793. 

Mora,  Vicente,  from  1772-83. 
Munoz,  Nicolas,  1779. 
Naranjo,  Jos3,  to  1783. 
Pallas,  Cayetano,  1788-1800. 
Pens',  Melchor,  1794-1800. 
Rivas,  Juan,  1797-8. 
Ruiz,  Jose,  Manuel,  1790. 
Soles,  Luis,  1772-88. 
Salgado,  Juan  Maria,  1798-9. 
Sanchez,  Antonio,  1794-8. 
Santolarra,  Jos6. 
Sanz,  Placido,  1797-8. 
Solde villa,  Ger6nimo.  1790-8. 
Surroca,  Eudaldo,  1797-8. 
Tejeiro,  Ricardo,  1794-7. 
Timon,  Domingo,  1795-8. 
Urreta,  Jos<§  Vida,  to  1793. 
Valdellon,  Tomas,  1794-8. 
Valero,  Joaquin,   1779-96. 

Verduzco, ,  1783. 

Villatoro,  Jos6  Garcia,  1780-96. 
Yoldi,  Mariano,  1794-7. 
Zarate,  Pablo,  1794-8. 
Zavaleta,  Martin,  1783. 


742  ANNALS  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA. 

Finally  is  given  an  alphabetical  list  of  sixty-five  Do 
minican  friars  who  served  in  this  field  before  1800. 
It  is  probable  that  a  few  names  are  missing  for  the 
earlier  years.  Of  the  friars  personally  not  much  is 
known  beyond  their  names  and  in  some  cases  the 
missions  where  they  served.  The  presidents  have 
been  named  in  this  chapter;  and  two  or  three  black 
sheep  of  the  flock  it  is  as  well  not  to  name,  since  their 
shortcomings  are  but  vaguely  recorded. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

OCCUPATION  OF  ALTA  ^CALIFORNIA. 
1769-1800. 

DISCOVERY  AND  COAST  EXPLORATION— KNOWLEDGE  OF  CALIFORNIA  IN  1769 — 
MOTIVES  FOR  THE  CONQUEST — PORTOLA'S  EXPEDITION — AT  SAN  DIEGO — 
To  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO  BY  LAND — FOUNDING  OF  MISSIONS— 
JUXIPERO  SERRA  AS  PRESIDENT— RESULTS  IN  1773— FAGES,  RIVERA,  AND 
ANZA— DISASTER  AT  SAN  DIEGO— SAN  FRANCISCO  MISSION  AND  PKE- 
SIDIO — GOVERNOR  NEVE  AT  MONTEREY — STATISTICS  FOR  THE  FIRST  DE 
CADE — TROUBLE  ON  THE  COLORADO— GOVERNOR  FACES— PUEBLOS — 
LASUEN  AS  PRESIDENT — LA  PEROUSE — NEW  FOUNDATIONS — A  DECADE 
OF  PROSPERITY — ROMEU,  ARRILLAGA,  AND  BORICA — VANCOUVER — 
YANKEE  CRAFT — FEARS  OF  FOREIGN  AGGRESSION — END  OF  THE  CENTURY — 
ELEMENTS  OF  PROGRESS. 

As  explained  in  the  preface  of  this  work,  a  History 
of  the  North  Mexican  States  must  necessarily  include 
the  annals  of  California,  Arizona,  and  New  Mexico, 
which  down  to  1846  formed  a  part  of  the  territory; 
but  only  a  brief  resumd  is  required,  because  the  prov 
inces  named  are  to  be  fully  treated  in  separate  vol 
umes.  This  resume,  so  far  as  New  Mexico  and 
Arizona  are  concerned,  has  been  attached  to  chapters 
on  Nueva  Vizcaya  and  Sonora;  and  it  only  remains 
to  devote  a  short  chapter  to  Upper  California.  The 
discovery  and  exploration  of  this  country  by  sea,  be 
ginning  in  1540,,  were  effected  by  voyages  which  have 
been  sufficiently  recorded  in  this  volume.  The  result 
\vas  a  general  knowledge  of  the  coast-trend  up  past 
Cape  Mendocino;  of  the  Santa  Barbara  channel  and 
islands;  of  the  ports  of  San  Diego,  Monterey,  and 
old  San  Francisco  under  Point  Reyes;  and  to  some 
extent  of  the  country's  peaceful  people,  salubrious  cli- 

(743) 


741  OCCUPATION  OF  ALTA  CALIFORNIA. 

mate,  and  fertile  soil.  This  chapter  will  therefore  be 
confined  to  the  Spanish  occupation  of  the  province 
from  1769  to  1800,  the  same  period  and  territory 
being  covered  in  all  desirable  detail  by  the  first  vol 
ume  of  my  History  of  California. 

Besides  the  general  and  ever  operative  desire  for 
extension  of  Spanish  dominion  arid  conversion  of  new 
gentiles,  leading  motives  for  the  occupation  of  Cali 
fornia  in  1769  were  the  need  of  a  northern  port  for 
galleons  en  route  from  Manila  to  Acapulco,  and  fear 
of  encroachments  by  foreigners  from  the  north,  either 
by  the  English  sailing  through  the  strait  of  Anian, 
or  more  probably  by  Russians  crossing  that  strait. 
The  actual  undertaking  of  the  enterprise  was  favored 
by  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  fitting-out  of 
the  Sonora  expedition  calling  attention  to  the  great 
north-west;  and  success  was  assured  by  the  superin 
tendence  assumed  by  the  visitador  general  Jose  de 
Galvez.  Under  his  direction,  as  we  have  seen,  an  ex 
pedition  was  -despatched  from  the  peninsula  in  the 
spring  of  1769  by  sea  and  land  under  the  command 
of  Governor  Portola. 

In  July  the  four  divisions  were  reunited  at  San 
Diego,  those  who  came  by  water  having  suffered  ter 
ribly  from  scurvy,  which  killed  many  of  the  number. 
There  were  about  eighty  men  of  Spanish  blood  now 
united  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  promised 
land.  Father  Junipero  Serra  at  once  founded  the 
first  mission  at  San  Diego,  though  there  were  no  con 
verts  for  a  long  time  and  the  missionaries  were  con 
stantly  annoyed  by  the  thefts  and  petty  hostilities  of 
the  natives.  Meanwhile  Portola  and  Father  Juan 
Crespi  with  the  main  company  marched  northward  in 
quest  of  Monterey,  which  port  they  reached  in  Octo 
ber,  but  did  not  recognize  because  of  the  exaggerated 
notions  respecting  its  excellence  that  had  become  cur 
rent  since  the  time  of  Vizcaino.  Then  they  went  on 
until  they  caine  in  sight  of  Point  Reyes  and  its  port 
of  San  Francisco,  which  they  could  not  reach  on  ac- 


FOUNDING  OF  MONTEREY.  745 

count  of  a  grand  intervening  bay  now  seen  by  Euro- 

Eeans  for  the  first  time,  and  to  which  a  few  years 
iter  the  name  of  San  Francisco  was  transferred. 
Returning  by  the  same  route  down  the  coast  the  ex 
plorers  arrived  at  San  Diego  in  January  1770.  There 
was  trouble  here  for  wrant  of  supplies,  and  a  day  was 
fixed  for  the  abandonment  of  California;  but  a  ship 
arrived  most  opportunely  in  March,  and  disaster  was 
averted. 

A  new  start  was  made  immediately  for  the  north 
by  land  and  water,  and  early  in  June  1770  the  mission 
and  presidio  of  San  Carlos  were  founded  at  Monterey, 
Lieutenant  Pedro  Fages  succeeding  to  the  chief  com 
mand,  arid  Portola  retiring.  For  a  long  time  the  name 
applied  to  the  country  was  "the  new  establishments 
of  San  Diego  and  Monterey."  In  1771  the  friars 
were  reenforced  and  two  new  missions  were  estab 
lished,  San  Antonio  in  the  north  and  San  Gabriel  in 
the  south;  while  the  central  mission  of  San  Luis 
Obispo  wras  added  the  next  }^ear.  In  1772  Fages  and 
Crespi  reached  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  in  an  un 
successful  attempt  to  pass  around  the  new  bay  and 
reach  old  San  Francisco;  quarrels  began  between  the 
military  and  missionary  authorities  as  represented  by 
Fages  and  Serra;  and  the  latter  went  to  Mexico  not 
only  to  unseat  his  enemy  but  to  work  for  general 
mission  interests. 

The  Franciscans  had  now  made  a  good  beginning 
in  the  north,  and  were  pleased  with  the  prospects. 
Besides  the  presidio  with  its  garrison  of  sixty  soldiers 
there  were  now  five  missions  under  nineteen  friars — 
including  those  released  by  the  cession  of  the  penin 
sula  establishments  to  the  Dominicans  in  1772—3 — 
who  had  baptized  about  five  hundred  natives.  Live 
stock  numbered  200  cattle,  60  horses,  80  mules,  100 
swine,  and  160  sheep  and  goats.  Serra  toiled  dili 
gently  in  Mexico,  inspiring- the  government  with  a 
degree  of  his  own  enthusiasm  respecting  the  future  of 
the  new  California,  and  obtaining  many  concessions 


746  OCCUPATION  OF  ALTA  CALIFORNIA. 

in  a  reglamento  which  provided  a  military  force  of 
eighty  men  to  cost,  with  the  San  Bias  supply  depart 
ment,  about  73,000  pesos  per  year.  President  Serra 
returned  to  his  mission  field  in  March,  1774;  Captain 
Rivera  y  Moncada,  appointed  to  the  command  on 
account  of  Padre  Junipero's  enmity  to  Fages,  arrived 
in  May;  and  Captain  Anza  made  an  exploring  expe 
dition  to  open  a  route  from  Sonora  by  land. 

In  1775  Perez  and  Bodega  explored  the  northern 
coast;  while  Ayala  in  the  San  Carlos  and  Heceta  by 
land  made  a  new  examination,  as  Rivera  and  Palou 
had  done  the  year  before,  of  the  new  bay  and  penin 
sula,  where,  instead  o'f  at  the  port  originally  so  named, 
it  was  decided  to  establish  the  mission  of  San  Fran 
cisco.  But  in  the  south  this  year  was  marked  by  a 
great  disaster,  the  destruction  of  San  Diego  mission, 
moved  the  year  before  to  a  site  some  six  miles  from 
the  bay,  and  the  murder  of  Padre  Jaume  by  savages 
in  November.  Meanwhile  Anza  with  a  company  of 
over  two  hundred  souls  and  large  numbers  of  cattle 
and  horses  came  from  Sonora  by  the  previously  ex 
plored  route,  arriving  at  San  Gabriel  in  January  1776. 
This  company  was  intended  mainly  for  the  proposed 
northern  establishments;  and  after  delays  caused  by 
the  disaster  at  San  Diego  and  subsequent  controversy 
between  Anza  and  Rivera,  the  mission  arid  presidio 
of  San  Francisco  were  founded  on  the  peninsula  in 
September  and  October,  to  be  the  northern  frontier 
of  Spanish  occupation  throughout  the  century. 

Besides  the  restoration  of  San  Diego  two  new  mis 
sions  were  added  to  the  number  in  1776-7,  San  Juan 
Capistrano  in  the  south,  and  Santa  Clara  in  the  north. 
Now  Monterey  was  made  the  capital  of  both  Califor- 
nias,  and  Governor  Felipe  de  Neve  came  here  to  re 
side  in  February  1777.  Before  the  end  of  the  year 
the  first  Californian  pueblo,  or  town,  was  founded  at 
San  Jose,  the  new  ruler  not  regarding  the  conversion 
of  natives  as  the  only  desirable  element  in  the  building 
of  a  new  Spanish  realm.  In  1779  the  Manila  galleon 


THE  FIRST  DECADE.  747 

touched  for  the  first  time  at  Monterey.  In  1780  at 
the  end  of  the  first  decade  of  Californian  annals,  the 
country  was  guarded  by  80  soldiers  in  three  presidios; 
there  was  one  pueblo  with  some  20  settlers;  while  16 
friars  were  serving  3,000  native  converts  in  eight  mis 
sions.  Agriculture  and  stock-raising  had  been  intro 
duced  with  flattering  prospects;  and  there  was  a 
population  of  Spanish  and  mixed  race  amounting  to 
nearly  500  souls. 

A  new  reglamento  prepared  by  Governor  Neve 
went  into  effect  in  1781,  increasing  the  military  force 
to  about  two  hundred  men,  providing  for  new  estab 
lishments,  and  introducing  desirable  reforms  in  several 
phases  of  provincial  management,  but  at  the  same  time 
paving  the  way  for  trouble  with  the  friars  by  certain 
measures  clearly  intended  eventually  to  interfere  with 
their  exclusive  control  of  the  mission  temporalities. 
These  innovations  produced  a  controversy  in  Mexico 
between  guardian  and  viceroy;  but  they  were  practi 
cally  nullified  in  consequence  of  unfortunate  occur 
rences  in  south-eastern  California  on  the  Colorado 
River.  Here  two  missions  were  founded  in  1780  by 
the  Queretaro  Franciscans,  without  the  protection  of 
a  presidio,  and  without  any  other  than  purely  spiritual 
powers  being  conferred  on  the  friars.  In  July  1781 
these  missions  were  destroyed  by  the  savages,  who 
murdered  the  padres  with  some  fifty  settlers  and  sol 
diers.  This  disaster  was  a  strong  argument  for  the 
friars  against  any  change  in  the  system  of  spiritual 
conquest;  and  affairs  were  allowed  to  go  on  practically 
in  the  old  way.  Captain  Rivera,  on  his  way  to  Califor 
nia  with  a  portion  of  the  reinforcements  intended  for 
the  proposed  Santa  Barbara  Channel  establishments, 
was  also  killed  with  some  of  his  men  at  the  Colorado 
River  massacre;  and  this  occurrence  with  its  attend 
ant  circumstances  seriously  retarded  progress  on  the 
coast. 

Governor  Neve  was  succeeded  in  1782   by  Lieu- 


748  OCCUPATION  OF  ALTA  CALIFORNIA. 

tenant-colonel  Fages,  the  former  comanclante,  who 
ruled  the  province  until  1790.  Junipero  Serra  the 
founder  governed  the  missions  as  president  until  his 
death  in  1784;  and  after  a  brief  rule  ad  interim  by 
Francisco  Palou,  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen  became 
president  in  1785.  There  was  much  controversy  on 
paper  between  the  political  and  Franciscan  authorities 
respecting  various  minor  points  of  mission  management; 
but  by  reason  of  Lasuen's  conciliatory  spirit  and  Fages' 
good  sense  the  hostile  feeling  was  less  bitter  than  in 
earlier  and  later  times;  and  the  period  was  one  of 
quiet  progress  uninterrupted  by  serious  disasters. 
During  the  decade  five  new  establishments  were 
added  to  the  fifteen  before  existing:  Los  Angeles 
pueblo  in  1781,  San  Buenaventura  mission  and  Santa 
Barbara  presidio  in  1782,  Santa  Barbara  mission  in 
1786,  and  Purisima  in  1787.  There  were  in  1790 
eleven  missions  with  7,500  converts  in  charge  of 
twenty-six  Franciscans;  four  presidios  garrisoned  by 
200  soldiers;  and  two  pueblos  with  a  population  of 
about  220.  The  total  population  of  gente  de  razon 
was  1,000.  Cattle  and  horses  had  increased  to  26,000, 
and  there  were  about  the  same  number  of  sheep  and 
goats.  Of  commerce,  however,  there  was  as  yet  none, 
save  in  the  form  of  projects  for  the  future.  Maritime 
intercourse  with  foreign  nations  began  in  1786  with 
the  visit  of  the  French  navigator  La  Perouse,  the 

O 

printed  narrative  of  whose  voyage  gave  the  world  an 
excellent  description  of  California  and  its  institutions. 
There  were  warnings  in  1789  of  prospective  unfriendly 
visits  from  General  Washington's  Yankee  cruisers, 
but  they  did  not  come.  Father  Palou  published  in 
1787  a  standard  chronicle  of  mission  annals  for  the 
earliest  period,  and  I  copy  his  map  of  the  Alta  Cal 
ifornia  establishments. 

The  third  decade  and  last  of  the  century  brought 
but  a  continuance  of  prosperity,  especially  for  the 
missions,  which  were  increased  in  number  from  eleven 


STATISTICS  OF  PROGRESS. 


749 


to  eighteen  by  the  founding  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Sole- 
dad  in  1791;  San  Jose,  San  Juan  Bautista,  San  Mi 
guel,  and  San  Fernando  in  1797;  and  San  Luis  Hey 
in  1798.  The  neophyte  population  was  nearly  doubled, 
being  13,500  in  the  year  1800.  Some  padres  died  or 
left  the  country,  but  others  came  from  Mexico  to  take 
their  places,  and  their  number  increased  from  26  to 
40.  Cattle  and  horses  multiplied  to  about  70,000; 
sheep  and  goats  to  nearly  90,000;  and  crops'varied 
from  30,000  to  75,000  bushels  per  year.  Mission 


PALOU'S  MAP  OF  CALIFORNIA  MISSIONS. 

buildings  and  chattels  were  estimated  at  about  a  mill 
ion  pesos.  Notwithstanding  this  prosperity,  there 
were  indications  of  later  decadence,  especially  in  the 
excess  of  deaths  over  births  among  the  converts,  and 
the  increasing  number  of  apostate  fugitives;  yet  the 
retrograde  movement  was  not  to  begin  for  years,  and 
at  the  end  of  the  century  California  was  beyond  all 
comparison  the  most  promising  mission  field  in  all  the 
North  Mexican  States.  Controversies  continued,  and 
charges  by  one  of  the  friars  led  to  a  searching  investi 
gation  of  the  missionary  methods,  the  result  of  which 


750  OCCUPATION  OF  ALTA  CALIFORNIA. 

was 'creditable  to  the  Franciscans.  Father  Lasuen 
remained  in  charge  throughout  the  period  as  presi 
dent  and  vicar. 

The  pueblos  were  much  less  prosperous  than  the 
missions,  a  new  one  of  Branciforte,  founded  in  1797, 
showing  results  even  less  satisfactory  than  the  old 
ones  of  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles.  The  three  reached 
a  population  of  about  550  souls.  Earnest  efforts  were 
made  by  the  rulers  to  favor  the  growth  of  the  towns 
and  to  stimulate  the  settlement  and  industries  of  the 
country;  but  with  little  success,  for  the  settlers  were 
here  as  elsewhere  inefficient  men  disposed  to  be  con 
tent  with  a  bare  existence;  and  the  matter  was  made 
worse  by  the  mistaken  policy  of  sending  vagabonds 
and  even  convicts  to  increase  the  population.  The 
gente  de  razon  numbered  about  1,800  at  the  end  of 
the  decade. 

Governor  Jose'  Antonio  Romeu  succeeded  Fages  in 
1791,  dying  the  next  year;  Jose  Joaquin  Arrillaga 
ruled  in  1792-3,  ad  interim;  and  Diego  de  Borica 
from  1794  to  1800.  All  were  able  men  and  ruled 
wisely.  The  period  was  for  the  most  part  uneventful, 
but  for  occasional  local  excitements  caused  by  revolt 
ing  neophytes  and  threatening  gentiles.  The  Nootka 
troubles  between  Spain  and  England  awakened  some 
interest  in  California  in  1788-95,  and  in  connection 
with^this  affair  several  visits  were  received  from 
Spaniards  and  foreigners.  Most  notable  among  these 
was  the  English  navigator  Vancouver  who  came  three 
times  in  1792-4,  and  had  much  to  say  of  the  country 
in  the  published  narratives  of  his  voyages.  Several 
vessels  from  the  United  States  touched  on  the  coast, 
first  among  which  was  the  Otter  of  Boston,  commanded 
by  Captain  Dorr,  in  1796.  The  people  and  authori 
ties  were  always  in  fear  of  encroachments  from  foreign 
nations,  particularly  from  England  and  France;  and 
the  oft-repeated  rumors  of  impending  attack  furnished 
the  chief  topic  of  conversation  and  correspondence. 
No  foreign  power,  however,  made  the  attempt  to 


CONDITIONS  OF  PROSPERITY.  751 

wrest  this  far-off  province  from  Spain;  and  the  only- 
practical  result  of  the  excitement  was  a  degree  of  en 
forced  activity  in  strengthening  coast  defences,  weak 
enough  even  at  the  last,  and  the  obtaining  of  reenforce- 
ments — a  company  of  Catalan  volunteers  and  an  artil 
lery  detachment — which  increased  the  military  force 
to  about  380  men. 

Alta  California  was- thus  occupied  for  the  most  part 
without  resistance  from  the  peaceful  and  docile  na 
tives,  by  the  military  and  spiritual  forces  of  Spain. 
The  docility,  not  to  say  stupidity  of  the  Indians  as 
compared  with  those  of  most  other  North  Mexican 
provinces,  greatly  facilitated  the  success  of  the  mis 
sionaries;  which  was  also  favored  by  the  wonderful 
fertility  of  the  soil,  and  by  the  isolation  of  the  coun 
try,  and  the  absence  of  disturbing  elements,  such  as 
the  influence  of  a  vagabond  mining  population.  The 
settlers,  not  by  any  means  models,  were  yet  on  an 
average  superior  in  many  respects  to  those  in  other 
regions.  Officers  were  able  and  honest  men  who 
worked  faithfully,  if  not  always  with  energy  and  suc 
cess,  for  the  provincial  interests;  and  in  the  early 
times  there  were  no  instances  of  corruption  in  high 
places.  Soon  were  to  come  ships  from  different  lands 
for  Californian  products,  introducing  a  new  element 
of  prosperity;  but  the  good  friars  were  to  grow  old 
and  somewhat  too  rich;  foreigners  were  to  foment 
dissensions  as  well  as  ambition;  and  political  strife 
was  to  interrupt  the  happy  farniente  of  the  primitive 
days.  For  this,  as  for  all  the  other  territories  whose 
annals  we  have  followed  in  these  pages,  troubles  were 
in  store,  to  be  succeeded  more  speedily  here  than  else 
where  by  a  new  era  of  golden  prosperity. 


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